THE INVISIBILITY OF CASTE DISCRIMINATION: YOUTH AND CASTE DISCRIMINATION IN KATHMANDU

MARIA LUZ KALAIMAGAL SIVAGNANASUNDARAM

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN DEVELOPMENT YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO

September 2012

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In exploration of how caste discrimination occurs in Kathmandu, Nepal, the general regard for its nonexistence by youth aroused curiosities about the ways that this belief manifested itself. As the core of this paper has drawn upon this notion of the invisibility of caste discrimination in Kathmandu, the intersecting concepts of identity, place, schooling, and modernity, have been used to frame different facets of this belief to highlight that it is amid this invisibility that caste discrimination in Kathmandu is made visible through new forms of discrimination and oppression via institutional casteism, highlighted by the intersection of caste and class and maintained by discourses of modernity. DEDICATION

I would like to dedicate this thesis to the Level 10 students of Himal High School, whose insights and experiences have been the heart of understanding many facets of caste and caste discrimination in Kathmandu. Thank you for welcoming me as your “didi” and sharing your dynamic selves. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

There are many people that I would like to thank. First and foremost, I want to acknowledge the guidance of my Supervisory Committee. I owe my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Fahimul Quadir, whose support and encouragement from the beginning to the end of my Masters journey have been no less than a blessing. Thank you for teaching me and keeping me centered with your wisdom and understanding.

I would like to thank Dr. Hira Singh, whose knowledge and perpetual quest to understand this thing called “caste” has been inspiring, and Dr. Roopa Desai Trilokekar, whose thoughtful engagement during the writing process, helped bring clarity - and life - to words and concepts. Your time, your belief and your insights have made this thesis what it is, and I am truly honoured to have worked with the three of you.

A great thanks to Himal High School and the Nepal National Dalit Social Welfare

Organization (NNDSWO) in Kathmandu who challenged, and in doing so, supported my research process. I am particularly indebted to Jayandra Bishwokarma, Surendra Sir and

Raju Sir for opening the gates of these institutions. Thank you for your trust.

Last but not least, I would like to thank my family and friends. Your presence and patience during the past two years have meant everything to me. Thank you for nurturing my interests and being so supportive and patient of this most recent endeavour of mine. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT...... ii

DEDICATION...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS...... v

LIST OF ACRONYMS...... viii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION...... 1 SECTION I: UNCOVERING THE ROOTS OF CASTE DISCRIMINATION....3 i. Invisibility...... 5

SECTION II: MAPPING THE FIELD: UNCOVERING INVISIBILITY...... 7 i. Schooling...... 7 ii. Identity...... 8 iii. The Intersection of Caste and Class...... 9 iv. Place: Space and Representation ...... 9 v. Discourses of Modernity and Development...... 10

SECTION III: CHAPTER BREAKDOWN...... 12

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW...... 13 SECTION I: A CHRONOLOGICAL VIEW OF CASTE DISCRIMINATION IN NEPAL...... 13 i. Ancient Nepal: Situating Caste Discrimination upon the Foundations of Yesterday...... 13 ii. Modem(izing) Nepal: “One Leader, One Language, One Religion, One Nation” ...... 16 iii. Caste Discrimination Today...... 20

SECTION II: UNEXPLORED TERRAIN OF CASTE DISCRIMINATION IN NEPAL...... 24

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY...... 27 SECTION I: ETHICS...... 27

SECTION II: MAPPING THE ROAD TO UNDERSTANDING CASTE DISCRIMINATION IN KATHMANDU...... 27 SECTION III: ALTERNATIVE METHODS...... 30 i. The Identity Flower...... 31 ii. Life Stories...... 32 iii. Journal-writing ...... 32

SECTION IV: LUCK, LIMITATIONS AND POSITIONALITY...... 33

CHAPTER FOUR: SCHOOLING AND CASTE DISCRIMINATION...... 37 SECTION I: THE DISCURSIVE SPACE OF HIMAL HIGH SCHOOL...... 37

SECTION II: SCHOOLS: SITES OF DISPENSING MODERN DISCOURSE...39 i. “Backwards”...... 40

SECTION III: “SOCIAL ILLS”, “SOCIAL MALPRACTICES” AND “CHHUWACHHUT PRATHA”...... 41 i. Making Caste (Discrimination) Invisible ...... 42 ii. Making Dalits Invisible ...... 46

SECTION IV: QUESTIONING THE IMPORTANCE OF TEACHING CASTE...... 49

CONCLUSION: “MOVING FORWARD”, NOT “BACKWARDS”...... 51

CHAPTER FIVE: IDENTIFYING CASTE IDENTITIES...... 55 SECTION I: HINDUIZATION AND ETHNIC POLITICS IN NEPAL...... 56

SECTION II: NEPALI IDENTITIES...... 58

SECTION III: PRIDE, PRIVILEGE AND RESISTANCE: YOUTHS’ PERSPECTIVES OF CASTE...... 59 i. Pride...... 61 a.) “In Nepal, to have caste is very, very important”...... 61 b.) “Representing with caste is good but discrimination among people is bad”...... 63 c.) “Even if I’m from lower caste community, I don’t have problem to show my caste”...... 66 ii. Privilege...... 69 a.) “Sometimes telling our caste, people respect us...... 69 iii. Resistance ...... 73 a.) “I don’t believe in caste system because all human beings have equal rights”...... 73 b.) “I don’t believe in religion so I don’t believe in caste system”...... 74 CONCLUSION: EMBRACING EQUALITY AMID RECOGNIZING DIFFERENCE...... 77

CHAPTER SIX: THE INVISIBILITY OF DALITS IN KATHMANDU...... 82 SECTION I: “WHAT IS DALIT?”...... 82

SECTION II: KATHMANDU: WHERE “NOBODY KNOWS YOUR NAME”...... 83

SECTION III: CASTE AND THE POLITICS OF PLACE...... 85

SECTION IV: CASTE DISCRIMINATION IN THE “VILLAGE: TEMPLES, TEA SHOPS AND TAPS...... 88

SECTION V: CASTE DISCRIMINATION IN KATHMANDU: “TRADITIONAL” MINDSETS IN A “MODERN” SPACE...... 90

SECTION VI: CONCEALING CASTE, REVEALING THE INTERSECTION OF CASTE AND CLASS...... 93 i. “Though [Dalits] don’t want to hide their caste they hide it”...... 93 ii. Sanju and Rupa ...... 95

CONCLUSION: FROM NONEXISTENCE TO INVISIBILITY AND MODERN FORMS OF INEQUALITY...... 99

CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION...... 103

REFERENCE LIST...... 109

APPENDICES...... 112 Appendix A: Caste-Based Discriminatory Practices Identified in Nepal...... 112 Appendix B: Understanding Caste Identity in the Kathmandu Valley Questionnaire ...... 113 Appendix C: The Identity Flower...... 116 Appendix D: Caste Identification of 10th Level Class at Himal High School 117 LIST OF ACRONYMS

ADB Asian Development Bank

CERD Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination

ICERD International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination NCP Nepal Congress Party

NNDSWO Nepal National Dalit Social Welfare Organization

OHCHR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

SIRF Social Inclusion Research Fund

UNDP United Nations Development Programme CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

My interest in caste discrimination began in 2009 during my first visit to Nepal, particularly, Kathmandu. Prior to arriving, I had ideas of what it was and heard about ways that it occurred, and to a certain degree, I was curious to see how it existed. Blindly thinking that I would be witness to overtly discriminatory acts such as physical separation of groups of people, or voiced obscenities on the streets of Thamel, I soon realized that a lot of what I had read about caste discrimination didn’t apply to Kathmandu. I was a novice when it came to understanding the dynamics of caste discrimination - and in so many ways I still am because contexts change, people change, environments change, and ideas change. However, little did I know that the subtleties of the way caste discrimination operated in Kathmandu were right in front of me. And to my surprise, it was a young child who alerted me of its existence.

It was during this visit, when I was a volunteer at a daycare center for underprivileged children from low caste, single-parent and economically deprived families, that my interactions with children and their parents enabled a consciousness of societal and cultural inequalities that existed in the lives of so many families living in

Kathmandu. What was more interesting was the level of awareness exercised by the children in understanding their environments.

I grew attached to a boy named Suman. He was 6 years old at the time and was very bright. He had ‘graduated’ from the daycare, but came by after school to do his homework, or met here to play with friends who attended different schools. One day, while speaking with Suman, who unlike several of his peers actually enjoyed school, I

1 learnt of his interest in wanting to go to school. Aside from enjoying his teacher and learning something new, he responded that it was because he didn’t want his mother to work in construction and that he wanted her to be treated with respect. He mentioned wanting to become a business man or maybe a doctor. Whatever he decided on, he said, he wanted to be a professional so that he can help his mother. It was a response I

certainly did not expect from such a young boy.

When his mother came to the daycare looking for him, I greeted her and we spoke

briefly with the owner of the daycare, Kamala. She told Suman’s mother about what he

said and in doing so, his mother shed light to her son’s sentiments. Being from the lowest

caste, Dalits of her generation had little or no education and were limited to arduous jobs.

Construction work for women was not something that was new to me. Walking past road

or building construction sites, I would often see women carrying baskets rested on their

backs with stones or hauling a wagon-full of bricks. While Dalits weren’t the only people

that took on these jobs, for her, it was the only one available and to her, the only one she

believed was suited for her social status and skill set1.

Being aware of the importance of going to school, I wondered how much more

Suman understood about his mother’s situation. What did he know about Dalits? Did he

know who Dalits are? Was he aware of the caste system? And in the modem context of

Nepal, did caste still matter to the younger generation? It was here that my desire to work

with young people arose - in wanting to learn about the ways that they understood their

11 later learned from an interview with Suman’s mother that she never attended school, and with the exception of her own name, she is unable to read and write. Her belief in construction work being the only job appropriate for her was based on not having attended school and acquiring any skills that would allow her to take on other jobs. While access to school because of poverty and distance was a determining factor in taking on construction work, it was also socially acceptable for Dalits to take on labourious jobs. surroundings, particularly what they understood about a very significant aspect of their country’s history, caste. What did they know about caste discrimination and did Suman ever experience it? The most pressing question I had was: if, what and how much do young people know about caste? Upon returning to Kathmandu two years later, I realized that I first needed to understand the how - and why - of caste discrimination in

Kathmandu.

S e c t io n I: U n c o v e r in g t h e R o o t s o f C a s t e D iscrimination

From the 4th Century AD, when the Licchavis Kings from India introduced the

Hindu vama scheme of society into what is now known as the Kathmandu Valley, to the reign of Jayasthiti Malla in the 14th Century, the reorganization in local Newar society in

Kathmandu was established on the basis of divisions that were inscribed in the

Manusmriti3. These laws defined the position and functions of Hindu society (Sharma,

116). In the context of Nepal, it was only upon unification during the reign of Prithvi

Narayan Shah (1721-1774) during the Shah dynasty that caste-based divisions and

2 The fourfold vama scheme of society consists ofBrahmans, who are mainly priests,Kshatriya or Chhetris, who are warriors,Vaishyas, the husbandmen and merchants and Shudras, the ‘lowly’ people. While the vama scheme has come to be understood as being synonymous with the caste system, this does not fully capture the intricacies of caste and caste relations. However, Srinivas (1962) recognizes that understanding caste via the vama system has enabled an understanding of stratification through religious perspectives, particularly in understanding people regarded as separate from the vama structure, “untouchables”. For this reason, this thesis will utilize the terms ‘Brahmanical caste system’ in identifying this model of society. 3 Regarded as supplementary to Vedic teachings, the Laws o f Manu is one of the books in the Hindu canon and a basic text for all gums to base their teachings on. It presents the norms of domestic, social, and religious life in India (circa 500 BC) under the Brahmin influence, and is fundamental to the understanding of ancient Indian society. The ancient Vedic society had a structured social order where the Brahmins were esteemed as the highest and the most revered sect and assigned the holy task of acquiring ancient knowledge and learning (O’Flaherty 1991).

3 untouchability was extended past the Kathmandu Valley and spread throughout the kingdom, affecting both Hindus and non-Hindus (Kisan 2009: 45). The succeeding isolationist Rana Regime that was in power from the mid-19th century to the mid-20th century saw the intensification of its predecessors' hierarchic model of society, as the status of caste in Nepal saw changes in how it was observed and practiced. The last six decades in Nepal have been no exception.

During the initial stages of research in inviting participants and speaking with

Kathmanduites - both Dalit and non-Dalit - 1 introduced my topic to them with the statement “I want to know how caste discrimination occurs in Kathmandu”. I was usually met with the response, “You won’t find it here” or other variations that I will make reference to throughout the course of this thesis. While pleased that many people testified to its nonexistence, I couldn’t shake the feeling that there was more to these accounts. I was aware that caste discrimination was not the easiest thing to spot, but never once did I question its existence — even if it was expressed within private spaces and not openly directed at someone. But people in Kathmandu had a different story. I stubbornly pressed on, knowing that even if I wasn’t able to encounter Dalits who experienced caste discrimination, I would surely learn about what made Kathmandu a place where Dalits were exempt from experiencing it.

My curiosities in trying to understand caste discrimination in Kathmandu was strengthened upon being introduced to a friend’s Dalit neighbour. She narrated of an incidence where after having been humiliated at a local tap by an upper caste woman and insecure about what other fate would fall upon her if her caste was revealed, she changed

4 her last name in order to conceal her caste from neighbours and employers. This resolved that although comments like “you won’t find it here” were common, that in fact, caste discrimination was alive and functioning in Kathmandu.

I pushed further for more interviews to try to uncoverwhat and/or who was making caste discrimination invisible in Kathmandu - non-Dalits who said it didn’t exist, or Dalits, themselves? Or both? And most importantly, why? Thus, during these initial stages of research, the one thing I became certain of, was that despite all the accounts of its nonexistence and regardless of its frequency and difference when compared to other more rural parts of Nepal, caste discrimination existed in Kathmandu - or rather, it didn’t not exist.

i. Invisibility

in-vis-i-ble4- adjective 1. not visible; not perceptible by the eye:invisible fluid. 2. withdrawn from or out of sight; hidden: an invisible seam. 3. not perceptible or discernible by the mind: invisible differences. 4. not ordinarily found in financial statements or reflected in statistics or a listing: concealed from public knowledge.

This notion of the invisibility of caste discrimination in Kathmandu stayed with me as my research continued to build and more questions arose. Why was caste discrimination believed to be nonexistent, thereby making it invisible, in Kathmandu?

What and how were the dynamics of this invisibility in Kathmandu maintained? What did the youth in Kathmandu believe or understand about caste discrimination today? Was it

4 http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/invisible. Accessed: May 8,2012

5 apparent to them or did they, too, believe in the rhetoric of its nonexistence? My interviews with parents suggested that children had a lack of knowledge about caste, let alone caste discrimination. Such responses led me to question if these practices were in fact the route towards caste discrimination’s decline, or a route towards its silent, invisible acceptance within the crowded streets of Kathmandu?

Aware of the deep rooted history of caste discrimination, which encompasses nearly two millennia of ideological and political shifts in power (Sharma 1999; Bista

1991; Riaz and Basu 2010), I wondered about how it would affect the ways that caste discrimination would be viewed by the next generation, the youth5 in today’s secular

Nepal. How has this persistent reporting of its nonexistence, or invisibility, affected the ways that youth understand the status of caste today and its direction heading into the future?

For this thesis, as my focus has been placed on understanding how youth in

Kathmandu understand caste and caste discrimination, three objectives that seek to delve into this broad inquiry can be expressed as follows:

1. To explore the ways that youth recognize and identify with caste 2. To highlight the existence of caste discrimination amid the perceived modem space of Kathmandu. 3. To understand the role that schooling contributes to youths’ understanding of the concept of caste and caste discrimination in Nepal today.

5 In taking with the United Nations' definition of youth as people from 15 to 24 years of age

6 It is with these objectives in mind that my thesis will explore the dynamics of caste discrimination in Kathmandu as it aims to highlight the ways that understanding caste has evolved and the factors that have influenced the changes that have taken place.

S e c t io n II: M a p p in g t h e F ie l d : U n c o v e r in g I nvisibility

In my exploration of caste discrimination in Kathmandu, the general regard for its perceived nonexistence by youth aroused curiosities about the ways that this invisibility manifested itself. Because discussions with the group of youth took place in a school setting, the important terrain of the school has been analyzed as a starting point through which knowledge about caste and its existence or nonexistence has been acquired. As the core of this thesis has drawn upon this belief of the invisibility of caste discrimination in

Kathmandu, the concepts of schooling, identity, and notions of place have highlighted the intersection of caste and class, as well as discourses of modernity and development in understanding how certain general beliefs are accepted.

L Schooling

From his research on race and identity at a secondary school setting, Yon (2000:

32) emphasizes the importance of schooling as a discursive space that “is implicated in the production of identities of teachers and students”. He explains that this discursive space enables the juxtaposition of the “various fragments of discourses to consider how these act upon the actor’s views of what is going on”. The physical space as well as what is learned within this space effect responses and approaches towards understanding as well as explaining the ways that certain ideas have been formed. It is amid this frame of thought that interviews and conversations with teachers and youth from Himal High

School have been used to highlight the analytical terrain of schools.

In addition to accounts given by teachers and youth, aspects such as pedagogy and curriculum, the number of Dalit teachers and textbooks augment the importance in regarding the school environment as being implicated in the production of knowledge, which in turn, influences the ways that youth identify and identify with the concept of caste.

ii. Identity

As Kharel (2010) has noted that “a study of identity becomes above all, a study of the processes of the politics of social relations”, she highlights the relational aspect of how identities are formed. Kharel elaborates:

Identities may also be forced and imposed as a result of wider inequalities of power. Identities and consciousness are influenced by space and boundaries. Everyday space and organizational space generate different levels of consciousness of those wider social relations, and comprehend different levels of identity formation (Kharel 2010).

