The Liquidation of Denikin and Yudenich October 1919 – March 1920
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Fitzgerald in the Late 1910S: War and Women Richard M
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Duquesne University: Digital Commons Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2009 Fitzgerald in the Late 1910s: War and Women Richard M. Clark Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Recommended Citation Clark, R. (2009). Fitzgerald in the Late 1910s: War and Women (Doctoral dissertation, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/416 This Immediate Access is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FITZGERALD IN THE LATE 1910s: WAR AND WOMEN A Dissertation Submitted to the McAnulty College and Graduate School Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Richard M. Clark August 2009 Copyright by Richard M. Clark 2009 FITZGERALD IN THE LATE 1910s: WAR AND WOMEN By Richard M. Clark Approved July 21, 2009 ________________________________ ________________________________ Linda Kinnahan, Ph.D. Greg Barnhisel, Ph.D. Professor of English Assistant Professor of English (Dissertation Director) (2nd Reader) ________________________________ ________________________________ Frederick Newberry, Ph.D. Magali Cornier Michael, Ph.D. Professor of English Professor of English (1st Reader) (Chair, Department of English) ________________________________ Christopher M. Duncan, Ph.D. Dean, McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts iii ABSTRACT FITZGERALD IN THE LATE 1910s: WAR AND WOMEN By Richard M. Clark August 2009 Dissertation supervised by Professor Linda Kinnahan This dissertation analyzes historical and cultural factors that influenced F. -
Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1891-1957, Record Group 85 New Orleans, Louisiana Crew Lists of Vessels Arriving at New Orleans, LA, 1910-1945
Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1891-1957, Record Group 85 New Orleans, Louisiana Crew Lists of Vessels Arriving at New Orleans, LA, 1910-1945. T939. 311 rolls. (~A complete list of rolls has been added.) Roll Volumes Dates 1 1-3 January-June, 1910 2 4-5 July-October, 1910 3 6-7 November, 1910-February, 1911 4 8-9 March-June, 1911 5 10-11 July-October, 1911 6 12-13 November, 1911-February, 1912 7 14-15 March-June, 1912 8 16-17 July-October, 1912 9 18-19 November, 1912-February, 1913 10 20-21 March-June, 1913 11 22-23 July-October, 1913 12 24-25 November, 1913-February, 1914 13 26 March-April, 1914 14 27 May-June, 1914 15 28-29 July-October, 1914 16 30-31 November, 1914-February, 1915 17 32 March-April, 1915 18 33 May-June, 1915 19 34-35 July-October, 1915 20 36-37 November, 1915-February, 1916 21 38-39 March-June, 1916 22 40-41 July-October, 1916 23 42-43 November, 1916-February, 1917 24 44 March-April, 1917 25 45 May-June, 1917 26 46 July-August, 1917 27 47 September-October, 1917 28 48 November-December, 1917 29 49-50 Jan. 1-Mar. 15, 1918 30 51-53 Mar. 16-Apr. 30, 1918 31 56-59 June 1-Aug. 15, 1918 32 60-64 Aug. 16-0ct. 31, 1918 33 65-69 Nov. 1', 1918-Jan. 15, 1919 34 70-73 Jan. 16-Mar. 31, 1919 35 74-77 April-May, 1919 36 78-79 June-July, 1919 37 80-81 August-September, 1919 38 82-83 October-November, 1919 39 84-85 December, 1919-January, 1920 40 86-87 February-March, 1920 41 88-89 April-May, 1920 42 90 June, 1920 43 91 July, 1920 44 92 August, 1920 45 93 September, 1920 46 94 October, 1920 47 95-96 November, 1920 48 97-98 December, 1920 49 99-100 Jan. -
Russia: the Impact of Climate Change to 2030: Geopolitical Implications
This paper does not represent US Government views. This page is intentionally kept blank. This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. Russia: The Impact of Climate Change to 2030: Geopolitical Implications Prepared jointly by CENTRA Technology, Inc., and Scitor Corporation The National Intelligence Council sponsors workshops and research with nongovernmental experts to gain knowledge and insight and to sharpen debate on critical issues. The views expressed in this report do not reflect official US Government positions. CR 2009-16 September 2009 This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. This page is intentionally kept blank. This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. Scope Note Following the publication in 2008 of the National Intelligence Assessment on the National Security Implications of Global Climate Change to 2030, the National Intelligence Council (NIC) embarked on a research effort to explore in greater detail the national security implications of climate change in six countries/regions of the world: India, China, Russia, North Africa, Mexico and the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia and the Pacific Island States. For each country/region we have adopted a three-phase approach. • In the first phase, contracted research explores the latest scientific findings on the impact of climate change in the specific region/country. For Russia, the Phase I effort was published as a NIC Special Report: Russia: Impact of Climate Change to 2030, A Commissioned Research Report (NIC 2009-04, April 2009). • In the second phase, a workshop or conference composed of experts from outside the Intelligence Community (IC) determines if anticipated changes from the effects of climate change will force inter- and intra-state migrations, cause economic hardship, or result in increased social tensions or state instability within the country/region. -
