Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
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Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall. -
Understanding the Roots of Collectivism and Individualism in Russia Through an Exploration of Selected Russian Literature - and - Spiritual Exercises Through Art
Understanding the Roots of Collectivism and Individualism in Russia through an Exploration of Selected Russian Literature - and - Spiritual Exercises through Art. Understanding Reverse Perspective in Old Russian Iconography by Ihar Maslenikau B.A., Minsk, 1991 Extended Essays Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Liberal Studies Program Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Ihar Maslenikau 2015 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Fall 2015 Approval Name: Ihar Maslenikau Degree: Master of Arts Title: Understanding the Roots of Collectivism and Individualism in Russia through an Exploration of Selected Russian Literature - and - Spiritual Exercises through Art. Understanding of Reverse Perspective in Old Russian Iconography Examining Committee: Chair: Gary McCarron Associate Professor, Dept. of Communication Graduate Chair, Graduate Liberal Studies Program Jerry Zaslove Senior Supervisor Professor Emeritus Humanities and English Heesoon Bai Supervisor Professor Faculty of Education Paul Crowe External Examiner Associate Professor Humanities and Asia-Canada Program Date Defended/Approved: November 25, 2015 ii Abstract The first essay is a sustained reflection on and response to the question of why the notion of collectivism and collective coexistence has been so deeply entrenched in the Russian society and in the Russian psyche and is still pervasive in today's Russia, a quarter of a century after the fall of communism. It examines the development of ideas of collectivism and individualism in Russian society, focusing on the cultural aspects based on the examples of selected works from Russian literature. It also searches for the answers in the philosophical works of Vladimir Solovyov, Nicolas Berdyaev and Vladimir Lossky. -
Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007. -
China's Response to the Global Financial Crisis: Implications For
The Global Business Law Review Volume 1 Issue 1 Article 5 2010 China’s Response to the Global Financial Crisis: Implications for U.S. – China Economic Relations Daniel C.K. Chow The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/gblr Part of the Banking and Finance Law Commons, and the International Trade Law Commons How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! Recommended Citation Daniel C.K. Chow, China’s Response to the Global Financial Crisis: Implications for U.S. – China Economic Relations , 1 Global Bus. L. Rev. 47 (2010) available at https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/gblr/vol1/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at EngagedScholarship@CSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Global Business Law Review by an authorized editor of EngagedScholarship@CSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHINA’S RESPONSE TO THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S.-CHINA ECONOMIC RELATIONS DANIEL CHOW* ABSTRACT ............................................................................. 48 I. THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS AND ITS EFFECT ON CHINA . 49 A. China’s Export Driven Economy................................... 50 1. Exports as a Percentage of GDP............................. 50 2. China’s Trade Balance with the United States....... 51 a. Lack of Reciprocal Spending By China .......... 54 b. Currency Policies............................................ 56 c. Export Subsidies.............................................. 59 3. Foreign Direct Investment...................................... 60 4. Summary ................................................................ 62 5. Impact of Financial Crisis ...................................... 63 II. CHINA’S RESPONSE TO FINANCIAL CRISIS ............................. 66 A. Political Response......................................................... 68 B. Economic Response....................................................... 71 1. -