The politics of Nepali identity offers a complex example of this observation. The multifaceted nature of identity, the personal perceptions of the self, and the way that youth have chosen to identify themselves evokes ideas of difference and sameness through relationships with people and places.

In the context of caste in Nepal where societal roles outlined through caste affiliations have historically predetermined a significant facet of the ways that Nepalis have come to be identified, the question of what shapes identity becomes important.

8 From ethnic and religious identity, to consciousness and resistance, the ways that caste

identity has been identified amongst Nepal’s diverse population becomes integral in

understanding the politics of identity in Nepal and the factors, such as family life and

schooling, that contribute to the ways identities are formed and perceived.

tit The Intersection of Caste and Class

The concept of intersectionality illuminates the interconnecting hierarches of

identity that characterize individual and collective experiences, and the production of

social life. Regarded as a means through which intersecting vectors of oppression and

privilege can be explored (Lendermann and Brantly 2000), it becomes crucial in

examining how different matrices of identity such as caste and class determine social

realities.

The interaction between caste and class in the context of this thesis highlights the

status of Dalits in Kathmandu, and focuses on how class and caste are inseparable in

attempting to understand the ways that Dalits have been implicated, and continue to be

implicated in the lower rungs of an eliminated caste system. In effect, this has also led to

“modem” forms of oppression that further place some Dalits in disadvantaged positions

along class lines.

iv. Place: Space and Representation

As Rodman (1992) has argued against the commonly-held belief in place as “the

dead, the fixed, the undialectical, [and] the immobile", she sheds light on the construction

9 of space as highly politicized, where dimensions of power reside and a place in which the cultural significance of everyday life is explored.

Place becomes important in analyzing the significance of social phenomenon such as caste discrimination and how it occurs amid urban, cosmopolitan centers like

Kathmandu because of the dichotomous relationship represented between urban towns and rural villages. What have resulted are (mis)representations of the static state of village areas, which in turn, have informed a fixed image of Kathmandu as the opposite of what villages are (Pigg 1992; Hindman 2009). The nature of this relationship warrants an analysis of the concept of place as it becomes increasingly clear that it is a politicized, social and cultural construct, which in the context of this thesis, has heavily influenced the notion of the invisibility of caste discrimination in Kathmandu.

v. Discourses o f Modernity and Development

As the post-colonial redefinition of global relationships produced the category of the third world and organized certain complexes of social relations in a condition labeled underdevelopment (Escobar 1988), it was during this post-war, post-colonial period that

Nepal was both regarded by the international stage and deemed itself among the underdeveloped countries in hopes to forge a new political identity. Reeling from its previously held affiliation as an isolationist nation under the Rana regime, notions of development, orbikas, gained importance in this process of defining a national identity

(Bista 1992; Pigg, 1992; Riaz and Basu 2010). It is from this integral era that the

10 concepts of modernity and development became part of the national discourse for progress.

As observed by Pigg (1992), the concept of development has been

institutionalized as it “fuses the local and the global but concerns itself explicitly with the

economic dimension of this relationship. [In turn] development establishes an ideological

encounter in which universalist notions of progress and modernity meet locally grounded

social visions” (492). In the context of Nepal, such ideas exemplify their permeation into

universal thought as modernization projects of the time suggested active desire to develop

the ideal modem Nepali in order for society to ‘progress’ into higher stages (or statuses)

and better economic conditions. In turn, this emphasized dichotomous understandings of

what and where development and progress were represented. This also led to

understandings of how people were represented as modernity also described the

characteristics and lowly state of Dalits.

As the discourses of modernity are still apparent today, analysis of notions of the

development of underdevelopment in the context of Nepal becomes a site through which

its discourses alert us to how this understanding produces knowledge. According to Yon

(2000) the critical engagement with language and its effects also asks us to think about

how certain meanings become common sense and how specific discourses become

“authoritative” or “dominant”.

11 S e c t io n III: C h a p t e r B r e a k d o w n

Focusing on the central theme of the invisibility of caste discrimination in

Kathmandu, this case study will be divided into three chapters of analysis. The first chapter focuses on the discursive space of school and how Himal High School has contributed to their students’ understanding of the concept of caste and the perceived

invisibility of caste discrimination in Kathmandu. Through an analysis of schooling, the regard for the role of education in eliminating caste discrimination and the approach to

addressing caste issues are highlighted via notions of development.

The second chapter engages in discussion about Nepali identity as the youth

depict the diverse cultural and ethnic landscape of Kathmandu. Their identifications with

caste enable a greater understanding through pride, privilege and resistance of how they

have come to identify the concept and its place within Nepali society today. This chapter

augments the final discussion which concentrates on identifying caste discrimination in

Kathmandu.

The final chapter will focus on the perceived nonexistence and invisibility of caste

discrimination in Kathmandu. Through an analysis of place, this chapter highlights how

notions of what is considered modem shape the ways that urban and village areas are

initially perceived as the reason that caste discrimination does not occur. However, the

existence of Dalits who conceal their caste identities challenges this notion and suggests

that irrespective of place, caste discrimination occurs in Kathmandu.

12 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

S e c t io n I: A C hronological V ie w o f C a s t e D iscrimination in N e p a l i. Ancient Nepal: Situating Caste Discrimination upon the Foundations of Yesterday

Attempts to understand the concept of caste have been a matter which many sociologists and anthropologists, among others, have written about extensively. From

M.N. Srinivas, who focused on its roots and aspects of social stratification in India, to

Dor Bahadur Bista’s attempts to understand its role in a modernizing Nepal in Fatalism and Development (1969), caste still continues to be a variable that is considered in order to understand the dynamics of how societies in these countries are organized.

In the context of Nepal, a nation that has lived through monarchic dynasties, the

Ranas’ isolationist rule for over a century from 1846 until 1951, and most recently, a decade-long civil war that led this Hindu nation towards deeming itself a secular state in

2008, acknowledgment of how caste discrimination via a stratified caste system has played a significant role in the structure of society throughout these periods has become a significant factor in understanding the current state of Nepali society.

One of the most significant features of the caste system in Nepal has been a category for Dalits6 or “untouchables” - people regarded as the lowest caste.

“Untouchability” has often been linked to the reign of King Jayasthiti Malla because it was during this period that a rigid caste system was implemented in Nepal. The

6 The word ‘Dalit’, which is taken from a Sanskrit word meaning "held under check", "crushed" or “suppressed”, is believed to have first been coined by Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkhar, an Indian political leader in the early 20th century, who fought against social discrimination - particularly against the Indian vama system. The use of the word ‘Dalit’ became popularized during revolutionary movements in the 70s in India, during which people belonging to scheduled, or lower castes, identified as Dalits (Rao 2009). In contemporary Nepali parlance, it is used to refer only to those groups categorized by law and who belong to the formerly “untouchable” castes.

13 reorganization of Nepali society according to Hindu scriptures as written by Manu in the

Manusmriti firmly divided four castes and created the “untouchable” status. While the rule of Jayasthiti Malla during the 14th century identified certain occupational groups as

“untouchables” and enforced strict caste identifications and divisions such as clothing and the type and locations of housing, the 19th Century Rana Regime, strengthened the

“untouchable” status of Dalits under the 1854 MulukiAin , Nepal’s country code.

Through the Muluki Ain, additional measures were taken to marginalize Dalits’ status within Nepali society. The notion of “naturalized identities” through a “natural

Q order” was outlined by the Hindu caste structure, which was enforced by upper caste

Hindu elites. While Hindu linguistic and cultural traditions were privileged, the idea of occupational Dalits as a low, service caste orpani nachaine-chhai chitta halnu parne - those whose touch require purification by sprinkling of water - was intensified (Riaz and

Basu 2010: 80).

Through enforcing societal roles, which subsequently resulted in caste and class subordination of Dalits in particular, “untouchables” had to operate and submit to the labour prescriptions within this social order. Occupational groups, such as ironsmiths, were regarded as those whose labour could be demanded, controlled and deployed at the

7 The Muluki Ain, or country code, was a thick volume containing all the laws of the land. These included laws promulgated through the Royal Seal and those that were added later. Significant revisions were made and the Muluki Ain was issued again in 1963 as the Naya (New) Muluki Ain. After the Constitution of 1990 and political changes that arose in 2006, changes have been made to the amendments that reflect the political shifts This “natural” or “divine” order came from the belief that this order was written by the gods according to the Laws of Manu in which the body parts of the God of Creation, Brahma, created the four vamas as well as the fifth for “untouchables”

14 hands of high caste Hindu elites who utilized economic, as well as socio-religious logic as a means of governing Nepal. Riaz and Basu contend that

[t]his provided the broad framework through which the Rana rulers made claims on the resources of their subjects both in terms of the extraction of material and human labour. This classification fundamentally established the pattern of social obligation among diverse social groups within the land...The Hindu state thus enabled certain ethnic groups, namely high caste Hindus, to establish control over the mechanism of the state (71). The implementation of this legal code, or the “Hinduization of Nepal”9, was made clear through the creation of policies that classified penalties for crimes according to caste, determined laws over land tenure and trading privileges, and institutionalized economic dominance of upper caste elites over “subaltern” social groups ranging from Janajatis10 to

Dalits (37).

In addition, Dalits’ subordination included being prohibited from actions such as collecting water from the same water tap as higher castes, they were forbidden from entering sacred sites such as temples, and were not permitted to enter tea shops and the homes of people belonging to other castes on account of being bom into a caste that was perceived as “polluted” or “impure”. Dalits were also at the receiving end of physically

9 The institutionalization of Hindu religious customs into policy and the governing of Nepal 10 ‘ Janajati’ is the name used to refer to numerous ethnic and tribal groups who are considered to be indigenous to different regions in Nepal. Despite having their own customs and belief systems, they were brought under orthodox Hindu rule during the reign of the Ranas and were given inferior social and political status under the Muluki Ain of 1854. Newars, who are indigenous to the Kathmandu Valley, are not considered Janajati and were exempted from experiencing inequality at the hands of the Ranas because the skills of the higher caste Newars provided invaluable support during the conquest of the Kathmandu Valley by the Shah rulers between 1768 and 1844. The consolidation of social stratification that included Janajatis occurred immediately after the Shahs were overthrown by the Ranas. It should be acknowledged that the various ethnic and religious groups who consider themselves Janajati have experienced different forms of exclusions and, as a result, seek different rights. Today, in place of being regarded as ethnic, “indigenous nationalities” is used to refer to these groups

15 abusive acts that were left unpunished on account of acts being based on social ideals of dominant and subordinate castes.

While Nepali society under the Ranas was modeled strictly in terms of the Hindu caste hierarchy, belief systems practiced by Nepal’s diverse ethnic groups were also suppressed and grouped under the umbrella of Hinduism. As this imposed framework served the interests of the elite while forcibly acculturating and purposefully stagnating opportunity of Dalits and other unfavoured groups, the unequal dynamics of caste and ethnic interactions amongst Nepal’s diverse cultural landscape was taking shape.

iu Modern(izing) Nepal: “One Leader, One Language, One Religion, One Nation”

The second half of the twentieth century in Nepal characterized drastic political transitions. The one and a half century-long rule of the Ranas was ending and making way for a democratic system of governance via a constitutional monarchy under the leadership of King Tribhuvan and the Nepali Congress Party (NCP). With the support of

Indian anti-Rana supporters favouring democratic politics and increased trade, the Rana regime saw its demise in 1951 amid the climate of independence and democracy that many nations were experiencing during this period.

It is important to note that the uprising against the Ranas’ isolationist, undemocratic reign was an elite rebellion. Much of who informed politics were from the privileged Bahun-Chhetri castes in what can be connected historically to the

‘Hinduization’ of culture. Within what Riaz and Basu (2010) contend to be a constructed belief, the monarch was regarded as the descendent of the Hindu god, Vishnu, and the

16 protector of the Hindu religion. This social hierarchy, established as part of theMuluki

Ain and modeled in terms of a Hindu caste hierarchy, was held in place and utilized by the constitutional monarchy to legitimate previous notions of ‘naturalized identities’.

With the institution of a constitutional monarchy in 1951, a new era built on the premise of forging national unity began. In addition to building Nepal’s national economy, the expansion of education was prioritized as a means to facilitate the modernization of Nepal and to promote economic growth (Basu and Riaz 2010; Shields and Rappleye 2008: 268). This resulted in education policies that differed greatly from the ways that education was approached during the Rana regime when only upper castes

and elites were privileged with receiving an education through formal schooling. The

Post-Rana era was dedicated to democratic governance with its new constitutional

monarchy, which advocated equality and inclusion11 particularly in schools. This was

reflected by steadily increasing enrolments of children regardless of caste and class12

(Pigg 1992; Caddell 2002).

Deeper within the changes being implemented, Nepal’s shifting politics shifted

once again when in 1960, King Mahendra, who succeeded King Tribhuvan after his death

in 1955, abolished the parliamentary system, outlawed political parties and instated

panchayat rule with 5 hand-picked ministers. With hopes of homogenizing the nation, the

11 The end of the Rana regime was significant of ideas of democracy, which were in part supported by anti- Rana politicians in India. Nepal’s shift from an isolationist nation governed solely by the Ranas, a Hindu Rajpat (descendants of ruling warrior classes) dynasty, to a constitutional monarchy, called for better representation of all Nepalis though the introduction of political parties in addition to having a monarch. 12 While this was the case, it was still difficult for many children belonging to historically marginalized groups to receive an education because of issues surrounding access, familial responsibilities, cost and learning impediments caused by language of instruction at schools. Despite advocating inclusion, these barriers, which went unaddressed, were indicators of the continuation of dominance exercised by high caste Hindus.

17 monarchy was still committed to promoting the development of the nation through education expansion and focusing on Kathmandu as the center of Nepal’s political and economic affairs. Shaping a common cultural identity was also important as the slogan,

“one leader (monarch), one language (Nepali), one religion (Brahmanical Hinduism) and one nation”, constituted the essence of Nepali national culture (Riaz and Basu 2010,

Onta, 2009, Burghart 1994). As the post-Rana and especially Panchayat state utilized the notions of bravery amongst some of Nepal’s iconic warrior and regal figures, this national culture, supported by the state, was both elaborated and disseminated through print, radio, and visual media as well as in educational resource materials (Onta 2009).

As images of a progressive Nepali were moulded out of high caste, urban Hindus, textbooks that were distributed in schools actively promoted inferior statuses through images of rural dwellers, non-Hindus, and other ethnically and linguistically diverse groups (Pigg 1992, Onta 2009).

In 1971, the National Education System Plan (NESP), which was viewed as having a significant role in informing educational policy, promoted itself in egalitarian rhetoric while paying homage to the King, Hinduism and the Nepali language as “the basis for national cohesion” (Shields and Rappleye 2008: 269). In turn, this provided the foundations of a new ideology that forced acceptance of the inferiority of anyone outside this realm of belief. In contrast to the ideal modem Nepali, this declaration by the NESP further deterred the rural dwellers, low caste Hindus, women, and indigenous minority groups from being integrated into nationalist ideology and agendas.

18 From this nationalizing project, two forms of marginality became evident - one

that suppressed ethnic identities in hopes for people to assimilate into the ideal modem

Nepali, and another that limited, if not, prevented social integration on account of

‘backward’ tendencies - not Hindu, high caste, Nepali-speaking, which was detrimental

to students that spoke other languages and dialects. Through assimilation and/or

exclusion, both cases had the same agenda: to promote a homogenous, national identity -

with or without the acceptance of the groups being marginalized. Consequently, these

projects to modernize Nepal bred fertile grounds for the growth of inequity and

discrimination. The conditions embedded within the existing civil code, the Muluki Ain,

proliferated the already-existing gaps between its various class, caste and ethnic groups.

Despite the fact that the Muluki Ain was replaced by theNay a Muluki Ain13 in 1963, and

advocated equality amongst all Nepalis, the tenets related to caste interactions within the

previous civil code remained embedded within Nepali society. Thus while there was an

expressed commitment to nurture the growth of the ‘modem Nepali’ and liberalize Nepal

through the creation of an education system, in the process of moulding a stronger Nepal,

many people were appropriated to promote nationalist agendas. By this, I do not intend

on positing their lack of agency, but rather attempt to show how the concept of modernity

and developing a unified nation, was used to satisfy elitist agendas that benefited only

few at the expense of many. In their analysis of state failure and modernization theory in

Nepal, Riaz and Basu contend that

13 The Naya Muluki Ain was written after the Rana Regime was succeeded by attempts at democratic governance. However, after a decade of political instability at the hands of batting political parties, the monarchy was reinstated with King Mahendra, who governed Nepal though a panchayat system. It was through his reinstatement that the Naya Muluki Ain was written

19 [t]he ideological premise of the new economic model adopted by [Nepal]... stipulated that in developing societies, elites who had the ability to absorb modem values would in turn educate a traditional backward population in the art of managing economic development. In reality this implied that Kathmandu-based high caste elites would supervise economic growth and would regard the rest of the rural low caste population as backward; the latter would only obtain benefits through a trickle-down effect (2010: 113). In addition to building its economy, it was imperative to build a unified nation.

Ironically, in an era where Nepal removed its isolationist status from the rest of the world, walls within continued to heighten as attempts to achieve a compliant homogenous Nepali identity, led to the suppression of ethnic identities and extreme cases of marginalization. It was from this imposed cultural framework that the dynamics of

Nepal’s cultural mosaic changed. While economic development was on the top of its list, there were other features of the Nepali state that needed to be addressed before Nepal’s economy could be nurtured. This included acknowledgment of a fragmented society.