3. Energy Reserves, Pipeline Routes and the Legal Regime in the Caspian Sea
3. Energy reserves, pipeline routes and the legal regime in the Caspian Sea John Roberts I. The energy reserves and production potential of the Caspian The issue of Caspian energy development has been dominated by four factors. The first is uncertain oil prices. These pose a challenge both to oilfield devel- opers and to the promoters of pipelines. The boom prices of 2000, coupled with supply shortages within the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have made development of the resources of the Caspian area very attractive. By contrast, when oil prices hovered around the $10 per barrel level in late 1998 and early 1999, the price downturn threatened not only the viability of some of the more grandiose pipeline projects to carry Caspian oil to the outside world, but also the economics of basic oilfield exploration in the region. While there will be some fly-by-night operators who endeavour to secure swift returns in an era of high prices, the major energy developers, as well as the majority of smaller investors, will continue to predicate total production costs (including carriage to market) not exceeding $10–12 a barrel. The second is the geology and geography of the area. The importance of its geology was highlighted when two of the first four international consortia formed to look for oil in blocks off Azerbaijan where no wells had previously been drilled pulled out in the wake of poor results.1 The geography of the area involves the complex problem of export pipeline development and the chicken- and-egg question whether lack of pipelines is holding back oil and gas pro- duction or vice versa. -
Russia's Arctic Cities
? chapter one Russia’s Arctic Cities Recent Evolution and Drivers of Change Colin Reisser Siberia and the Far North fi gure heavily in Russia’s social, political, and economic development during the last fi ve centuries. From the beginnings of Russia’s expansion into Siberia in the sixteenth century through the present, the vast expanses of land to the north repre- sented a strategic and economic reserve to rulers and citizens alike. While these reaches of Russia have always loomed large in the na- tional consciousness, their remoteness, harsh climate, and inaccessi- bility posed huge obstacles to eff ectively settling and exploiting them. The advent of new technologies and ideologies brought new waves of settlement and development to the region over time, and cities sprouted in the Russian Arctic on a scale unprecedented for a region of such remote geography and harsh climate. Unlike in the Arctic and sub-Arctic regions of other countries, the Russian Far North is highly urbanized, containing 72 percent of the circumpolar Arctic population (Rasmussen 2011). While the largest cities in the far northern reaches of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland have maximum populations in the range of 10,000, Russia has multi- ple cities with more than 100,000 citizens. Despite the growing public focus on the Arctic, the large urban centers of the Russian Far North have rarely been a topic for discussion or analysis. The urbanization of the Russian Far North spans three distinct “waves” of settlement, from the early imperial exploration, expansion of forced labor under Stalin, and fi nally to the later Soviet development 2 | Colin Reisser of energy and mining outposts. -
19Th Amendment
19th Amendment It was a continuous, “ seemingly endless, chain of activity. Young suffragists who helped forge the last links of that chain were not born when it began. Old suffragists who forged the first links were dead Tennessee’s Ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, August 18, 1920 when it ended. National Archives, General Records of the United States Government — Carrie Chapman Catt and Nettie Rogers Shuler Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, June 4, 1919 National Archives, General Records of the United States Government ” The ratification of the 19th Amendmentwas a landmark moment in American Upon the word that Tennessee had ratified, Alice Paul unfurled the Woman’s history that dramatically changed the electorate. It enshrined