CRS Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code RL30730 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russian Fighter Aircraft Industrial Base: Parallels with the United States? November 8, 2000 Christopher Bolkcom Analyst in National Defense Ellen Schwarzler Research Associate Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service The Library of Congress This CRS Report was prepared at the request of Representative James Talent. It has been released for general congressional use with his permission. Russian Fighter Aircraft Industrial Base: Parallels with the United States? Summary There are many differences between the fighter aircraft industry in the United States and in Russia. The United States has traditionally produced its weaponry within a capitalist framework which allowed free enterprise and competition between companies in private industry. The former Soviet Union’s economy, and its fighter aircraft industry was based on a Marxist, command economy, where the central government dictated the type and number of aircraft produced and allocated resources for construction. Once among the most glamorous components of the Soviet military industrial complex, the Russian military aircraft industry has been described by some analysts as being on the verge of collapse. Russia’s civilian aircraft industry has faced similar pressures, which does not bode well for the military aviation infrastructure. It may be difficult for fighter aircraft companies to find employment in Russia’s beleaguered civil aircraft sector. The Russian government has attempted to reform its fighter aircraft industrial base and make it more efficient and competitive with western industry. It has initiated several reforms aimed at reducing the stratification and compartmentalization of industrial processes, as well as improving access to financial resources. -
President Putin and His Generals Bureaucratic Control and War-Fighting Culture
President Putin and His Generals Bureaucratic Control and WarWar---FightingFighting Culture Pavel Baev November 2001 PONARS Policy Memo 205 International Peace Research Institute Since the attacks on the United States on September 11, Russian president Vladimir Putin has moved Russia decisively toward the West, staking out a prominent place in the U.S.- led antiterrorist coalition. He has also redefined the war in Chechnya as just another theatre in this global campaign, thereby hoping to reduce the level and intensity of Western criticism. Putin quickly allied with the West diplomatically and politically in antiterrorist efforts, but the ability of the Russian military to be a useful partner in this campaign may inhibit Russia’s desire/efforts to be a useful contributor to the joint efforts in combating terrorism. Will Putin be able to transform the Russian military into a reliable partner with the West and, perhaps down the road, for NATO? Although the answer involves a host of issues, from resources available to the military to hunger and violence in the barracks, the key to successful military reform will be whether or not the military leadership accepts Putin’s authority. The president has shown skill and firmness in consolidating his control, but his relations with the top brass are far from being problem-free and hidden tensions might be building. Cadre Reshuffling Putin’s uncertain control over the military leadership manifested itself most obviously in July 2000 when Defense Minister Igor Sergeev and Chief of the General Staff Anatoli Kvashnin clashed head-to-head over priorities in resource allocation. Putin rightly saw more to that public scandal than just personal animosity and did not rush with disciplinary actions. -
Russia Yello Rdy 4 Py
The Kremlin wants to tackle long-festering problems, and painful reform can’t be avoided much longer. Russia’s Military Retrenchment AP photo/Murad Sezer Agent of change. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched the cut-and- reshape campaign to revitalize Russia’s forces. In this June photo, the By Stewart M. Powell Kremlin leader reviews Russian peacekeeping troops at Pristina airport in Kosovo. USSIA’S military, tapped by the scope and magnitude of which of valuable equipment for sale to President Vladimir Putin for can be glimpsed in a random sam- criminal gangs. a thorough revitalization, is pling of problems: Now, the Kremlin, for the first under pressure to clean up Fighter pilots get 14 hours of time since collapse of the Soviet R its own act. flying time per year. Union a decade ago, seems serious Even staunch advocates of in- Murder claims 500 troops per about tackling problems besetting creased support for Russia’s soldiers, year—18 times the number in US the force. Fueled by humiliating set- sailors, and airmen are turning their armed forces. backs in Chechnya and the disas- guns on the waste and mismanage- Ground station fires knock out trous loss last summer of the subma- ment that have weakened the force ground military communications rine Kursk with all hands, Putin’s in recent years. They say that spend- systems and communications with planned revitalization aims to in- ing more on the military as presently satellites. crease the resources and prestige of constituted will only feed its pen- Commanders sometimes seize the armed forces. -