Consequently, the changes implemented served the interests of mobilizing the elite while almost stagnating opportunity among people belonging to unfavoured groups.

UL Caste Discrimination Today

According to a 2003 study generated by the Social Inclusion Research Fund, 205 acts of caste based discrimination (see Appendix A) directed at Dalits have been identified in Nepal. In addition to state involvement in implementing policies that have made acts of caste discrimination illegal and punishable by law, various other actors have

20 been engaged with research on how to better understand the ways that caste discrimination occurs.

While practices based on caste affiliation still occur today, the ways that these acts are regarded have gone through significant transformations. Amidst much social and political changes that defined the mid-twentieth century, the elimination of the caste system in Nepal via the Naya Muluki Ain, or the new country code of 1963, led to reinterpretations of issues regarding the exclusion and unequal treatment of Dalits in the subsequent decades14. Within the last twenty years, Nepal has encountered two Jana

Andolans, or People’s Movements, and a civil war, which led to the abolition of its monarchy and to the subsequent transformation of Nepal from a Hindu Kingdom into a secular state. As a result, there have been increased movements by traditionally marginalized groups and rights organizations in pursuit of democratic rights that have been neglected by the agendas of those formerly and currently governing the country and the implementation of laws that have made acts of caste-based discrimination punishable.

The political changes that arose after the end of the People’s War on April 2006, in which several new laws and regulations were created, made way for the concept of affirmative action and special provisions for the inclusion of Dalits and other socially excluded groups. According to the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, there is a

14 Although the 1963 country code, theNaya Muluki Ain, put an end to practices whereby purification was required, it did not put an end to caste discrimination. There was no protection of the right to equality for “untouchables” in the code (Kisan 2009). The law also had no provisions for punishment and therefore, it was ineffective. Only after the creation of the 1990 Constitution was caste based discrimination and untouchability made punishable. However, it was only after the 2007 Interim Constitution that traditional practices in temples and religious places were considered discrimination and called for Dalits’ right to inclusion.

21 commitment to special measures that ensure the right of women, Dalits, indigenous minorities, Madhesis15, farmers and workers:

The State shall pursue a policy of uplifting the economically and socially backward indigenous peoples, Madhesi, Dalit, marginalized communities, and workers and farmers living below the poverty line, by making a provision of reservation in education, health, housing, food sovereignty and employment, for a certain period of time (World Intellectual Property Organization).

It should be noted that while reservations in schools and places of work have been

established, there are still debates about the effectiveness of reservations among Dalit

political representatives. Arguments center on the need for temporary reservations until

Dalits are “uplifted” from their lower ranks particularly in schools, to the need for Dalits

to be granted special rights in order for their needed advancement to accelerate.

Among one of the recent political victories met by supporters of Dalit rights was

in May of 2011 through the United Nations Human Rights Office in Nepal (OHCHR-

Nepal) as the Nepali government adopted the Untouchability Act, which highlights the

sentencing and imprisonment of offenders. According to the OHCHR’s 100 Days Against

Caste Discrimination initiative, “[t]he new law represents important legal progress

against caste discrimination in both the public and private spheres, making incitement to

commit discrimination a crime, and setting higher penalties for public officials found

guilty o f caste discrimination” (8 Nov 2011).

15 Madhesis are the native people of Nepal who reside in the southern plains, Terai regions of Nepal. While ethnic groups who identify as Madhesis are part of Nepal’s indigenous population, it should be noted that they are separate from ethnic groups who identify as part of Nepal’s indigenous nationalities, or Janajati.

22 Amidst these political and social changes, the status of caste discrimination has

also been an issue that has remained on the agenda of international organizations

concerned with the political, economic and social development of Nepal. The UNCHR

and ICERD continuously engage with research in attempts to alleviate rights violations

on the basis of caste and racial discrimination; the Asian Development Bank (ADB) has

carried out research on the implications of caste and ethnic diversity on development in

Nepal (2005); and the UNDP is involved in the implementation of programs that address

concerns of social inclusion (2011).

Much academic research has also been done to study the effects of caste

discrimination. From experiences in schools and within Nepal’s education system

(Levine, 2006; Shields and Rappleye, 2008), to understanding how caste has impacted

Nepal’s economic development and ethnic politics (Riaz and Basu, 2010), caste in Nepal

has been a subject of inquiry that has been integral in understanding how Nepali society

operates, and has been recognized as an important variable in attempts to understand how

to address caste discrimination, which in turn, affects the overall development of Nepal

as a nation.

Today, after a decade-long People’s War, the abdication of Nepal’s monarchy and

its transition from a Hindu kingdom into a secular state, the ways that caste and caste

discrimination are understood in Nepal have revealed itself as complex. It is amidst these

political and social changes, that understanding how caste discrimination operates today,

23 after centuries under rulers who disseminated the ideals of a Brahmanical caste system16

- even after its elimination - becomes relevant.

S e c t io n II: U n e x p l o r e d T e r r a in o f C a s t e D iscrimination in N e p a l

Clearly there has been a shift in the political climate and increased awareness of social inclusion and equality in Nepal, notably promoted since the 1990 constitution. Yet, there exists a gap in understanding the way(s) that caste and caste discrimination are currently viewed, experienced and acted out today. Amid changing policies that are aimed at addressing and even criminalizing acts of caste discrimination and untouchability, awareness campaigns, growing enrollment to educational institutions and an increase in migration to urban areas such as Kathmandu, two things are called into question: place and consciousness of caste identity - particularly amongst those youth who are bom into an era of social and political change.

My research offers three new perspectives. First, there is generally a lack of acknowledgment of the importance of youth experiences in identifying and understanding their notions of social ills that exist within their societies (UNDP, OHCHR). While there has been much criticism in the case of youth participation in research (Holland, Renold,

Ross, and Hillman, 2010; Kitzinger, 2000), the involvement of youth in research about caste discrimination can serve as a way to determine how the next generation of Nepalis are likely to view the direction of caste discrimination, especially with the initiatives

15 Brahmanical caste system refers to the caste system that was brought from India through the spread of Hinduism via the Licchavis in 4AD. It consists of Brahmans, Chhetris, Vaishyas and Shudras. As it spread, indigenous groups, despite not fully identifying with the new caste structure or Hinduism, were implicated within its structure and not given the same rights as upper caste Brahmans and Chhetris (Bahun-Chhetris).

24 being created to alleviate it within the last 60 years. Their presence is a significant one - representative of what is known from the past, what is understood today, and possibly what may be the future of how caste and caste discrimination stand in Nepal.

Secondly, as place - urban and rural spaces in particular - has been regarded as a significant factor in determining social interactions and customs, I am particularly interested in examining the dynamics of caste discrimination in Kathmandu.. While studies about caste in Kathmandu have focused on the caste system as practiced by its

t <7 indigenous majority ofNewaris (Gellner and Quigley 1995), research accounting for the migration of people from other parts of Nepal has yet to be considered.

Lastly, while studies that attempt to understand youth in disadvantaged conditions, such as caste discrimination, research has been limited to engaging only with marginalized groups (UNDP: 2011; teRiele: 2010; Rodriguez and Brown: 2009). There is a lack of research that addresses issues from the perspectives of those deemed as the perpetrators of caste discrimination - the upper caste Bahun-Chhetris as they are known in Nepal, and other non-Dalits. There are no studies that have been done to illustrate inter-caste dialogues in order to highlight what enables the continued existence of caste discrimination amidst the increasing number of laws that enforce its elimination and punish continued practices. As much focus remains in rural, remote or village areas of

Nepal, exploration of the presence of caste discrimination in Kathmandu is neglected, and limited to focusing on specific groups — Dalits in Kathmandu (Kharel 2009) and Newars

17 Newaris are an ethnic group indigenous to the Kathmandu Valley. While having their own distinct culture, they also have their own caste system, different dialects of Nepal Bhasa and consist of both Tibeto- Burman and Indo-Aryan ethnicities

25 (Gellner and Quigley 1995).Bringing together a representation of Nepal’s ethnic and cultural diversity into caste discrimination research allows for greater perspective on awareness of caste discrimination and how it operates.

26 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

S e c t io n I: E t h ic s

After a university-based ethics committee approved my research proposal, Himal

High School in Kathmandu was chosen as the focus of this case study. The head master, who welcomed my research, immediately initiated contact with parents, teachers and youth about my intentions. A representative from a national NGO who has worked extensively with marginalized youth - both Dalit and non-Dalit - accompanied initial meetings and discussions held at the school in case the sensitive topic of caste required additional support. While all participants gave their oral consent to participate, the voluntary nature of their participation was emphasized.

I initially wanted to engage children under the age of 10 in my exploration of caste discrimination in Kathmandu, however, the emerging belief in its invisibility posed concern about whether children at this age were aware of the concept. After speaking with parents - both Dalit and non-Dalit - as well as with teachers and representatives from the NNDSWO, it was suggested that children from an older demographic would be more suitable to participate in the study.

S e c t io n II: M a p p in g t h e R o a d t o U nderstanding C a s t e D iscrimination in K a t h m a n d u

While the majority of data that underpins this case study was collected over approximately three months through discussions that took place with youth at a

27 151 community-based school , semi-structured interviews with people from Dalit groups in

Kathmandu were also conducted. Data collected from these interviews, were used to provide accounts of caste discrimination that some Dalits have encountered while in

Kathmandu. In turn, these accounts augmented the opinions and claims provided by youth in their understanding of how caste discrimination occurs.. In addition, through means of informal discussions and conversations with Kathmanduites, I was able to clarify and contextualize issues that were raised during interviews and group discussions with youth.

A questionnaire was also given to youth after discussion sessions were finished to gather general demographic information (see Appendix B). The questionnaire was divided into two sections. The first section utilized the Likert scale to understand general attitudes and thoughts about caste and caste discrimination. The second section provided a space for personal thoughts and explanations about questions asked. While the questions on the questionnaire were similar to questions covered during discussion sessions, the questionnaire augmented responses already given and allowed students to provide general thoughts about caste and caste discrimination.

I first began the research process by acquainting myself with the teachers at

Himal High School. Since the principal had provided his approval, I found that I was well-received by the teachers. I decided to attend a social studies class - a class in which the teachers mentioned that the issue of caste was addressed. As participant observer

18 The school was unofficially called a community-based school despite government-funding from Nursery level to level 5 classes, which meant that students would have to pay fees for books and uniforms. From levels 6 to 10, the school was private. While the curriculum was still designed by the Ministry of Education, salaries of teachers were paid for by student fees.

28 I had an opportunity to observe and learn what was being taught to students about what

‘social studies’ in the Nepali context encompassed. Covering topics from ‘social ills’ of

Nepali society to local politics and global issues, I attended this class 3 to 4 times out of a

6-day school week. By taking part in the level 10 social studies class, I allowed myself to become acquainted with the students and the overall school environment. In addition, because the class group discussions were my first experience interacting with youth in

Kathmandu, this experience allowed me to ease into their space and to reacquaint myself with ‘teenage life’. In turn, students got a chance to become familiar with my presence at their school. Through this method as participant observer, I was able to establish a rapport with the students prior to my formal interviews and discussion groups, facilitating more engaged personal reflections and interactions. I was even given the title of “didi”, which in Nepali means “older sister”.

I was provided with a designated space and time to conduct group discussions. A total of 42 youth aged 14-17 participated in these discussions during their homework period once a week. The large size of the group discussions replicated a seminar-style environment, and thus enabled a less intimidating environment that ensured voluntary participation. I was successful in generating interest among a fairly large number of participants that represented diverse caste groups. Undoubtedly, respondents varied depending on their homework load and interest in the day’s discussion, however as stated above, the youth I worked with represented Nepal’s ethnic and cultural diversity. This was important to me given my topic of study and my belief that discussion should take place amid the presence of the people that represent the society in which caste

29 discrimination occurs. From the representation and participation of the youth, interesting inter-caste and inter-ethnic views and insights were shared about caste and caste discrimination during discussions.

S e c t io n III: A l t e r n a t iv e M e t h o d s

As stated by a Save the Children report entitled So You Want to Involve Children in Research (2004), the diversity of representation in terms of age, gender, religion, urban/rural residence, levels of (dis)ability, ethnic origin, geographic region and socio­ economic background are important factors that need careful consideration when facilitating the involvement of youth who may perceive themselves marginalized for one reason or another. Concerned about possible language barriers and the desire to withhold certain thoughts and experiences within the confines of a large group, alternative methods were also used to encourage engagement of youth and offer space to have them better express their thoughts and experiences of caste discrimination.

In a study done by Hirsch (1993) amongst street children in Soweto, South Africa, boys were encouraged to make a collective book with stories, poems and drawings about themselves and their lives, which was later shared and discussed with one another. Not only did this provide an alternative way to communicate what they believed to be important aspects of their creations, it also allowed them to be more creative in how they chose to connect with new ideas or ones previously discussed. In recognition of the possible marginal status that some youth in my study may identify themselves with - based on caste, ethnic origin, or language - 1 was aware of providing these youth with

30 different and creative means of communication to suit their comfort levels in sharing their thoughts.

Based on the work by advocates of social change, in their manualEducating for

Change (Arnold, Burk, James, Martin and Thomas, 1991), I developed activities to tackle the complexities of addressing issues of identity and intercultural understanding and dialogue. Various activity-based methods facilitate group participation and personal reflection, thus enabling a ground for alternative expression.

Inspired by these methods to integrate and motivate the participation of youth, I developed three activities for students in addition to facilitating group discussions: the identity flower, life stories and journal-writing.

i. The Identity Flower

Although the majority of the group knew each other having attended the same school over several years, I introduced an ice-breaker called the identity flower19. The purpose of this activity was to allow the group to start thinking about ways that they identify themselves - through their ethnic background, caste, religion, gender, or other aspects that they felt represented who they are. This was then shared with the rest of the group to promote discussion about how they chose to represent pieces - or petals on their

19 The “identity flower” activity was inspired by the “power flower” which is an activity used to discover the relationship between social identity and power relations inEducating for Change (1991). While utilizing the same design, in which youth were asked to identify an aspect of their identity on petals of a flower, the goal was to observe the ways that they chose to identify themselves - whether according to how they identified or how society identifies them (see Appendix C).

31 identity flower - of their identity. It was also a way to see how and if caste was an aspect of their identity that they regarded as necessary to share.

it Life Stories

In addition to the identity flower, the use of life stories was a way to get an idea of what they valued and wanted to share about who they are. For this activity, participating youth were asked to write or draw about significant moments of their life. From research that supports the inclusion of children in research, the use of this activity highlighted aspects of their lives that they felt were significant, such as importance of family, school, personal beliefs and events that have influenced them.

Hi. Journal-writing

Finally, journal-writing - through thoughts, poetry - in their preferred language was encouraged and served as a way to engage with thinking and reflecting about issues discussed in order to develop opinions they have but may not want to share in a group setting. With the help of the NNDSWO representative, I was able to translate the submissions that were written in Nepali.

After initially attempting to facilitate focus discussion groups for three different days of the week after classes, attendance was very low because of after-school commitments. Most importantly, low attendance during this time also meant that inter­ caste or inter-ethnic discussions would not have been made possible. While the dynamics of the large number of participants didn’t always facilitate the most conducive

32 environment for sharing ideas and personal thoughts, the use of alternative methods of communicating - life stories and journal-writing in particular — served as a beneficial way for some to express themselves and the multitude of ideas brought forth by members of the discussion group. The approach used proved successful because it permitted the exchange of more opinions within the group to be shared

As two final methodological notes, pseudonyms have been used to represent all participants for the purpose of ensuring anonymity throughout the course of this thesis.

Taking into account that the discussion groups took place at Himal High, a higher secondary school, interviews, discussions with youth and teachers, and content analysis of textbooks provided a richer context in the role of educators and schools in what is taught about caste discrimination.

S e c t io n IV : P ositionality a n d L im it a t io n s

Having utilized contacts that I had made during a previous trip to Nepal and by initiating communication with the NNDSWO prior to leaving for Nepal, my network of contacts was established upon my arrival. While the NNDSWO was instrumental in providing me with contacts from communities in which Dalits are known to reside in

Kathmandu, the connections I made with the school in which I ultimately conducted my research was through scoping the field of Kathmandu and reacquainting myself with the city by speaking with local shop owners and waiters while journaling.

When presenting myself to schools and the purpose of my research to schools, I found that being a student provided me with a less invasive title than that of a researcher,

33 which was one that some had all too often seen as intrusive. To be a student was more humbling, and expressed my interest in listening to and learning from them instead of evaluating and analyzing responses to questions, teacher-student relations and students’ intellectual capacities. When I had to explain my research, I would always accompany this with my university affiliation and that I was a Master’s student. Identifying as a student was also helpful in connecting with the youth. In expressing my willingness to learn from them, I found that they were more eager to share their thoughts and to help me understand what they were thinking and saying.

However, not being from Nepal and being acquainted with gestures and/or cultural expressions inhibited my ability to immerse myself in a deeper understanding of anecdotes used or the thoughts of people being interviewed. When the interpreter was able to express these anecdotes, it was great and made for a deeper engagement and analysis of the discussion. After attending a social studies class, I realized that the students spoke and understood a level of English that was easy for me to understand. I could express myself and understand not only what they were saying, but also be alert to their thought processes and expressions, and be able to question them when there was a thought I would want them to elaborate. While more time was needed to explain concepts and questions in simpler ways, the ability to communicate without an interpreter allowed for the establishment of rapport.