in the United States Party ratification banner with its thirty-six stars, August 18, 1920 Courtesy of the Library of Congress Constitution fuller citizenship for women and a more expansive democracy for the nation. “ The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” — 19th Amendment, August 18, 1920 NH UT CA ME ND SD CO MT NE MN KY RI MO AR OR IN TX IA WY MA NV OH PA NJ NY KS ID MI AZ IL WI NM OK WV Why is Tennessee’s ratification of the 19th amendment significant? WA TN After Congress passed and proposed a end of March 1920 only one additional state woman suffrage amendment, three-fourths was needed for ratification. On August 18, or 36 states at that time, had to ratify the 1920, after calling a special session of the 19th Amendment before it could be added state legislature, Tennessee became the to the Constitution. -
Russia and Ukraine: Military-Strategic Options, and Possible Risks, for Moscow
Russia and Ukraine: Military-strategic options, and possible risks, for Moscow Johan Norberg & Fredrik Westerlund A further Russian military intervention in Ukraine would long-term strategic buffer zone against NATO without not only be damaging to the security of both Ukraine and taking significant military-strategic risks. Russia’s armed Europe. It could also entail significant military-strategic forces are nominally impressive in size, but are spread risks for Russia, reducing its military options in other thinly over the country’s enormous territory in peacetime, strategic directions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus. based on Russia’s current threat assessments. While Russian officials still claim they have a one- Russian strategic and doctrinal documents reveal a million-strong army, it may still face military-strategic world view that sees military threats and dangers from overstretch should the Kremlin decide to launch extended all directions. Apart from NATO expansion to Russia’s combat operations in Ukraine. What are the reasons for west, instability looms in the Caucasus and Central Asia this? What military options are available to secure Russia to the south. Furthermore, Russia’s force posture in the from perceived threats in its western strategic direction? Eastern Military District (MD) clearly shows that China What risks do operations beyond Crimea entail? A closer is a military concern, requiring preparations to augment look at the military-strategic issues is warranted, beginning Russian forces there. Although the armed forces are with the Russian threat assessment and peacetime military geographically dispersed, Russia can concentrate forces for posture, however other Russian rationales for intervention offensive operations to seize and hold territory but only in in Ukraine – such as political and economic considerations one strategic direction at a time. -
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Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/4377,The-Polish-Soviet-War-of-1920.html 2021-10-04, 09:59 03.08.2020 The Polish-Soviet War of 1920 Reasons The main reason for the outbreak of the Polish-Soviet war the threat to Poland’s independence by Soviet Russia, as well as the attempt to implement the idea of a permanent revolution, and the export of the communist revolution Europe-wide. The Bolsheviks began carrying out this plan immediately after seizing power in Russia in October of 1917. They undertook the first attempts in Finland already in 1918, where civil war had broken out, as well as in the Baltic nations. In 1919 an attempt was made at provoking an uprising in Berlin, in March of the same year a government coalition was formed in Hungary with the participation communists, and in June of 1919 an attempt was made at a coup in Vienna. With the aim of transferring the revolution to other European countries, in March 1919, the Bolsheviks founded Comintern – the Third International, which was formally an independent organisation, but in practise functioned according to the guidelines of the Political Office of the communist party. One of its “branches” was the Communist Polish Workers Party (later: the Communist Party of Poland), which originated even earlier – in December 1918. From the perspective of Poland’s independence, a highly significant issue in relations with the eastern neighbour, was determining the course of the eastern border. During this time Central Europe was occupied along the belt from the Baltic Sea to the Sea of Azov, by the German army, which only began retreating after entering into a ceasefire in Compiegne on 11 November 1918. -
AFD Ep 320 Links and Notes