Democratizing Communist Militaries
Democratizing Communist Militaries Democratizing Communist Militaries The Cases of the Czech and Russian Armed Forces Marybeth Peterson Ulrich Ann Arbor To Mark, Erin, and Benjamin Copyright © by the University of Michigan 1999 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America V∞ Printed on acid-free paper 2002 2001 2000 1999 4 3 2 1 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ulrich, Marybeth Peterson. Democratizing Communist militaries : the cases of the Czech and Russian armed forces / Marybeth Peterson Ulrich. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-472-10969-3 (acid-free paper) 1. Civil-military relations—Russia (Federation) 2. Civil-military relations—Former Soviet republics. 3. Civil-military relations—Czech Republic. 4. Russia (Federation)—Armed Forces—Political activity. 5. Former Soviet republics—Armed Forces—Political activity. 6. Czech Republic—Armed Forces—Political activity. 7. Military assistance, American—Russia (Federation) 8. Military assistance, American—Former Soviet republics. 9. Military assistance, American—Czech Republic. I. Title. JN6520.C58 U45 1999 3229.5909437109049—dc21 99-6461 CIP Contents List of Tables vii Acknowledgments ix List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 Chapter 1. A Theory of Democratic Civil-Military Relations in Postcommunist States 5 Chapter 2. A Survey of Overall U.S. -
1 Global Racisms and Racism in Russia: an Introduction 2 Race And
Notes 1 Global Racisms and Racism in Russia: An Introduction 1. All translations from Russian and German are by the author unless otherwise indicated. 2. Sik became a prisoner of war of the Russians during World War One. He chose to stay in Russia after being released, joined the Soviet Communist Party in 1920, and lived as an Hungarian émigré in the Soviet Union until 1945, when he returned to Hungary. He later served as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Hungary from 1958 to 1961. 3. http://www.sova-center.ru/en/. 2 Race and Racism in the Russian Past 1. The film featured the following song by Pavel German: ‘Before all enemies are known / While at least one of them is still alive / Every honest and simple Soviet citizen / Has to be an NKVD officer (chekist). / Our fortresses are ever stronger / The chekists of today / Are all the 170 million / Of my Fatherland’s Patriots!’ 2. Stalin composed his Marksizm i natsional’nyi vopros [Marxism and the Nationalities Question] in opposition to Otto Bauer’s Die Nationalitätenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie. Bauer emphasized that ‘commonality of des- tiny’ defines national character (aus Schicksalsgemeinschaft erwachsende Charaktergemeinschaft), and he pointed to ‘commonality of origin’ and ‘natural heredity’ as the important factors in this regard. He nevertheless maintained that ‘cultural commonality’ is the factor which defines the repro- duction of national differences. Bauer’s position may be defined as cultural racism in the language used by some contemporary scholars of racism. 3 Race, Racialization and Racism: A New Theoretical Framework 1. Although only Kant’s Kritik der Urteilskraft is cited here, two different English translations are chosen to use, namely, Pluhar’s and the most recent Cambridge University Press edition. -
Russia's 'New' Tools for Confronting the West
Research Paper Keir Giles Russia and Eurasia Programme | March 2016 Russia’s ‘New’ Tools for Confronting the West Continuity and Innovation in Moscow’s Exercise of Power Russia’s ‘New’ Tools for Confronting the West Contents Summary 2 1. Introduction 4 Context 4 What was new in Crimea? 5 2. Russian ‘Hybrid Warfare’? 6 NATO and hybridity 7 Nothing new 8 ‘Hybrid’ viewed from Russia 9 3. The New Russian Army 13 Russia’s military transformation 14 The new Russian soldier 16 Rearmament prospects 17 Implications for neighbours 19 Military intimidation 21 The military outlook 24 The National Defence Control Centre 25 4. The Old Information War 27 Adaptation by trial and error 27 Success or failure? 