I have to acknowledge that it was not always easy to encourage student participation. Interacting with some youth was still difficult at times. Although most of the youth participating had extensive knowledge of the English language, some felt

34 uneasy expressing themselves vocally. From observation, I knew that they were vocal with their peers, but when it came to expressing their thoughts, they would be silent. This could have been the result of insecurity of speaking English, it may have been because I was not from Nepal, that I am a female, or that I took on an authoritative role as facilitator of the group. However, having alternative means of communication available proved invaluable as many of the quieter youths were able to express themselves this way. These methods also often enhanced observations of the issues discussed and provided personal stories about their experiences.

My interviews and discussions with parents and school officials almost always involved having used an interpreter. Here, I felt a disconnection in understanding the full sentiments expressed. At times, what was supposed to be a semi-structured interview felt more like I was administering a survey. While interviews with parents generally went well, not speaking Nepali fluently hindered interactions and made building rapport difficult. Not being able to fully engage through language meant taking more time for some people to be open and express their thoughts about such personal matters. In addition, as with every situation in which an interpreter is needed, I felt as though only a partial story was communicated as the story being told was ‘filtered’, resulting in a summary of the actual account.

In the next section, I will more fully engage with the thoughts shared by the 1 Oth level students, however prior to this discussion, I will first explore the analytical terrain of Himal High School in order to place into context the significance that schooling has

35 played in shaping the ways that students have come to learn and understand concepts

such as caste and caste discrimination.

36 CHAPTER FOUR: SCHOOLING AND CASTE DISCRIMINATION

S e c t io n I: T h e D is c u r s iv e S p a c e o f H im a l H ig h S c h o o l

Representative of its surroundings, Himal High School and its over 1000 students is a snapshot of Nepal’s ethnic diversity. Located at the heart of Kathmandu, amid its bustling streets of constant commuter chaos, Himal High School manages to nestle itself away from the distracting sights and sounds of everyday life in the city. Officially registered as a community school, its curriculum is designed in accordance to guidelines set by the Nepali government, which, I learned, was a feature common across all schooling types from private, community and government (Pigg 1992; interviews with teachers)20.

However, despite being considered a community school, I was told by teachers at

Himal High School that while meetings to discuss school-related issues were supposed to occur on a monthly basis, it had been a long time since meetings were held. One of the teachers said that being a community school was only in name, but otherwise it ran like a government school from the nursery level to level 5 and like a private school for levels 6 to 10 because of the fee structure.

20 Private schools do not receive funding from the Nepali government and students have to pay tuition fees. In addition, the primary medium of teaching is in English. Community schools have funding from the government, but affairs of the school are taken care of by a School Management Committee (SMC). SMCs usually consist of members from the community, the principal of the school as well as a representative from the Ministry of Education. This committee administers the needs of the school community in order to better suit the needs of students attending and their families. Government schools provide free schooling up to level 10. This means that there are no tuition fees, however other fees such as monies to purchase uniforms and buy school textbooks are from the pockets of students. Government schools are primarily taught in Nepali, however some schools that I visited had a high proficiency of the English language and all had English as a subject available to students.

37 Regarded highly by the teachers and parents of students that attended the school,

Himal High offered a good education comparable to private schooling, with many of its students excelling into the Student Leaving Certificate (SLC) levels of education21. The cost to go to this school was also relatively low when compared with schools that had a similar reputation for educational standards in the area because it was partly funded by the government and based on lowering the average cost to attend schools in the same vicinity♦ • . .

Prior to the start of discussion groups with youth, I implanted myself in the staff room of the school where I met many of the school’s 30 teachers. I interviewed teachers from the social studies department and conversed with various other teachers that taught subjects ranging from science to English and math. Their teaching experiences ranged from 1 year to 25 years, and were aged from 22 years to over 50. Interested in their experiences of teaching at Himal High School, I had many fascinating conversations with them as they passed in and out of the room after their classes had ended. Their insights and thoughts provided much context to the discussions that followed with students.

In this chapter, I focus on schooling as an analytical terrain, as schooling is where the hope for awareness about issues such as caste discrimination can become overshadowed by selective knowledge promoted by a curriculum that utilizes a “Co/e’s

21 The School Leaving Certificate (SLC), the final examination in the secondary school system of Nepal, The exam is taken after finishing the tenth grade in Nepal and is taken in preparation for post-secondary school studies. 22 With at least 5 secondary schools within a 2 kilometer radius of Himal High School, one teacher from Him al High, who had a former colleague that worked at a neighbouring school, attested to the difference in cost to attend the other institution as Himal High was more affordable.

38 notes” version of addressing caste discrimination within modem discourses of development and “backwardness”.

S e c t io n II: S c h o o l s - S it e s o f D is p e n s in g M o d e r n D is c o u r s e

As detailed in the earlier historical section, the significance of schools in Nepal demonstrated a larger project of modernity through nation-building and building a singular national identity. Starting from the 1960s, schools became the sites in which privileged knowledge was gained and disseminated. In declaring Nepali as the national language, and the language of instruction in schools, dozens of languages and dialects spoken by a large majority of Nepal’s diverse ethnic population were suppressed. As upper caste elites held substantial power over the ways that Nepal came to be viewed by its citizens and by the international arena, schools were used as mediums to promote a

“progressive” Nepal - and Nepali. Textbooks depicted dichotomized images of people and places as urban or rural, developed or not developed, progressive or backwards, which in turn propagated images of the ideal, developed state in which all of Nepal should move towards (Pigg 1992).

As this language clearly became appropriated into the discursive space of the school, it permeated discussions with teachers and youth in the ways that they regard the state of Nepal. Although current texts have moved away from images of rural dwellers as contrast to urbanites in textbooks, the youths’ very presence at schools already asserts their heightened “status” of development, which in turn, posits what and how they are taught as being privileged and unquestionable. The regard for receiving a school

39 education meant greater knowledge and awareness was being gained. However, this becomes questionable when examining the nature of what is being taught.

i. “Backwards”

During a 10th level social studies class on civic awareness that focused on the role of citizens during elections, a discussion about the corrupt nature of Nepal’s voting system ensued and my Canadian citizenship warranted a discussion on the “backwards” status of Nepal. “Canada has a developed voting system... in Nepal there is no good system” was what the teacher, Surendra sir, told the class. While initially questioning the effect of my presence in being from Canada, the teacher’s use of the word “backwards” to describe the corruption that occurs among Nepal’s political parties made me realize later that this word was not only used to describe Nepal’s political climate or civic awareness. The word “backwards” was also used by students when comparing Nepal with other nations with Nepal or in describing other areas in Nepal and the people that reside there. The repeated reference of the word “backwards” from students as well as teachers revealed an interesting idea that Pigg (1992) and Hindman (2009) express as the rhetoric of modernity and progress. Through this, discourses of modernity and ideas of progress appear to have become indigenized national assumptions through an evolutionary understanding of social stages of development in Nepal. In turn, this informed the students’ understandings of urban/rural, east/west, north/south as well as educated/uneducated difference.

40 The intersecting concept of modernity with the discursive space of schooling resonated when discussions were held with youth. There was a general awareness for the

“need” to develop Nepal, particularly rural areas where it is believed that caste

discrimination takes place.

While schools have been regarded as sites through which greater awareness and

social change can take place, the next section aims to highlight how schools address caste

discrimination in the presence of what or who is considered “backwards”.

S e c t io n III: “ S o c ia l il l s ” , “ S o c ia l M alpractices ” a n d “ C h h u w a c h h u t P r a t h a ”

Upon speaking with both teachers and students about the way learning about caste

was approached at Himal High School, it became clear that the regard for education in

eliminating caste discrimination was high. Sentiments such as “ people who have an

education do not do discrimination and ”“uneducatedpeople practice discrimination ”

implied that receiving a school education has the power to address issues that could lead

to its elimination. The way to advocate this was believed to be through teaching about the

need for equal rights among all Nepalis.

The belief that if students learned about the need for people from lower castes to

be given equal rights and an education to acquire literacy skills, schools would function

as the primary sites in which these changes will occur because it is here that they can

learn about “social ills” and unlearn the “malpractices” that arose out of the existence of a

caste system. Although I do not question the role that acquiring a school education can

play in becoming aware of societal issues, conversations with youth and teachers made

41 me question just what was being taught at schools about caste and if they believed it was enough to create the kind of social change envisioned.

While close to half of the youth identified as having a fair knowledge about the caste system, and a good 30 percent believed that they had good or very good knowledge of it, 86 percent of the group agreed that not enough was being taught in school about issues dealing with caste. As more than half of the youth identified lower secondary

'y-l school as the initial point in which they learned about the concept of caste in a school setting, it was interesting to note that despite the years of being taught about caste, a disconnect in their knowledge of it existed.

L Making Caste (Discrimination) Invisible

Through successive meetings with Meena miss, a social studies teacher that has been at Himal High School for 20 years, I learned that teaching about caste was approached differently depending on the grade level. While there was no focus placed on teaching about the concept of caste itself, caste was taught in the context of different issues.

From the 4th level - the students’ initial encounter with caste from a school setting

- the caste system is addressed through learning about occupations through Hindu mythology. It is in this context that castes and a caste structure are said to have developed, as she explains,“out o f the body parts o f the gods” - a reference to the Laws of Manu, or the Manusmriti. She explains that students are first taught about the four

23 Lower secondary levels are from 6 to 8, while higher secondary schools are from grades 9 to 10. Levels 1 to 5 are called primary levels of schooling

42 vamas that emerged during Nepal’s Ancient Period - Brahmans, Chhetris, Vaishyas and

Shudras - and how a division of labour resulted from this structure. According to Meena miss’ brief explanation of the four vamas, Brahmans are considered to be theholy “ types”; Chhetris are those with “brave minds”; Vaishyas are “clever and business- minded\ while Shudras are “ those whose jobs are in labour and deal with dirt and waste”. However, in hopes to instill the idea that the rigidity of the caste system was no longer in place, Meena miss assured me that she would always tell her students that

“ [njowadays, people can do any job”.

Upon suggesting that “ [njowadays, people can do any job”, I wondered if she was speaking more from a human rights perspective or if she was simply taking into account more recent experiences of Dalits acquiring jobs that were formerly associated with higher castes, or both. Mindful that recently-made policies to promote inclusion of

Dalits in education and places of work will certainly take some time to measure outcomes, I was curious about people like Suman’s mother and other Dalits that I later interviewed. Did they feel the same way about all Nepalis being able to do“any job’’T24

I wondered if this meant that the experiences she has had in feeling and being treated in a subordinate way - and in the presence of laws that make caste discrimination and untouchability punishable - was an isolated issue.

In keeping with trying to understand how caste was approached at Himal High

School, I was invited by Sonu Sir to sit in on his level 5 social studies class. Here, I learned that caste was taught as part of a unit dedicated to “civic sense” that dealt with

24 I explore this in the third chapter

43 human rights in Nepal - specifically, within one chapter called “Our Fundamental Rights and Duties”. The chapter was covered during one 40-minute class. It focused on highlighting the tenets of the 2006 constitution of Nepal, which highlights the fundamental rights of all Nepalis. The issues of caste, ethnicity, trafficking, and education are discussed as examples of what the constitution aims to address in order to create an equitable society.

In upper grades, as I later observed in the 10th level, issues resulting from the creation of a caste system were taught in the context of“social problems or malpractices”. Within the social studies text books used by 10th level students in

Surendra sir’s class, a chapter is reserved for addressing the “ social malpractices” which

“disturb the social development'1'’ of Nepali society. Among the topics covered is

“chhuwachhut pratha”, untouchability, which reads:

Untouchability was legally prohibited on 2020BS25 [1963] but it is deep rooted still now. The practice of untouchability among human beings is a disgrace. It can be taken as the remnants of feudalistic culture. The practice of discriminating people on the basis of so-called higher and lower class has created a big gap in the society. It has given birth to conflicts in the society. Therefore, the practices of untouchability existing in our societies should be eliminated in a joint effort.

While textbooks acknowledge the existence of caste discrimination and untouchability, it is “not enough” as the students agreed, and limited in its coverage of how and where untouchability still occurs. Upon first reading this paragraph, my immediate reaction to

25 Bikram Sambat (B.S.) is the official and traditional solar calendar that is used in Nepal. It is just under 57 years (56.7 years) ahead of the Gregorian calendar because its new year is celebrated during the month of Baishakh, which is usually around the 14th of April

44 the paragraph-long - or rather short - excerpt about untouchability was that in teaching students about this practice, the contexts that enabled this practice to occur is not referenced. I also found it interesting that despite untouchability being a concept that emerged out of Hindu religious beliefs about purity and pollution, that reference to who is being discriminated and how discrimination takes place is absent. Instead, the word

“caste” and “caste system” are replaced by “class” and “feudalistic culture”, which are referred to as the reason for this “social malpractice”.

With activity questions about its persistence, impact and ways to control it as discussion topics in the textbook, I wondered about what was actually addressed in the classroom about Dalits. However, upon speaking with Manish sir, a teacher who identified himself as Dalit, and the only Dalit teacher at Himal High School, my questioning of the absence of Dalits in texts was validated. If the elimination of caste discrimination and untouchability was sought after, the people being discriminated,

Dalits, as well as those who discriminate need to be recognized.

As Manish sir made his beliefs known about the lack of effectiveness in schools to engage students with Dalit issues, his silence when asked about being the only Dalit teacher at the school was also telling of the lack of Dalit representation at Himal High

School. Although stating that he hasn’t experienced nor has he witnessed caste discrimination at the school, the fact that he was the only Dalit teacher out of at least 30 teachers at Himal High School indicated a different way that caste discrimination

45 operated - institutionally9 6 . In addition, • this exemplified the larger picture » of Kathmandu in which amicable relations between different caste and ethnic groups exist, however in the presence of institutional disparities. As Manish Sir represented the only Dalit teacher

at Himal High School, another observation about Dalits and caste discrimination made

me question whether the little acknowledgement of these topics was intended for a larger

project of modernity in focusing less on the perceived antiquated topic of caste -

something I was told by two teachers that were resistant to being interviewed about caste

discrimination at Himal High School. The next section highlights indications of this

through looking at what has been suggested as lacking in Himal High School’s approach

in addressing and fully engaging students with understanding caste discrimination.

iL Making Dalits Invisible

While looking at texts and going over interviews with the social studies teachers,

it became clear that teachings related to Dalits are limited to talking about the caste

system and the division of labour. Despite the majority of the youths’ recognition of who

Dalits are in larger society, within the context of their schooling, they appear invisible.

According to Manish sir, Dalits’ history - the construction of Shudras and

“untouchables” and the meaning of being Dalit, and their link to Hinduism (or

Hinduization) - are integral points that should be addressed in greater detail, but are

absent. While he would like to address this issue with students, he belonged to the

26 Himal High School was not alone in this lack of Dalit representation. As I visited many schools in the immediate area, Manish Sir was the only Dalit teacher I came across. Even at schools where Dalit children had a significant presence, there were no Dalit teachers.

46 Department of Math and Science, where issues of caste were not part of his course teachings. To him, the only way he was able to remain active in the advocacy of Dalit issues was through engaging in political affairs. Just like government policies, schools, too advocate change but do little to fully enforce action. Social studies classes address untouchability but to him, it isn’t meaningful enough for change to happen because they

learn but don’t understand, or fully engage with the significance of how Dalits have been,

and continue to be, treated. The rhetoric of equality is advocated with not enough

contexts, which inevitably makes caste and the severity of experiences faced by Dalits

invisible.

Making reference to the Manusmriti and the centuries-old creation of divinely

ordained castes, the idea of who Dalits, or “untouchables”, arose. Without this

knowledge, and being able to fully engage in what being ‘Dalit’ means historically and

currently, no one will be able to fully understand the lengths though which caste

discrimination has taken place. As the historical perspective of Dalits and other

marginalized groups are glazed over as items of the past that still continue to exist,

though differently, general focus today is on social change in order to develop the

country. Rights addressing “social ills” or “social evils” and the negative effect of linking

caste to class, are the current foci while there exists a lack of understanding about who

Dalits are and their history97 .

27 By asserting ‘Dalit history’ the intention is not to represent all Dalits as having a singular identity and the same experiences in history, but it is rather to connote their general treatment as being perceived as belonging to the lowest caste and historically, not having the same rights and privileges as other castes

47 Upon reviewing the texts used by the youth in levels 5, 8 and 10, the word caste is seldom used. Different caste groups are not even identified - neither as vama nor according to occupation. I questioned whether a project of caste blindness to make caste invisible was intended to separate the Nepal of today from the Nepal that coexisted with a caste system.

In texts, Nepal’s diversity appears to have been meshed into the image of a nation that prides itself with an agreed-upon identity, while not addressing movements by historically marginalized groups such as Dalits, Janajati - or indigenous nationalities - and religious minorities, which was a point articulated by another teacher, Raju sir.

Difference in the context of Nepal’s diversity is both celebrated, but also feared as identity politics is left unaddressed during this crucial period of constitution-building28.

As different groups ranging from Dalits to Janajatis are seeking rights that have historically excluded them, identity has been used as a powerful weapon that threatens sought-after peace, which was previously disrupted by two Jana Andolans - the People’s

Movement ofl991 and the Democracy Movement of 2006 — and a civil war that arose out of disparities particularly along the lines of caste, class and ethnicity. In current politics, the desire to rise above difference is threatened by individual groups and their desires to gain equal, and in some cases, special rights to compensate for past exclusions and the consequences that resulted. It is particularly important during this time as Nepal attempts to draft a new constitution after five years of stalemate.