AFD Ep 320 Links and Notes - 1920 Look-Back - March 1920 - US rejects Treaty of Versailles [Kelley] - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Versailles#American_aims - The Treaty of Versailles had been negotiated as an end to WWI. Famously Wilson brought a number of American intellectuals to the negotiations, but did not bring any Republicans (Wilson was a Democrat) who had won a majority in Congress in 1918. The result was a treaty that closely reflected many of Wilson’s own ideas, but would not be ratified by the American Congress. The most illustrious example of this failure is the League of Nations. - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/League_of_Nations - The Covenant of the League of Nations was signed on June 28th, 1919 as part of the Treaty of Versailles. It went into effect on January 10, 1920. (Woodrow Wilson had won the Nobel Peace Prize for the idea in 1919.) - The general idea of the League of Nations was that nations could prevent war by establishing a collective security, disarming, and having an international body for dispute resolution and arbitration. The convent, in part, read: - THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES, - In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security - by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war, - by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations, - by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and - by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another, - Agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations. -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
Russia's Changing Role in Central Asia
Ideas for a fairer world FPC Briefing: Russia’s changing role in Central Asia - the post-Ukraine context, and implications Craig Oliphant Background Russia’s place in the world is a critical factor in contemporary global affairs. The way in which Russia engages with its former Soviet neighbours and how they respond will shape the security landscape in Eurasia, and has wider ramifications for international relations and the balance of global power.1 Russia’s relations with Ukraine, and in particular its intervention in Ukraine in 2014 through the de facto annexation of Crimea and support for rebel fighters in eastern Ukraine, have dominated that landscape and the current strategic agenda, and will continue to do so. Central Asian states have looked on with close attention and concern as events have unfolded in and on Ukraine in 2014 and 2015. It remains to be seen whether the actions Moscow has taken there are indicators of future attempts to reassert its influence elsewhere in the neighbourhood, and notably in Central Asia, or whether they mark some kind of watershed and are signs of Moscow’s weakening position - which of course poses its own set of challenges.2 A report highlighted by the Foreign Policy Centre in 2013, on Russia’s role and interests in Central Asia (CA), provided some of the historical background on Moscow’s approach towards the region and identified several features in Russia’s current bilateral relations with the CA countries.3 The first was that Moscow has found it hard to come to terms with its post-Soviet role – the perception and indeed reality of its diminished influence in neighbouring countries that were formerly part of the USSR. -
Woodrow Wilson and the Inflation Issue, 1919-1920
Decline of a Presidenc;r: Woodroi~ Wilson o.nd the Inflation Issue, 1919-1920. John J, Hanrahan' Department of history Morehead statelUniversity Morel1ead, Ky. 40351 ,l . c The Democrats lost the 1929 presidential election, historians agree, as a result of the cumulative effect of the resentments directed against. President Woodrow Wilson by progressives, farmers, and wor.kers, the coali- 1 I tion that had kept him in the White House.in 1916. Wilson· paid this price ! I of political· damage to his presidency and his patty by giving priority to , I ' world affairs. at the expense of domestic problems. Americans .came 'to see the President as a remote figure, absent at .the Versailles peace conference the first six !"cinths of 1919, preoccupied upon his return with the.treaty ratification struggle, and shielded in the White House for months following his October stroke. The President's aloofness from his own advisers and his fierce partisanship gave Republicans the chance to portray his·admin- istration as inept one-man government. They cqnvinced voters that•Wilson was responsible for the social and economic upheaval growing out of the postwar readjustment process. The Republicans returned to power OJ). the back of the anti-Wilson feeling that they helped create. A caption of a contemporary New York World cartoon, "The GOP washed in by the waves of r 'National Discontent'," captured the heart of the Democratic defeat. A major cause in the. revulsion against:Wilsonianism that was ktrik~ ingly manifested' in· the 1920 election was the Pre'sident 1 s failure to deal with inflation effectively, a factor that'has not been given sufficient weight in existing works on the immediate past.