31 The unimportance of truth 37 Influence – political and economic 40 Consequences 41 Cyber, trolls and bots 44 5. Trigger Points 47 Western responses 49 6. Policy Implications 54 Political 54 Military 55 Strategic communications and media 58 Intelligence and assessment 61 Cyber and information security 62 Deterrence 64 7. Final Word 69 About the Author 70 Acknowledgments 71 1 | Chatham House Russia’s ‘New’ Tools for Confronting the West Summary • In the last two years, Russia has demonstrated its return to an assertive foreign policy by successful military interventions in Ukraine and Syria. The capabilities it employed to do so surprised the West, despite being well advertised in advance and their development described in detail by the Russia-watching community in Western nations. • The distinctive Russian approach to operations in Ukraine gave rise to an impression among some observers that its military had employed fundamentally new concepts of armed conflict. -
ELN Group Statement UNGA 2019
As world leaders prepare to meet this month at the United Nations in New York, we call on them to take urgent steps to reduce the risks of nuclear confrontation. We join a growing number of international leaders in raising the alarm over new nuclear dangers. Last month we witnessed the end of the landmark US-Russia Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF). Today, there are grave doubts over the future of the only remaining agreement that limits and regulates Washington and Moscow’s strategic nuclear weapons, the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). And new challenges confront the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). Stability is eroding and risks are rising. North Korea has grown its nuclear weapon stockpile, tests missiles, and continues to feel threatened. The fate of inter-Korean and US-DPRK dialogue remains uncertain. Tensions are flaring between nuclear rivals India and Pakistan. And, following Washington’s unilateral breach and resumed sanctions, Iran may walk away from the nuclear deal that constrains its ability to develop nuclear weapons. Moreover, new military technologies threaten to destabilise global and regional nuclear confrontations. These technologies are rapidly evolving and entirely uncontrolled. The risks of nuclear accident, misjudgement or miscalculation have not been higher since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Complacency should not be an option. It is not only European security at stake. Simply coercing an adversary will not restore stability. Politically unrealistic appeals for transformed behaviour will not build trust. An accelerating arms race makes both trust and safer behaviours harder to achieve. It is possible to negotiate with adversaries without condoning unacceptable behaviour. -
SITI AMALIAH HASAN.FISIP.Pdf
DIPLOMASI DIGITAL UK TERHADAP MESIR MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL TWITTER DALAM BIDANG PENDIDIKAN PADA 2014-2018 Skripsi Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) Oleh: Siti Amaliah Hasan 11161130000023 PROGRAM STUDI HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 2021 i PERSETUJUAN PEMBIMBING SKRIPSI Dengan ini, Pembimbing Skripsi menyatakan bahwa mahasiswa: Nama : Siti Amaliah Hasan NIM : 11161130000023 Program Studi : Ilmu Hubungan Internasional telah menyelesaikan penulisan skripsi dengan judul: DIPLOMASI DIGITAL UK TERHADAP MESIR MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL TWITTER DALAM BIDANG PENDIDIKAN PADA 2014-2018 dan telah memenuhi syarat untuk diuji. Jakarta, 18 Januari 2021 Mengetahui, Menyetujui, Ketua Program Studi Pembimbing M. Adian Firnas, M.Si Irfan R. Hutagalung, LL.M iii PENGESAHAN PANITIA UJIAN SKRIPSI SKRIPSI DIPLOMASI DIGITAL UK TERHADAP MESIR MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL TWITTER DALAM BIDANG PENDIDIKAN PADA 2014-2018 Oleh Siti Amaliah Hasan 11161130000023 telah dipertahankan dalam sidang ujian skripsi di Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta pada tanggal 1 Februari 2021. Skripsi ini telah diterima sebagai salah satu syarat memperoleh gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) pada Program Studi Hubungan Internasional. Ketua, Sekretaris, M. Adian Firnas, M.Si Irfan R. Hutagalung, LL.M. Penguji I, Penguji II, Ahmad Alfajri, MA Febri Dirgantara H, MM. Diterima dan dinyatakan memenuhi syarat kelulusan pada tanggal 1 Februari 2021. Ketua Program Studi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional FISIP UIN Jakarta, M. Adian Firnas, M.Si iv ABSTRAK Skripsi ini membahas upaya diplomasi digital United Kingdom (UK) terhadap publik Mesir melalui media sosial twitter terkait bidang pendidikan periode 2014-2018. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana upaya diplomasi yang dilakukan oleh UK terhadap publik Mesir melalui media sosial twitter.