28 Within current politics in Nepal is the drafting of a new constitution. This has led to different indigenous groups’ demands for an identity-based federal constitution. Such demands focus on the guarantee of the right to self-determination, ethnic autonomy, an inclusive election system and proportional representation of all the ethnic groups at all the state organs (Himalayan Times: May 2012)

48 The desire to end “social malpractices” are highlighted, though limited to paragraph-long expressions of “social traditions that disturb social development” during one or two 40-minute long classes. Through the lack of engaging youth with the history of caste discrimination and focusing on a nation that manages to unite its various ethnic groups, the object of perpetuating a national unity in eliminating “social ills” appears to take precedence over addressing the contexts through which these “social ills” came to exist29.

S e c t io n IV : Q u e s t io n in g t h e I m p o r t a n c e o f T e a c h in g A b o u t C a s t e

While interviews with the teachers at Himal High School shed light to how caste is approached at their school, conversations with them yielded interesting personal thoughts about whether they believed caste was a pertinent topic to address in schools today. I noticed a general passivity amongst teachers with whom I interviewed in what was being taught through texts. Despite being in agreement about the importance of caste, as one young Brahman teacher noted, “this is how it is done”. Sonu sir said that he stuck to what was in the textbooks, which are approved by the Nepali government.

As Meena miss, Sonu sir and Surendra sir felt that what was being taught about caste was enough or at an acceptable level, Manish sir and Raju sir believed that their students should know more about Nepal’s history and perhaps less about historic monuments and heroic figures - all of which I noted as promoting a sense of national

29 This seems to be a point of contention in Nepal today, as ethnic identity and national identity are among the most debated issues surrounding current politics while drafting the new constitution. As some leaders of different indigenous nationalities seek rights to self-determination among other contested issues, the issue of national identity resurfaces amongst those that argue that this results in a divided Nepal

49 identity and pride. Although Raju sir was not Dalit, he was well-versed on the ethnic politics in Nepal, which he felt was absent in the high school setting but important especially because of the problems that Nepal is facing today because of“bad policies of the pasf\

In contrast to Manish sir and Raju sir, there were two teachers who believed that focusing on caste was useless. To these two men - both of whom identified as being

Chhetri - it was better to “move forward’ and focus less on caste because it was no longer an issue in their society. One of them explained that it was a part of their past and that Nepal needs to focus on how to move away from it in order to remove the stigma attached to Nepal as being caste-ridden. It was interesting to hear his perspective and although discussion with this teacher was cut short because he declined to participate any further, it was enough to understand that the school housed very different opinions on how caste is addressed. While Manish sir’s view was to provide special provisions for

Dalits in order to “catch up” to the same playing field as other non-Dalits, particularly

Bahun-Chhetris, he believed in education as a means through which skills can be gained

- especially in a society where value in traditional occupations held by Dalits was still low, but was also in competition with other non-Dalits now taking on these jobs.

While the teachers had different visions about how to achieve a better learning experience at school, they all shared the belief that education was the key to not only the future of the students but the direction of Nepal. From believing that more awareness of historical issues is needed in order to understand the current and future of Nepal’s people,

50 to more focus on mathematics, science and less on history, these beliefs displayed different opinions on the importance of and need to address the history of caste.

C o n c l u s io n - “M o v in g F o r w a r d ” , n o t “ B a c k w a r d s ”

The social representations found in school books, along with other official sources, are authoritative not only to the extent that schools succeed in instilling certain ideas, but also the language of the schools is itself authoritative (Pigg 1996: 502). This chapter has highlighted two themes: the regard for the role of education in eliminating caste discrimination and the approach to addressing caste issues.

While schools became implicated in the diffusion of modem discourse during a

crucial period of nation-building in the 60s, today, the intersecting concepts of schooling

and modernity provide a lens through which Himal High School continues to house

similar discourses. It was interesting to observe that among youth and teachers, there

existed a heightened status of schools as playing a large role in the alleviation of

discrimination. This was a common belief. Although curriculums address issues of

discrimination via untouchability and civil rights, in transmitting ideas of

“backwardness” and “development”, a dichotomous relationship between the educated

and uneducated arises, where those privileged enough to attend school are introduced to

concepts of social equality and modernity.

The problem this poses is that it privileges a certain understanding of society and

its functions, and the nation’s identity and future while further marginalizing groups such

as Dalits as “backwards”. This has ultimately leads towards making their history and

51 contribution to Nepali society invisible. The focus is on the state of their marginal status as “backwarded”, “dirty”, and “living unhygienically”, instead of an analysis of why this

cane to be in the first place - that is, other than being from the “low caste” - and the

greater impacts that the caste system has had.

While the curriculum attempts to encourage action among youth, deeper

engagement with the “malpractices” is absent and limited to individual exploration of

issues or the reiteration of statements to fight against its presence.

Instead, sentiments in the Level 10 textbook, Our Social Studies (Ghimire, Negi,

Baral, Gurung, and Uprety, 2010), which is used at Himal High School, are expressed as

follows:

“Identify a social malpractice deep rooted in your community. Prepare a comprehensive plan to uproot it... ”

“Writeplaycards, banners and the slogans against untouchability and visit your town/village... ”

“Prepare a pamphlet against untouchability and other social absurdities and stick it on the walls o f your area... ”

Texts, and therefore, classes do not offer the foundations through which understanding

caste discrimination and the effects of it are fully approached in school. Instead, there is

discouragement to engage in customs that hinder development with statements that speak

of its existence but does little to engage youth with the contexts through which practices

of untouchability and other discriminations occur:

“ [Pjractices o f untouchability existing in our societies should be eliminated in a joint effort... ”

52 “The conscious people shouldfight against this system... ”

“There are other malpractices in our society which must be controlled... ”

From these examples, if caste discrimination is regarded as a “social ill”, the approach to remedying it has been prescribing solutions without folly communicating or understanding the symptoms. The problem with this is that it fails to address the institutional barriers though which caste discrimination continues to occur, and instead, it upholds the process of marginalizing certain groups through acceptance and use of modem discourse. At the same time, this understanding warrants the right of those receiving an education to confidently label themselves as not “backwards” and not part of an environment that promotes, but rather aids in eliminating caste discrimination, and in doing so, makes the existence of caste discrimination where they are, in Kathmandu, nonexistent.

While interviews with the teachers at Himal High School shed light to how caste is approached at their school, conversations with them yielded interesting personal thoughts about whether they believed caste was a pertinent topic to address in schools today. Moreover, a general passivity in what was being taught through texts was clear because of what was approved by the government’s standards. Even if they wanted to teach more about caste, the curriculum was set.

Acceptance of this was explained by Meena miss and Surendra sir when they expressed that things in Nepal were getting better. While neither expressed fear in the event of further conflict, they both believed that the government was actively working to

53 progress the country. Despite the “backwarded” ways this was done - as Surendra sir compares Nepal to “developed” countries - there was a sense of peace in the country after decades of unease. Part of their hope in the future of Nepal lay in knowing that the problems of the past were being addressed by politicians today.

As one teacher attributed caste as not focusing on the future of Nepal, another had a more philosophical explanation. Because he believes that there are only two things that distinguish people, being male or female, caste is just a concept made by religion.

Caste was seen as either a possible hindrance towards Nepal becoming more

“developed”, as an integral part of history that needs consideration but limited in its breadth, or as necessary in order to leam from and correct mistakes made in the past. As the teachers continued to subscribe to discourses of modernity to explain the desired developed state in which Nepal should move toward, the underlying goal was to move forward and away from the factors that divide(d) their country. However, the approach to becoming “developed” differed as different notions of what it meant to be developed conflicted from historical awareness to facing the future and not addressing the consequences of the “social ills” from past.

It was from these conversations with teachers that made me wonder about how caste was understood by their students - how was it identified or defined, and how their understandings of caste issues via schooling shape the ways that they identify themselves and their surroundings? The next chapter engages youth at Himal High School with the concept of identity in the Nepali context through discussions about how they understand and identify with the concept of caste.

54 CHAPTER FIVE: IDENTIFYING CASTE IDENTITIES

As mentioned in the previous section, the politics of Nepali identity is a contentious topic with roots that span centuries. Encompassing over one hundred ethnic groups in which many have their own linguistic traditions, religious beliefs, and caste affiliations and identifications, attempts to typify a singular Nepali identity have proven problematic, and have resulted in the exclusion and misrepresentation of many communities.

Despite the fact that many ethnic groups do not identify with the Brahmanical caste system, the implementation of this hegemonic structure into Nepal’s diverse ethnic and cultural landscape led to the appropriation of all Nepalis into the caste system’s hierarchic rule. This resulted in primary authority being given to upper castes, Bahun-

Chhetris, to govern all Nepalis - both Hindu and non-Hindu - and the subsequent varying of access to rights and privileges by those deemed as a Tower’ caste or a ‘lower’ status.

As a result of several political shifts that arose in the 20th century, acknowledgement of this oversight continues to be addressed today. Despite pending claims to various rights, many ethnic and traditionally excluded groups, such as Dalits and indigenous groups, are slowly being given the political recognition to further their demand for equal rights, though this doesn’t assert that outcomes will be fruitful.

However, it is amidst this current climate of equal rights that caste discrimination becomes masked - especially in Kathmandu - where its diverse population is representative of people from different parts of the country: from west to east, and from the terai to the mountain regions.

55 This chapter highlights the opinions given by youth based on how they understand and/or identify with the concept of caste through examination of how pride, privilege and resistance have influenced the ways they identify themselves and each other. From listening to the ways that youth who identify as part of the Brahmanical caste system describe inter-caste relations between Bahun-Chhetris and Dalits to the large number of youth that did not identify in this same way, it was interesting to listen to their opinions about the caste system, and differences in how they have experience and understand it.

S e c t io n I: H induization a n d E t h n ic P o l it ic s in N e p a l

In light of the increase in migration of people from various regions of Nepal into

Kathmandu especially after the nineties (Lawoti 2010), the diversity of ethnic identifications within the group of youth was something that did not surprise me. The significance of the nineties in Nepal, marked a time of major political shifts and attempts at establishing democratic governance after decades of authoritarian rule at the hands of

Hindu elite males. However, the dominance that they exerted in Nepal stems further back than the attempted projects of modernization in the 21st century. It was during the century-long Rana Regime in the 19th Century that the hegemonic rule of Hindu elites became cemented by their appropriation of religious scriptures into their own political agendas. According to SIRF (2009):

Nepal has a history of social exclusion that stemmed from its political ideology as a Hindu monarchial state and also caused by the remoteness of certain parts of the country... Members of many communities in Nepal were excluded from exercising their rights on the basis of their social

56 identity - gender, caste, ethnicity and race. The exclusion resulted from discriminatory policies and violence against members of the excluded groups (22).

Among the many communities that were historically suppressed as a result of attempts made to strengthen Nepal as a Hindu Kingdom were people who identify as Janajati.

‘Janajati’ is the name used to refer to numerous ethnic and tribal groups who are considered to be indigenous to different regions in Nepal. Despite having their own customs and belief systems, they were brought under orthodox Hindu rule during the reign of the Ranas and were given inferior social and political status under the Muluki

Ain of 185430.

Amid the rise of democracy during the post-Rana, Panchayat era, rights-based movements by groups that have been historically marginalized started to surface.

Although a surge of activists arose out of this era, it was only after the 1990 Constitution that greater mobilization on the part of these groups took shape. In a CERD report released in 2003, which outlined Nepal’s commitment to implementing and advancing its human rights record through the Nepalese legal system, the Constitution of 1990 was addressed:

[T]he Constitution prescribes justice to all citizens, classifying justice into three categories, i.e. social, political and economic. Social justice means that all citizens must be treated equally, irrespective of their status in society, and all types of social inequalities and discrimination should be eliminated. Political justice entitles citizens to enjoy the fruits of

30 It should be acknowledged that the various ethnic and religious groups who consider themselves Janajati have experienced different forms of exclusions and, as a result, seek different rights.

57 democracy through wider participation of the people in the governance of their country by means of decentralization and promotion of general welfare. Economic justice requires putting in place arrangements for the equitable distribution of economic gains by preventing economic exploitation of any class or individual.

The pronunciation of the social, political and economic rights of all Nepalis facilitated the organization of historically marginalized groups to fight in pursuit of gaining access to the same freedoms as dominant groups. Emphasis of their numerous exclusions resulted in the rise of identity politics, which resulted in a civil conflict, or Jana Andolan I, the

People’s Movement of 1990. It was during this time that in addition to being Nepali, assertions of unique ethnic or religious identifications were pronounced in order to demand equal rights and to display their rights to self-identification. Today, there is an open expression of Nepali identities - and this was obvious upon interacting with the youth.

Sec t io n It: N epa li Id en tities

The diversity within the group of youth that volunteered their time and thoughts can be best described as a microcosm of Nepal’s cultural diversity. From identifying with

Brahman, Chhetri or Dalit castes, to identifying themselves by their ethnic backgrounds -

Newari,• Tamang "^1 or Gurung " - i i others identified themselves by their Hindu or Buddhist

31 Tamangs are an ethnic group of Nepal who are indigenous to the mountains and plains in the north and east of Nepal. Tamangs have their own distinct culture and language and are considered one of the ethnic groups that identify as an indigenous nationality. 32 Gurungs are an ethnic group of Mongolian origin that migrated to the central region of Nepal in the 6th century.

58 faiths33. Among the 42 youths that participated, nearly two-thirds of them were from groups regarded as indigenous, including Newars, while the other predominant group with significant representation was from youths that identified with caste according to the

Brahmanical caste system. There was also a small group of youths that resisted identification with caste (see Appendix D). While this group was not large in numbers, the ideas expressed from their disassociation of caste identifications provided interesting insights into the ways that the concept of caste has many facets in how it is understood.

This chapter focuses on the opinions given by youth based on how they understand and/or identify with the concept of caste through examination of how pride, privilege and resistance have influenced the ways they identify themselves and each other.

S e c t io n TTI: P r id e, P r iv il e g e a n d R e s is t a n c e : Y o u t h s’ P erspectives o f C a s t e “In Nepal, people do not make caste because caste makes people...”

Having engaged in conversation about my research inquiries with many young

Kathmanduites prior to beginning my formal research study, I felt it necessary to explore if youth at Himal High reported caste as an important aspect of their daily lives. While the majority of youth at Himal High shrugged it off as a non-issue, others acknowledged its significance in understanding historical interactions of people in Nepal. This was because there was a divide in how the group of students regarded the concept of caste

33 According to the 2001 Census, Buddhists comprise of approximately 10.7 % of Nepal’s population and also have their own caste identifications, which are represented by different ethnic groups. Among many, Tamangs, Gurungs, Sherpas, Lamas, and some Newaris comprise a large amount of Buddhist followers in Nepal. Hindus comprise of nearly 80.6 % of the population and include a variety of belief systems that were grouped under the umbrella of Hinduism during the isolationist Rana regime of the 19th century.

59 itself. For some, caste became automatically affiliated with the discriminatory practices imparted by a system of social stratification; for others caste was simply viewed as a way of identifying a unique feature of Nepal’s diverse cultural landscape. While many youth noted that they seldom engaged in conversations about caste, and that caste was not a factor that influenced their daily routines, most acknowledged that they couldn’t distance themselves from it either, because even if they wanted to, caste is so deep-rooted in tradition and family customs. It was interesting to hear how some of the youths’ personal reflections of caste, as they contrasted much of what teachers taught via the lens of equality. Speaking with them made me think about how much of what the teachers were saying was based on their identities, or roles as teachers, as opposed to speaking about their experiences with caste as Kathmanduites, or “regular” non-teaching folk. While they saw a possible end to caste discrimination, as did their students, there was a difference in how some students were also able to identify with their non-student identity and as children of caste system-practicing Nepalis.

Belonging to a caste - irrespective of whether caste is associated with the

Brahmanical caste system or an ethnic group - has shaped the way Nepalis have identified themselves and how they interact with others. Even resistance from identifying with a caste itself was indicative of how aspects of caste in Nepali society have influenced the decision to identify against social customs. Conveying these sentiments,

Chandra, who was 15 years old, noted that“[i]n Nepal, people do not make caste because caste makes people These words reminded me that regardless of the way caste is perceived, and whether or not it is a part of identity that is acknowledged as important

60 within their individual identities, it continues to impact their lives because it has been a crucial part of Nepali society.

While there wasn’t a great or explicit representation of pride in identifying with one’s caste, the lack of debate when it came to defending the positive attributes of identifying with caste made me skeptical about whether thoughts shared were framed by discussions on caste discrimination, and if they weren’t, if uncontested opinions were representative of the group’s agreement. The use of life stories and journal-writing aided

in the generation of diversified responses as the rich cultural representation within the

group of youth guided the ways that issues of caste were regarded. This, in turn, provided

a look at the complexity of Nepali identities34. The following section will outline the

themes of pride, privilege and resistance in attempts to highlight the ways that youth

understand and identify with the concept of caste today.

i . Pride a.) “In Nepal, to have caste is very, very im p o rta” n t

Despite awareness of their privileged status and the freedoms available to them, I

became increasingly aware of a sense of reserve amongst some of the youth that

identified themselves as Brahman. Interestingly, from a survey given to the youth, pride

with one’s caste was represented by a majority of youth that either did not identify with

the Brahmanical caste system or identified as Newar. While a small percentage of Bahun-

Chhetris acknowledged and expressed pride in being amongst castes that are respected,

34 It should be noted that there were no conclusive indications that suggested that opinions given were a result of generalizing ethnic, caste or religious affiliations, as responses varied within the same groups, while some opinions were similar between groups. Providing context to the responses given by certain individuals is meant to provide a better understanding of their individual points of view. these sentiments were countered by a greater number of youth that expressed ambivalence or resistance in identifying their upper-caste status. This made me question and think about how notions of equal rights were regarded, and the possibility of feeling shame in identifying as an upper caste in front of the rest of the students. Did this indicate awareness of privilege and historical status? And was this how historical privilege was felt today?

During one discussion in which the group expressed the ways that different caste groups are perceived, it was interesting to listen to the ways that people of different castes were characterized. In particular, it became very evident that there was a reversal in the usual discussions of caste discrimination. Despite honest, playful and open-minded interactions within the group in which there was no indication of anyone being treated differently, the pictures painted of Bahun-Chhetris, in general, were in a negative light by youth that did not identify as Bahun-Chhetri. Portrayals of them as “acting superior”,

“selfish and greedy” and “dominating all castes” were among the most common responses. Given the dynamics in a group in which Bahun-Chhetris did not make up a majority, it was not surprising to understand the general discomfort and reluctance in the willingness of students belonging to these caste groups to share a sense of pride with the class.

Chandra, who didn’t feel comfortable identifying his caste to the group, though when writing about himself, identified as being a Brahman, shared his thoughts about the caste system:

Everybody have their caste and they should have their caste. In Nepal, to have caste is very, very important because our caste determines our whole

62 life journey... I don’t agree with the caste system, but unfortunately I have to identify myself with caste. This system exists in our society since long time so we cannot totally avoid it even though we want to eliminate it.

His response of having no choice but to identify with a caste resonated with the responses of many other youths. I gathered that with his acknowledgement of an existing system, he was all too aware of the historical privilege afforded to him. While on paper he admits to having a sense of pride in being a Brahman, it became obvious that this was something that he did not want to disclose to the rest of the group during discussions. Instead, he chose alternate ways to express his knowledge and understanding of the caste system rather than communicating its importance or his own personal identification with caste as part of a broader group discussion.

The privilege that Chandra acknowledges when he later speaks of greater opportunities afforded to upper castes, is the same as many of his peers which serves to identify and shape their perceptions of the different castes, in particular the upper

Brahmanic caste. Interestingly, irrespective of whether they were directly a part of the

Brahmanical caste system, a great awareness of the historical dominance held by Bahun-

Chhetris on the part of both upper caste youth - those who identified as Brahman especially - and the rest of the group, was noticeable.

b.) “Representing with caste is good but discrimination among people is bad”

While discussion about caste and the caste system often yielded responses that implied a generally negative view in identifying with caste in Kathmandu today, it was interesting to hear a different perspective - especially from one of the quieter 15 year

63 olds named Suresh. In attempts to communicate his thoughts about caste and the caste system, he first made sure to convey the difference between identifying with caste and discriminating because of caste - a distinction I appreciated because of the negative connotations that the concept of a caste system itself often yielded. With the general view among the larger group being one of associating of the issue of caste in an undesirable light, Suresh provided a unique insight on the positive aspects of identifying with a caste.

Suresh elaborated these sentiments when the group was asked to write about their thoughts on caste, the caste system and discrimination. While not identifying with the

Brahmanical caste system and instead with his ethnic group and religion, Buddhism, he explains that belonging to a caste is “not a bad thing”, rather it is the discrimination due to caste that is bad. In explaining this, he wrote:

In my country, Nepal, people o f different caste are living. This is one o f the features of our country, having multi ethnicity. So, I think caste system is not bad, neither is identifying with one caste. Caste system was brought into practice by King Jayasthiti Malla on the basis o f work people do but people have misunderstood it. They have made it the way of showing them, superior than others. People doing prestigious jobs are considered as superior ones, this has created discrimination among people. Identifying one with caste is not bad because it makes one unique in a group but the discrimination created by this system is bad. So, I am proud to represent myself with my caste and I won’t hide it from anyone. I am comfortable in identifying with a caste because everyone has one and I think it makes us different from other people.

For him, caste and ethnicity are synonymous and people are differentiated according to the type of work in which they engage. Though admitting that he has never faced discrimination, having witnessed it, he believes that the root of discrimination is the result of people holding prestigious professions treating others as inferior, and the

64 traditional beliefs imparted by a caste system that people have used to heighten their own statuses.

While not considering himself part of the Brahmanical caste system, he acknowledges the discrimination of other traditionally excluded ethnic groups in Nepal.

Suresh’s alternate understanding of caste, while still acknowledging the characteristic divisions among Nepalis, provided a deeper analysis of the complexity of how identities in Nepal have been shaped because of a caste system. He had a broad approach to addressing the roots of caste, which he believes was not meant as a means through which a system of dominance could be implanted, but is rather a feature of Nepal’s mosaic-like landscape that is needed if one is to truly identify him or herself. To Suresh, the concept itself was not the problem, it was the people who appropriated it to further their own agendas, “to dominate”.

Suresh’s understanding of caste provided a great explanation on the need to highlight that the reason caste discrimination occurs is not because people identify with caste, it is because of how people use caste to negatively differentiate themselves from each other. He shows that the experience of caste discrimination is irrespective of whether or not one is a part of the Brahmanical caste system because, as today’s ethnic politics shows, the presence of the caste system affected more than just those within its formal structure. His divergence in identifying caste solely within the structure of a

Brahmanical caste system also provided insight on the presence of different ways that caste is understood in Nepal and how, on a broader scale, the presence of caste itself doesn’t have to be damaging. To him, pride can and should exist in identifying with a

65 caste once one is able to separate it from identifying caste as the basis of discrimination.

While content about what I was learning from Suresh by regarding caste separately from its connections with a system that promoted discrimination through unequal treatment, I couldn’t help but question if this was how youth that identified as being part of the Brahmanical caste system thought about caste. Suresh was from an ethnic group that was part of the Buddhist community, one that also consisted of caste groups. In discussing caste however, he admitted that other than the personal views he expressed, he did not know much else about caste discrimination:

I don’t know much about it. 1 have heard about caste discrimination only in school and read it in books. I seldom visit my village so I haven’t seen it happening, neither in my family have any one told me.

Appreciative of Suresh’s insights, I wondered about how youth within the Brahmanical caste structure understood the caste system and its direct impacts on their identities and inter-caste relations. I was particularly interested in how the few Dalit youth identified with their previously prescribed “untouchable” status amid the relatively new ideas of social consciousness about caste based discrimination and human rights awareness. I wondered if identifying with their caste yielded the same kind of pride in them as Suresh had explicitly identified.

c.) “Even if I’m from lower caste community, I don7 have problem to show my caste”

Among the three youths that were from Dalit groups, only one was vocal about being from a Dalit community, and willingly shared her pride with the class: “Even if I’m

66 from lower caste community, I don’t have problem to show what my caste” — isa point

Jyoti, a 15 year old female, reiterated when writing her brief life story.

Despite being generally quiet, she was playful, curious and helpful. While

attending a school concert and being disoriented and overwhelmed by the large crowd

that squeezed itself into a mini-theatre, I was greeted by Jyoti who grabbed my hand and

led me to one of the best seats in the hall. Slowly, she gathered her peers to sit around us

in what felt like a way for her to make me feel comfortable in a new setting. She sat next

to me and as each cultural show commenced, she explained what was going on and

pointed out the people I would be able to recognize on stage. Her sister would also be on

stage at some point to receive awards for her achievements. Jyoti was clearly proud.

While not as vocal as some of her peers, Jyoti felt more comfortable talking to me

on a one-to-one basis. Although she shared some of her opinions with the group,

speaking to her privately revealed personal thoughts about how she believes Dalits are

perceived. Referring to a time when she was asked to stand up and introduce herself and

her caste (last name) to a stranger, she noted her concern and discomfort in revealing her

caste, especially when she has to face the stares of people looking at her. Her feelings of

ambivalence in revealing her caste were made clear in her journal. She wrote:

I am comfortable in identifying my caste but I have seen people looking at me with their bad intention that I am a Dalit. When people ask me my caste Ifeel uncomfortable. Ifeel like if they know I ’m from lower caste they will hate me.

Clearly, she was very aware of the social hierarchy and resulting discrimination

historically placed on Dalits, and because of this, I vacillated between believing that she

67 was genuinely proud of being Dalit, to questioning her response to the class in that it was meant to appease her perception of how others view Dalits as low castes. I wondered how much of her declaration of being proud to be “low caste” was to assert pride in her caste, or her own pride in wanting to make a public statement about not having any problems with the way others identify her.

To Jyoti, while she is proud of identifying with her caste, she is equally concerned about how the common societal representations of Dalits restrict other’s perceptions of her and her identity. I understood her feelings, as at times when I spoke about my research interest with individuals curious about why I was in Nepal, upon mentioning

‘Dalit’, I would very often be told of their poor hygiene and bad habits. Sympathy towards their “backwards” behaviours would usually be followed by the explanation that this was the result of being “dominated” and working “dirty” occupations. Although I did not come across people that “hated” Dalits, it was clear that a common, static image of them existed and this is what Jyoti feared. How would people think of and treat her?

While she may have pride with identifying her caste, it is how others identify her caste that makes her feel uncomfortable, and to some extent, takes away from the privilege of expressing pride.

While she shared that she has not experienced discrimination based on being Dalit and that caste had no effect on the relationships she had with her peers, the social stigma historically attached to being Dalit has left her with a sense of unease that arises during events when she introduces herself or is asked to identify her caste, which interestingly is

68 also quickly revealed based on surnames. Although she has pride in being Dalit, she struggles with the negative perceptions and images that her caste conjures in others.

Jyoti’s expression of pride in her identity based on the caste system suggests the complexities and struggles of youth particularly from the lower castes. The social stigma of Dalits’ lower caste status prevails, severely restricting the freedom of Dalit youth to identify with their caste without associated fears of discrimination. Despite the illegal status of the caste system in Nepal and the belief that educated open-minded individuals promote social equality, the word ‘Dalit’ conjures many historical memories and images.

Knowledge of the ways that Dalits have been (mis)treated is something that is conjured when the word ‘Dalit’ comes to mind. Even in a setting like Kathmandu, where caste affiliations are not as evident as in villages, where caste affiliation is known because of generational ties to land and roles within a community, the anxiety that results in identifying as ‘Dalit’ as Jyoti revealed, exemplifies existing hegemonic structures in how

Dalits are perceived and continue to be treated. In the next section I will discuss how privilege influences the perceptions of Bahun-Chhetri youth.

iu Privilege a.) “Sometimes telling our caste,people respect u s...”

Despite the majority of Bahun-Chhetri youths responding that being from higher castes have not benefitted them, indications of the relative privilege afforded to them was apparent when asked about how comfortable they were in identifying their castes.

After asking the group about whether they felt comfortable in identifying their caste, Alisha, a 15 year old female who identified herself as being Brahman, nodded, and

69 explained that it is something she is proud of because family and tradition are important to her. Alisha spoke about her close family relationships and the importance of family

traditions such as celebrating festivals and the importance of marriage to continue family

traditions onto her children. Her statements reiterated earlier observations made by

Chandra and Suresh about the deep-rooted nature of caste as part of one’s cultural

tradition. It was a reminder of the difficulty that one would have in not identifying with a

caste because it would be as though they were eliminating their history, or in Alisha’s

case, a grand part of tradition to which she valued most about who she is and from where

she came.

While wondering if these same sentiments were shared by the Dalit youth in the

group, I realized that their history of unequal treatment does not afford them this same

sense of privilege. While shy, they were explicit on paper that they were proud of their

caste, but not impressed by how Dalits have and continue to be treated. Contrary to this

perception and being aware of the ways that Dalits have been discriminated, Alisha

acknowledges her privilege in being a Brahman, citing that another reason she felt

comfortable in identifying her caste was “because I am not lower caste so nobody

discriminates me” - sentiments backed up by her experiences while visiting her family’s

village.

One of her male peers, Sabesh, who also identified as being from an upper caste

acknowledged that while he feels only somewhat comfortable about saying that he is

Chhetri, ‘‘''sometimes telling our caste, people respect Awarenessus”. of his and Alisha’s

historically respected status, was indicative of the opportunities and activities made more

70 accessible to them. By giving examples of how Dalits are still discriminated when wanting to worship at temples in village areas and by not entering the homes of their

friends - even in Kathmandu - they acknowledged their privilege in being able to do these ‘simple’ things. In discussing the ways that the group has known or heard of the

ways that Dalits have been treated as a result of their lower caste status, Sabesh pointed

out that even though he may say that caste isn’t important, it may be because he was used

to being able to do these things without thinking about it, or not thinking about the ways

that Dalits have been excluded. Realization of Dalits’ unequal treatment and not having

the freedom to identify their caste without feeling insecure about being discriminated

enabled him to become aware of his privilege.

The privilege that upper castes have is particularly evident when terms such as

“backwards” or “backwarded” were commonly attached to the conditions that Dalits

faced. Chandra recognizes the lack of access to opportunities that would help bring

Dalits out of what he calls being “backwards”, or as he explained later, not being

educated and as a result, having less job opportunities and respect. His observations were

based on experiences while in his village and being exposed to caste discrimination

within his own family:

People who have prestigious caste get many opportunity in their life. They get each and everything to make life more comfortable but people who are considered to be low caste people do not get opportunity to prove themselves and lead a successful life. As a result, they are always backwarded... When people o f low caste go somewhere and apply for job, they are rejected.

71 I slowly began to understand the ambivalence Chandra displayed in being proud of his caste, but not being proud of the behaviours that have privileged him and not others.

Instead of speaking about the pride he feels in identifying as Brahman, to his class,

Chandra was more vocal about the unequal relationship that privileges upper castes over

Dalits, and results in the lack of equal access to opportunities by Dalits. Instead of sharing his personal feelings, he opted to speak about universal rights and support his sentiments by reiterating what he learned at school about how caste discrimination should be addressed.

Chandra directs his thoughts towards the way people from upper castes still have the power to direct the opportunities available to Dalits. The problem is not solely to be blamed on bad policies, but rather on poor implementation that ensures that equality is achieved. Chandra was not alone in expressing this. While speaking with Dalit parents, members of NGOs (NNDSWO) and even government representatives from the Nepal

Dalit Mukti Morcha , when awareness of government provisions was present, the same concerns over whether these were enough to help the status and situation of Dalits remained in question. Instead of affording equal rights and privileges, a reassertion of privilege amongst upper castes is made. Chandra’s awareness, and resulting ambivalence, sympathized with the sentiments that many advocates I came across were concerned about.

In discussions with youth about inter-caste relations, I came across several newly- formed opinions about pride and privilege in identifying with a specific caste. At the

35 Mukti Morcha, also known as the Dalit Liberation Front of Nepal, is an organization affiliated with the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

72 same time, I was surprised with a small number of youth who rejected identifying themselves based on their caste. This next section will focus on this site of resistance, and highlight the issues that influenced their choice.

Hi. Resistance a.) “I don ’t believe in caste system because all human beings have equal rights... ”

Speaking about her beliefs about caste in Nepal, one 15 year old female, Sristi, shared her wishes for equality amongst all castes and expressed the difficulty in disassociating caste from a caste system:

From my point o f view, I don’t believe in caste system because all human beings have equal rights to live their life in this earth. Only because o f the caste they have to spoilt their whole life. I f I have to identify myself with caste then I am not able to avoid my caste given by my parents.

Sristi’s resistance in identifying with her caste and believing that it is because of caste that peoples’ lives have been ‘spoiled’ shows that in addition to caste as a means of identification, she perceives it as part of a stratified system that promotes inequality.

Countering Suresh and Chandra’s perceptions about the distinction between caste and caste discrimination, Sristi feels as though it is difficult, instead, to not acknowledge its divisiveness and the social conducts that continue to place some as a higher status than others. Being very opinionated, Sristi was passionate about equality and ‘hates’ the concepts of untouchability, citing that “we people are born here to live a happy life but after the birth we have to introduce own self along with caste which is the main cause of discrimination.

73 After Sristi shared her thoughts and her journal entries, I was reminded of an expression that I had come across so often while speaking with Dalit parents:“If I cut myself, do I not also bleed. Is not my blood also red?" These words and Sristi’s sentiments captured the belief that because everyone is human, everyone should be treated equally and given equal rights. Similar to Sristi, Ananta took a step further in his belief in the equality of all humans in declaring his rejection of identifying himself with a caste, and instead deeming himself an atheist and “a believer of science”.

b.) “I don’t believe in religion so I don’t believe in caste system... ”

While discussions about the dominant role of Bahun-Chhetris did not directly link the caste system to Hindu religious beliefs, as observed through Suresh and Sristi’s entries, King Jayasthiti Malla is acknowledged to have played a major role in initiating the rigid practice of social customs according to a caste system . While Suresh believes that a hierarchy of occupations led to caste discrimination, Ananta had other thoughts.

Identifying his family as being from the Chhetri caste and rejecting the passivity in accepting caste as a way to identify himself, Ananta believes that caste affiliations are related to Hindu religious beliefs. Considering himself as a “ believer o f science” and announcing that he did not believe in religion, he wrote in his journal:

I don’t want to identify myself with caste or any type o f body structure [physical features], I don’t believe in religion so I don’t believe in caste system. Even in my house I encourage my parents not to be involved in those types o f discrimination.

36 The Manusmriti was referred to by King Jayasthiti Malla to strengthen Hindu religious beliefs and conduct From his response, he highlights two things: the fact that he doesn’t believe in religion and that he associates caste with a caste system that he believes to be the cause of discrimination. Like Sristi, he believes in the divisive nature of identifying with a caste because of the historical and current unequal interactions between castes, but unlike her,

Ananta attributed his beliefs to religion and as a result, declared that he was an atheist.

Ananta’s approach to the relevance of caste in Nepal today wasn’t uncommon. A popular saying I often heard upon speaking with various people while in Kathmandu was reiterated by him in that he did not believe in caste, but rather, he believes in humanity.

This was followed by the belief that if ‘castes’ existed - where caste was used as a way to categorize human beings - there were only two: male and female. For Ananta, saying this meant that there were only two distinctions that humans should have, biological ones, all other distinctions are ‘man-made’, created and result in problems between people. To him, this included religion and man’s creation of an “unnatural” caste system.

While Ananta was one of 6 youths that chose not to identify himself with a caste, but the only one among them to identify as an atheist, the rationale of his atheistic tendencies expressed a common thought with some of his peers in that the root of caste discrimination was the result of rigid Hindu beliefs about exclusion, pollution and impurity - untouchability. Despite the elimination of a formal caste system, the fact that discrimination continues to occur on the basis of untouchability - and not solely because of perceived occupational subordination - warrants his understanding in that it is because of rigid beliefs created and sustained by Hindu caste categorizations, that the continuation of discrimination is enabled. Ananta acknowledged the difficulty in separating his belief

75 from societal norms, but articulated a common response that I had encountered while speaking with Dalits in his discontent of how Hindu religious beliefs legitimated inequality. In writing about his understanding about caste, he wrote:

Nobody knows when or how the concept o f caste was originatedfor sure. But in my opinion the religious background, people’s thinking, illiteracy etc. play a vital role in caste discrimination. I haven’t experienced caste or any other type o f discriminations in Kathmandu. But in my village the lower caste people commonly known as Dalits are not allowed to participate in development activities and they are not allowed to enter the houses o f upper caste people... Here is a weird caste system in my country.

Deeming himself a believer of science, rather, not subscribing to organized religion that provides false claims of dominance to some people and subordinance to others, his personal experiences with caste in his village were placed in the context of scientific and philosophical thoughts that he admitted was brought to his interest at school. Engaging in conversations with his mentors, he says he understands caste differently from his parents.

To him, while caste is an undeniably important topic to be aware of, its weight in his life is reduced to a tradition, a concept of the past - if it is to exist in his life at all.

In addition, caste was a circumstance of Hindu religious beliefs practiced by rigid upper castes whose presence in society cannot be denied. While viewing caste discrimination as an impediment to the development of his country and wanting something to be done, he admits that he has no solutions other than to advocate anti- discrimination. Personally, however, he feels that by rejecting the religious institution that he believes created the caste system he believes that he is doing something to prevent

76 the continuation of discrimination that inevitably results from it, and steers on the side of development as the opposite of following age-old traditions.

C o n c l u s io n: E m b r a c in g E q u a l it y a m id R e c o g n iz in g D if f e r e n c e

As this chapter has engaged in discussion about the politics of Nepali identity through the ways that the youth identified or resisted identification with caste, it became obvious that the group had a fair amount of knowledge about the concept of caste and knew about what caste discrimination was. While close to three quarters of the group responded that they learned about caste first from family - half of them from parents and the other half from their grandparents - it was from visits to their home villages that enabled them to actually see how different castes interacted. This was in large part due to their belief that caste was an old concept that did not heavily weigh on their interactions in Kathmandu as it might “in the village".

However, their initial acknowledgement of caste changed as discussions about pride and privilege yielded thoughts about how others identified and experienced the different castes. While there existed a general understanding about Dalits as

“backwards”, it was upon recalling treatment of Dalits - which in large part came from knowing about untouchability in their village and stories told to them by their families — that the privilege of Bahun-Chhetri youth either enabled their identification in being an upper caste with pride or with some degree of resistance.

From the engaging discussions about how they identified themselves - through ethnicity, religion, caste or resisting identification with any of these - it was interesting to

77 note how their caste identities were shaped by their own experiences of the caste system.

While some identified with their caste with pride stemming from a sense of the privilege it afforded them, for example, Alisha and Sabesh, others like Ananta and Chandra expressed different degrees of resistance precisely due to the relative privilege status it gave them.

Still others like Jyoti, who was the only person that identified as Dalit to her class, expressed feelings of ambivalence as someone who took pride in being Dalit and yet expressed thoughts of being fearful and cautious of the ways that others perceptions of

Dalits influenced her identity and potential. Through these discussions it became clear that much of the ways that the youth identified with caste were based on their relative relationship with other castes - either realizing their relative privilege or under privilege, causing a sense of pride and/or unease.

Suresh’s understanding of caste was very different from other youth who identified as being part of the Brahmanical caste structure, as he differentiated between caste itself and the “bad thoughts” of some people that made caste“a bad thing”. For him, being part of a caste - a community rich in tradition - is okay as long as people are treated equally and expressed a sense of pride in identifying with his caste. While he attributes much of his knowledge about the caste system to lower secondary school, his personal thoughts about caste were highlighted through pride in identifying as Buddhist37.

37 While some youth that identified as Buddhist acknowledged divisions within their caste - higher and lower castes that primarily defined rites of marriage - they noted that the divisions were not as stringent as the Hindu caste system’s treatment of Dalits - and other marginalized groups (non-Hindus or indigenous) for that matter.

78 He was proud of the Buddhist traditions, which his family imparted on him and believed that because of this, caste remains an important aspect of his identity.

Despite the fact that some youth did not identify as being part of the Brahmanical caste system, it wasn’t difficult to see that a large number of them were equally affected by this aspect of Nepali society. Many youths, regardless of ethnic, religious or caste affiliation, have said it themselves - caste is something that has existed in their society and is something that cannot be avoided. The inequalities that have arisen from it are obvious to all - not just those who accept being part of the Brahmanical caste system as their karma. Hence, the pride expressed by youth like Suresh who acknowledge the importance of caste - whichever way it is defined - because it is a part of who he is. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that his identification with caste differed greatly from Jyoti and Samjana in that his understanding of a caste system reflects what was taught to him and not what he has experienced. While his pride in identifying with a caste was an expression of his family’s values, his schooling played an integral role in the way he understood the dynamics of the caste system in Nepal. Although he empathizes with the people who have been discriminated, he relates differently to it from youth like Jyoti and Samjana because his understanding of caste is primarily based on historical academic teachings about the caste system in Nepali society as opposed to actually experiencing its ramifications.

Despite the resistance of some in not wanting to identify with caste, there still existed optimism in the situation with caste discrimination in their country. Much of this was because of their initial response of caste not being an important aspect of their daily

79 lives. Caste wasn’t something that they were aware of unless discussion groups were held on the subject. In acknowledging this, Chandra wrote:

Despite all o f these demerits [discrimination o f Dalits and other marginalized groups], I ’m very happy to say that youths of today do not care about caste system. In my opinion almost 80% o f Nepalese youth are against the caste system. I ’m very sure that in coming 20-30years caste discrimination will be eliminatedfrom Nepal38.

His optimistic sentiments also asserted that once every caste and person in Nepal is rid of the effects of the caste system and all Nepalis are treated equally, that identifying with caste will be easier, “because people’s minds will change”.

Sharing the sentiments of Surendra sir and many of the teachers with whom I spoke, he believed that the 20-30 years period that will eliminate the remnants of caste discrimination would be the result of government intervention, education and rights organizations that are changing the minds of the future generations. The belief was that eventually, a generation bome into “equal rights” would foster an environment free of discrimination that was initiated by the caste system.

It should be noted, however, that Manish Sir was skeptical of this if schooling continued on while not engaging students in more awareness about caste issues and their impacts on Nepali society today. In other words, not engaging with the contexts that propagated caste discrimination, thereby making it “invisible”, doesn’t mean that caste and caste discrimination will just simply go away.

38 This was not an actual statistic, rather, his belief in the high number of youth that do not concern themselves with caste issues.

80 The reality of these Nepali youth is that whatever position they may take with reference to their caste identity, caste is very much a part of their everyday reality and has implications for their sense of self and their future. Interestingly, at some level, most youth are well aware of its existence and its historical significance in their society. They each deal with this fact differently - from suggesting that nobody really cares anymore to suggest that it influences their life paths. Despite these differences, youth were well aware of the impact of caste in terms of discrimination and social difference, especially when it came to discussions of privilege. Thus it can be described as a phenomenon that still exists but is relatively “unseen” and therefore largely “invisible”. The next chapter examines another dimension of “invisibility” of caste discrimination that arose from youth discussions.

81 CHAPTER SIX: THE INVISIBILITY OF DALITS IN KATHMANDU

S e c t i o n I: “W hat is D alit?”

A common response I received when speaking to people about my interest in caste discrimination in Kathmandu was that it didn’t exist. “Go to the villages”, “Go to

the Far West Region ofNepaF, or “Only old traditional people still do” this were what

often followed the statement of its non-existence in Kathmandu.

There was even a time when I was met by the question of“What is Dalit? ” I

wasn’t sure what to make of it. I wondered about how someone in their twenties was not

aware ofwho Dalits are. She was from the Gurung community, and grew up in

Kathmandu. Although she was aware of the existence of castes, she didn’t know who

Dalits were. If caste discrimination was said to not exist and Dalits were unknown to

some, I began to wonder what was known about Dalits and caste discrimination in

Kathmandu. With this pre-research having taken place before interacting with the group

of youth, I couldn’t have been more excited to learn from youth participants just what and

how much they knew about caste discrimination - and what they knew about Dalits in

Kathmandu.

As the first section of this chapter will discuss the intersecting politics of place

and representation, focus will be placed on how ideas of being “backwards” have become

synonymous with living in “the villages”. In turn, this has created a dichotomous

relationship of what life in Kathmandu is believed to be - or should be in relation to the

villages. The second section will focus on the concealment of caste by Dalits themselves

as the intersection of caste and class meet to explain the existence of this recognized

82 phenomenon in Kathmandu. Centered on the notion of the perceived nonexistence of caste discrimination in Kathmandu’s cosmopolitan landscape and the concealment of caste by some Dalits, this chapter aims to highlight how it is in this perceived nonexistence, or “invisibility” that a different form of caste discrimination is made visible.

S e c t io n II; K a t h m a n d u : W h e r e “N o b o d y K n o w s Y o u r N a m e ”

After conversations with members of the community, teachers, and Dalit and non-

Dalit parents about the curiosities I had about caste and the responses I received that alluded to its non-existence in Kathmandu, it was slowly explained to me that many people from Kathmandu were not exposed to the caste system and because of this they didn’t necessarily understand caste. Because they were bom in Kathmandu or were not exposed to life in rural areas, the caste system is something that they would not necessarily know about or understand perhaps until they learned about it in school39. One of the teachers explained to me that,“for those that are from villages, they would have learned about the matters o f caste as soon as they steppedfoot, but in Kathmandu, it is completely different”. To this, I wondered, “how?” and “why?”

In attempts to enlighten me about why caste discrimination didn’t occur in

Kathmandu, Ananta explained to me that this is because “in Kathmandu nobody knows who you are, nobody knows your name I had heard the response of the village being a

39 Because Newars, who are indigenous to the Kathmandu Valley, have their own caste system, which was also divided according to occupation and consisted of Newar Brahmans and Dalits, there existed knowledge of ‘castes’ particularly amongst youth that identified as Newari.

83 place where caste discrimination was more prominent, but I didn’t fully understand why until Ananta clarified this for me. Unlike rural village areas where generations of families from different castes have settled, in Kathmandu, nobody can determine each other’s caste affiliations. Even through occupations that have been affiliated with caste, one’s caste could not be accurately determined as was the case in previous times40. Caste wasn’t determined by physical features, especially in a racially and ethnically diverse place like Nepal. Awareness of caste affiliation was based on people knowing one another - or at least knowing their last name - and this was something that was not easy to come by in a crowded and busy place like Kathmandu. The cosmopolitanism of

Kathmandu was credited as the reason that caste discrimination didn’t occur - people didn’t care about caste affiliation, they got along well and cared more about their own lives and earning a living, and less about traditionalism that allowed caste to determine their social interactions.

One factor that has contributed to the ambiguity of caste identity in Kathmandu is the migration of people from different regions of Nepal. This movement of people, representative through the diversity of youth identities, has changed Kathmandu’s cultural landscape from one characteristically associated with its indigenous Newar population, to one that is multiethnic and illustrative of Nepal’s ethnic and cultural diversity. This ethnic pluralism has become characteristic of Kathmandu, and has

subsequently been offered as reasoning to why caste discrimination doesn’t exist here. It

40 This has been a point of contention for Dalits as occupations once held only by Dalits are now also being taken on by non-Dalits, leaving fewer opportunities for work and the need to acquire different skills in order to find work.

84 is this dynamic of the perceived nonexistence of caste discrimination that reinforces the notion of the “invisibility of caste” in Kathmandu. While caste identities are present, they are not as easily determined amidst a place where “nobody knows your name”.

Kathmandu is considered a place that celebrates difference, not discriminates because of it.

S e c ti o n TIT: Caste and the Politics of Place

While discussing how and why the group of youth initially expressed that caste discrimination did not occur in Kathmandu, it was interesting to listen to the ways that its nonexistence was explained. In addition to the idea of “nobody knowing your name”, the dichotomy of the rural village and urban capital yielded thoughts that illuminated a bigger picture of the politics of place.

As Ananta revealed, despite being at his school for at least five years, he wasn’t even aware of who was Dalit and who wasn’t41. It didn’t matter in Kathmandu because

Kathmandu was not “backwards” like many of the villages where people were

“uneducated and rigid” in their following of traditional practices. In Kathmandu,

“knowing names” didn’t matter. As the belief in Kathmandu as “modem” was shared amongst the group, a general understanding of Nepal’s underdevelopment in rural villages resulted. Consequently, this “underdeveloped” state became the scapegoat in the

41 While Ananta’s statement of not knowing who was Dalit did not mean that he was unaware of the caste affiliation of certain names, rather, he simply did not know who was Dalit. I know this because when he identified himself, he introduced his last name as being part of a certain caste, and his friends’ surname as another.

85 problems of traditional thinking by following customs according to caste and to many of them, explained why caste discrimination occurred more often in village areas.

In her research on the discourses of “the villager” in Nepal, Pigg (1992) highlights the politics embedded in the representation of the villager as entwined with the politics of development as “images of progress have become rooted in Nepalese conceptions of social difference, through the creation of the village” (495). As an image of the rural villager arose out of ideas of progress and development, in the same way, the idea of

Kathmandu produced images of “the village” as “backwards”. The belief that caste discrimination only occurs amongst traditional people in villages has shaped the belief in the impossibility of caste discrimination occurring in Kathmandu. In addition, the general lack of recognition of the existence of caste discrimination in Kathmandu was telling of the high regard of urban life as an example of a non-traditional, or modem, state of living, which moved away from the traditional mindsets that perpetuated discrimination.

Place and its status as developed - unlike village areas - are believed to be the reason that caste discrimination doesn’t occur in Kathmandu. While students represented this idea while speaking about villages, schools played a role in maintaining this understanding through the use of modem discourses in describing the state of Nepal, its rural areas and the institutions that signify “heightened” statuses of development. These notions appeared to be equated with the people from these areas as well in describing them as engaging in “backwards” practices, such as caste discrimination.

While the group of students indicated that they hadn’t experienced or witnessed caste discrimination in Kathmandu, their reasoning provided more insight to the ways

86 that place - their explanation as to why caste discrimination didn’t occur in Kathmandu - was an important factor to consider. However, as Pigg notes, the politics of representation of this space was what enabled a deeper understanding of the ways that the youth not only explained the nonexistence of caste discrimination, but also the reasoning in why it happened in the village but was not seen in Kathmandu.

The common understanding of Kathmandu as being “modem” and developed, was expressed as being a place where people were able to receive a good school education, focused on earning money and didn’t care about “traditional” customs of caste and untouchability. Existence of educational institutions, greater job opportunities and the development of infrastructure were the preconditions of a place that didn’t subscribe to village life or village-mentality. In the context of Nepal, Kathmandu’s modem metropolis had no room for caste discrimination. While this may have been the case for plenty youth, the discourses of this urban-rural dichotomy, suggests the perceived lack of development in villages is the result of a higher acclaim for urban life, which in turn, masks - or makes invisible - the ways that caste discrimination occurs in Kathmandu.

While I respected the opinions shared, I couldn’t help but become even more curious and skeptical with the presence of words that subscribed to the discourses of modernity. Words such as “traditional”, “backwards”, and “not developed” that were used in attempts to provide an explanation to the perceived nonexistence of caste discrimination, instead glazed over the issue, or rather, called into question whether

“modem spaces” such as Kathmandu, found a way to eliminate it, or simply make it

87 invisible. The next section attempts to make sense of this inquiry through an examination of caste discrimination in “the village”.

Section IV: Caste Discrimination in the “Village - Temples, Tea Shops and Taps “People from different castes cannot sit together even if they are friends...”

As the discussion on caste discrimination evolved into one that became more focused on how it occurred in “the village”, it became clear that despite being exposed to life in Kathmandu, the group knew who Dalits were. As examples of caste discrimination in village areas were shared, I posed a question: Does caste discrimination occur overtly or covertly in villages? Is it something you are able to see or is it something that you hear through people speaking and sharing negative thoughts about Dalits? Their responses were in the form of their personal experiences and observations:

‘Dalits are not allowed to go inside tea shops... they have to wash their own tea cup after they use it and leave it on the ground because they cannot come into contact with the owner o f the tea shop”;

“Sometimes, they are not allowed inside sacred sites o f temples

“They cannot take water from the same tap”;

“They are called bad names and told to go away if they are in the same tap as non-Dalit”;

“They are not allowed to go inside the house o f someone from a higher caste ”;

“If someone touches a Dalit person, he or she will have to clean themselves ”;

“I was beaten by my mother after I let a Dalit person touch my food”;

“Women are discriminated most. Sometimes, their hair is pulled and they are dragged”;

88 ‘‘People from different castes cannot sit together even if they are friends

“The higher caste do not allow lower caste people to touch their things. The higher caste people never enter into lower caste people house and lower caste [do not] enter higher caste people house. The higher caste people give them to eat food but they do not eat food touched by lower caste people

With the exception of the physical and verbal forms of abuse inflicted upon Dalits, it was interesting to observe that while these practices were once regarded as social customs relating to pollution and impurity, today, the youth regarded these as discriminatory. I was fascinated by this because after speaking with locals, I came to understand that this perspective wasn’t always shared. Adults often suggested that custom and social practices determined interactions regardless of friendship and this was not regarded as discrimination - and where it was, it wasn’t questioned.

In their personal thoughts through journal-writing youth also described caste discrimination in an alternate way: as a violation of rights. One female noted: “In my own words giving not equal rights and opportunities to the people is known as discrimination”. Another female wrote: “There should not be caste discrimination. All people should be provided their rights so that they can uplift their life standard". These responses compelled me to continue on discussions about caste discrimination in

Kathmandu. If discriminatory acts, such as the ones identified in previous discussions only occurred in villages, did it mean that in Kathmandu, Dalits experienced equal rights?

Posing this question opened a dialogue about covert ways that Dalits experience caste discrimination in Kathmandu. Having had to explain the terms “overt” and “covert”

89 to them, I noticed a difference in the responses about whether they believed that caste

discrimination occurred in Kathmandu - it did.

S e c t io n V : C a s t e D iscrimination in K a t h m a n d u : “T r a d it io n a l ” M in d s e t s in “M o d e r n” S p a c e

Despite thoughts about Kathmandu as “modem and developed”, a new level of

consciousness appeared to have emerged from the group that acknowledged the presence

of unequal treatment of Dalits. Still attributing this discrimination with traditional

thinking that was imported from villages, when asked about whether caste discrimination

was an issue in Kathmandu, responses received leaned towards confirming its presence,

however differently from how it occurs in the village. One female youth said that it

occurs in Kathmandu “ ...because some people think about their tradition so they teach

their child, grandchild about caste discrimination. ” Another male youth noted:

Caste discrimination happens in Kathmandu because uneducated and old traditional people discriminate the people who are from lower caste when they know [they are from a lower caste]”

In agreement with this statement, Ananta added that it is this mentality that, “hinders the feelings o f lower caste people and their confidence and self-belief is destroyed”. This is

how they identified discrimination in Kathmandu. When asked about whether caste

discrimination in Kathmandu occurs in how people think rather than how they act, the

response was divided. While close to half agreed, the second half only somewhat agreed

and went on to explain that while discrimination starts with thinking it also is acted o n ..

People may not be obvious in the way they treat Dalits, but they act upon their beliefs. In

90 other words:‘‘''people might not say they are discriminating, but they think badly and sometimes they don’t go with Dalits ”42.

Although Ananta’s sentiments about Kathmandu as “modem” earlier in this chapter were shared by the majority of the youth, Jyoti’s experiences reinforced this view of how thinking about Dalits affects actions towards them. While Jyoti agrees that the situation with caste discrimination in Kathmandu is far better than in villages, her insecurities in identifying herself to people despite Kathmandu’s “modem” setting is telling of a silent, “invisible” form of caste discrimination - one that exists regardless of where she is. From her experiences, she noted:

In Kathmandu many people are discriminated by their thinking. They say bad things about the people they don’t like and this is how inequality is mainly seen in Kathmandu.

While she has not experienced overt forms of caste discrimination that have excluded or denied her from going somewhere or doing something, she is aware of the negative things that continue to be said about Dalits - the covert forms of discrimination that upholds caste ideals of Dalits’ imposed subordination. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the discomfort she feels in observing how others look at her, leaves her feeling uncomfortable about revealing her caste out of fear that people will “hate her”.

In addition to Jyoti, Samjana, who also identifies as being Dalit, expressed her discomfort because everyone is from a higher caste and dominates. Both Jyoti and

Samjana’s feelings of discomfort in revealing their caste despite being comfortable in identifying as Dalit is rooted in an expression many youths described as “being

42 “Going” with Dalits was explained to be interacting with, making friends with or sitting with Dalits

91 dominated”. The hegemonic structure of an age-old caste system lingers despite awareness of laws that make discriminatory acts based on caste punishable. This caste mentality reinforced by non Dalits and Dalits alike as a result of being conscious of their historical place in the caste system remains regardless of space and time, creating an invisible subordination although differently from the way it is witnessed in villages.

KhareTs (2010) study on Dalit identity and resistance expands on this notion of the deception of modernity by highlighting that despite living in Kathmandu, the social - and economic - statuses of Dalits have not improved. However, Kharel notes that such discrimination is much more than a recollection of historical associations of being dominant or subordinated, but has rather produced modem forms of oppression and inequality (93).

While a common belief was that people from villages had migrated to Kathmandu bringing along their caste system mentality, Jyoti and Samjana’s stories suggested that within the “modem” space of Kathmandu - caste discrimination was very much in existence. In such a space, its deeper-rooted effects become somewhat intensified in the absence of overt acts of discrimination as feelings of being subordinated by people belonging to upper castes linger amidst non-threatening interactions. Kharel’s study demonstrates that caste discrimination transforms as a result of space and time, and provides insight on “modem” forms of caste discrimination through the inequalities that continue to exist amidst Kathmandu’s metropolis.

While there is no doubt that there exists a difference in the way that caste discrimination occurs in different regions of Nepal, the problem posed here is that in

92 identifying Kathmandu as modem and developed, ideas associated with life in village areas result in ideal states of what modem spaces should or should not encompass. These inform the way that society is perceived and in turn, the forms of caste discrimination that really do exist are made invisible and are spoken of as an accepted phenomenon of everyday life in Kathmandu, or the road to becoming modem. As insecurity and belief in who remains dominant may make Dalits visible amidst the invisibility of caste discrimination in Kathmandu, the next section will discuss another dimension of

(in)visibility: the concealment of caste by Dalits.

S e c t io n V I: C o n c e a l in g C a s t e , R e v e a l in g t h e I ntersection o f C a s t e a n d C l a s s L “Though [Dalits] don’t want to hide their caste they hide it... ”

While this invisibility of caste discrimination in Kathmandu has been understood as the nonexistence of caste discrimination by both non-Dalits and Dalits in a “modem” place - somewhere indiscriminate of caste affiliations - for some Dalits, it has also revealed itself as a ground for new forms of caste discrimination, resulting in Dalits making their caste “invisible” by concealing it out of fear of being mistreated.

As mentioned, caste is not something that can be identified by physical features, however, knowing somebody’s last name can usually determine caste affiliation. Within each caste, there are common surnames that are used. With the ambivalence expressed by Jyoti and Samj ana in identifying themselves as Dalit, it became easy to understand why Dalits living in Kathmandu were concealing their caste. Knowing that some Dalit youths experienced discomfort in revealing their caste after growing up in Kathmandu, I was reminded of the ways that this silent discrimination impacted the lives of the adult

93 Dalits in Kathmandu with whom I had interviews before speaking with the group of

youth.

Upon building a network of Nepali contacts in Toronto, my research intrigued one

Nepali man, who wanted to offer his suggestions to the possible elimination of caste

discrimination in his country, or at least in Kathmandu: Dalits should change their last

name. Not being fully aware of the seriousness of his suggestion, I looked at him wide-

eyed thinking it was a joke. It wasn’t. As I began conversing with Dalits and non-Dalits

upon arriving in Kathmandu, this phenomenon, at least to me it was a phenomenon, was

something that was real. It was made even more real when awareness - and acceptance -

of it was brought up during discussions with youth.

Being from an upper caste, Chandra says that he has never experienced caste

discrimination nor has he engaged in it. He learned much of what he knows about caste

discrimination from occasional visits to his family’s village and from one specific

incident in which he was scolded and slapped for allowing a Dalit relative to touch his

food. From this experience, he says that he has become more sympathetic of the ways

that Dalit people are treated because he couldn’t understand why what he did was wrong.

Although believing that there is nothing to be ashamed of by identifying as being Dalit,

he understands and offers reasoning through what he has observed as to why some Dalits

conceal their identity by identifying themselves with an upper caste last name when they

come to Kathmandu:

Because o f caste system people suffer a lot. In village, people from low caste community are not allowed to go to temples, they are not allowed to go to tap, and they are not allowed to touch high caste people... When

94 people o f low caste go somewhere and apply for job, they are rejectedjust because they belong to low caste community. So they hide their caste in Kathmandu and say that they are from high caste community so that they can get the job.

Chandra’s understanding of issues on caste discrimination and Dalits demonstrated a level of awareness that was incomparable to the other group members that did not identify as Dalit. While he didn’t mention how he came to know about some

Dalits concealing their caste, I didn’t question him because it was something that I had come to understand, myself, after meeting with Dalit men and women in Kathmandu.

Although not all Dalits experience forms of caste discrimination upon settling in

Kathmandu, there was a general fear of being mistreated which led some Dalits to change their names when looking for jobs, and a link between caste and class discrimination in

Kathmandu.

iu Sanju and Rupa

I was introduced to Sanju by an acquaintance. She was his neighbour and at 32 years old, she is a domestic worker and mother of two pre-teen girls. Although she is

Dalit, she chooses to hide her caste from her employers out of fear that she will lose her job. Because of the already-difficult task of finding stable work in Kathmandu, Sanju fears that if her employers find out that she is Dalit, that they too will discriminate her. If they were to let her go, she would not have an income to support her two children in

Kathmandu.

95 Sanju’s experiences of finding and keeping a job upon coming to Kathmandu from a nearby village highlights the reality of how some Dalits feel as though they have to change their last names because of perceptions of being “polluted” and “untouchable”.

As Chandra observed, to Sanju, hiding her caste was a means of survival for herself, but especially for her two young daughters. Coming to Kathmandu - amid its multicultural, multiethnic diversity - where nobody knew her name, was a way for her to create a new identity that separated her from the status of “low caste”, “untouchable” that she experienced in the village.

In recognition of Dalits hiding their identity and the imposed status of Dalits as being “polluted” or “dirty”, Sani, who is 14 years old, described her understanding of caste discrimination when she wrote:

Some people o f society believe that they should not eat what the lower class people eat, should not touch what the lower class people touch. At last, they are considered as unlucky in the society. So he/she doesn’t want to be maltreated in the society. That’s why sometimes they hide their caste among the people and society.

According to Sani, the label of “untouchable” that influenced the ways that Dalits were viewed as “polluted” or “dirty” was another point of contention when it came to Dalits concealing their caste in Kathmandu. Aside from the humiliation often exemplified by the physical separation of Dalits and non-Dalits, such as in tea shops where Dalits would not enter, Sani reminded me of an interview I had with another Dalit woman who hid her identity from her employers.

96 While speaking with Rupa, who was introduced to me during my visit to

Kathmandu in 2009, she is the mother of two children who currently works at a construction site. After being a domestic worker once before, she explains that hiring

Dalit domestic workers is not favourable because it is believed that whatever“ we touch will be considered unclean and whatever we cook won’t be eaten". In Rupa’s case, however, she made sure to note that while her employers did not have a problem with hiring Dalits, it was their parents, the older generation that disapproved of her presence in their home. For that reason, she prefers the labourious shifts at the construction site over the subordinate treatment that she felt while working as a domestic worker — even if it was only on an occasional basis. Her story made me reflect and better understand the story of Suman’s mother that I narrated at the very beginning of my thesis who believed that working in construction was the only job she felt was suitable for her.

In a 1999 study done by Save the Children about traditional caste employment in the Siraha District of Eastern Nepal, it was found that the economic opportunities available to the majority of low caste people are low remuneration jobs, which usually require unskilled manual labor, and have little organization and union support to protect them. It was also reported that Dalits’ “untouchability” restricted them from gaining employment in fields which require contact with water, milk or milk products as many higher caste people refused to take water or milk that was handled by “untouchables”.

Nearly a decade later and in Kathmandu, Dalits continue to experience the same kinds of discrimination.

97 Upon speaking with Dalits, who moved to Kathmandu in search for better opportunities for work and for their children, the level of insecurity felt by those that concealed their identity was higher amongst the men and women that were in an unstable financial situation, who felt threatened by the possibility of being terminated from work because of their caste. Their insecurity prompted the concealment of their caste. Poverty is an issue that affects several Dalits and non Dalits; however in the case of Dalits, because of their “untouchable” status - and the presence of people who still subscribe to this way of thinking in Kathmandu, their chances of gaining or having secured employment is often less, making them more vulnerable as a population.

Concealing their Dalit identities would at least ensure them a chance at acquiring and keeping a job without the possibility of being discriminated because of being regarded as an “untouchable” entering and cleaning homes of affluent upper caste

Nepalis, or interacting with other workers that may oppose their presence in the same place.

The powerful intersection of caste and class are highlighted through these sentiments and insecurities that lead Dalits to conceal their caste. As Chandra noted:

“[tjhough they don’t want to hide their caste they hide it because that is the only way they can survive in the world”. While at first thinking that this comment was exaggerated, upon reflecting on the situations that were shared, this literally was the case for some Dalits.

98 Conclusion: From N onexistence to Invisibility and M odern Form s of I n e q u a l it y

While a widespread belief that caste discrimination does not occur in Kathmandu was shared by the majority of the youth initially, successive discussions revealed that this existed because of notions of place and the representation of what is considered

“developed”. As discourses of an urban-rural dichotomy were suggested through representation of the village as a place that lacks development, where caste discrimination occurs overtly, and where there were many uneducated people, a higher acclaim for urban life resulted and exempted it from having the qualities of “the village”.

The notion of place as a determinant for the occurrence of caste discrimination is represented by an implicit understanding of social progress in which, as Pigg (1992) notes, “an evolutionary understanding o f social stages, reinforced through the imagery of progress and backwardness, becomes projected across space and across existing social differences” (501-502). As a result, Nepal becomes charted into terrains of relative advancement and backwardness. The regard for place via the dichotomization of rural village and urban capital in determining the existence of caste discrimination becomes problematic here because it masks - or makes invisible - the ways, and the fact, that caste discrimination occurs in Kathmandu.

As discussions progressed deeper into understanding the dynamics of this perceived invisibility, it was revealed that some youth were aware of the concealment of caste by Dalits - in particular Dalits looking for work. The perceived invisibility of caste discrimination changed towards an understanding of a different way that it occurs in

Kathmandu via covert processes that are not immediately seen.

99 While I do not question the fact that caste discrimination is not easily seen in

Kathmandu, the revelation of its occurrence as covert gives credence to a new — literal - notion of invisibility. This time, it was regarded as something that is present but not seen, or in other words,not nonexistent. Acknowledgement of caste discrimination as the subtle and not so subtle ways that Dalits are not given equal rights sheds light on the different ways that caste discrimination still occurs and moves away from solely associating caste discrimination through the observable acts of untouchability.

The desire to earn an income from the stories of Sanju and Rupa, which warranted the concealment of their caste, illustrated the complex picture of the intersection of caste and class in a “modem” city. While this intersection is not exclusive to Kathmandu, the occurrence of Dalits hiding their caste in order to obtain work was indicative of a covert, invisible, form of discrimination that signified different ways that caste discrimination occurs. From Sanju and Rupa’s experiences, their insecurities and actions as a result of having been treated poorly by upper castes, demonstrated why some Dalits decide to conceal their caste. This concealment is also reflective of a survival strategy as Dalits often have to hide their identity as Dalits if they are to “survive” - have an income, put food on the table, and support their children. Because of their fear of discrimination from non-Dalit employers, disclosing their caste is considered risky for their survival and that of their children’s. Although they may wish to express a sense of pride with their Dalit identity, the reality and fear of being discriminated in effect results in the denial and concealment of their caste identity.

100 The observed intersection of caste and class in Kathmandu is one that highlights the historical segregation of Dalits that was justified by the occupations that they held. As caste identities were assigned according to occupation, Dalits were left in a state of immense deprivation. As Gomala (2010) notes:

The caste system segregated Dalits from the rest of the society to such an extent that they were denied the basic human rights. It proves to be a divine privilege to the upper castes enjoying the virtual monopoly of education, industry, trade, commerce and so on; on the other hand, it spelt disaster for the lower castes. This is because the latter were assigned tasks involving only manual labour. They were thus prevented from earning their livelihood (163).

While the stigma of holding menial or skilled labour prevented chances for the lower castes to subsist for themselves, Gomala also states thatDalits “ became dependent on upper castes to provide for their basic existence [and as a result] remained socially outcaste, economically dependent, and politically powerless” (163). Today, where opportunity to use traditional skills to make a living does not provide, and the only alternatives lie in manual and menial labour, the forgone lower caste status revives heightened class inequalities.

The casual attitudes by some youth and Kathmanduites with whom I spoke about the occurrence of caste discrimination in Kathmandu are highly problematic. The existing inequities based on the caste system are apparent through the stories of concealment of caste by Dalits further exaggerating the invisibility of Dalits and a passive resistance to caste discrimination. The consequence however of accepting the invisibility of Dalits’

101 caste identity in the workplace, ignites issues of caste discrimination in employment and may inevitably lead to further depression of Dalits along both rungs of caste and class systems.

The regard for Kathmandu as a place that is developed - or rather not “the backward village” - further masks the fact that caste discrimination occurs. Additionally, in this “modem” space, the intersection of caste and class is further heightened illustrating newer forms of discrimination that continue to exist based on earlier caste affiliation regardless of assumed representations of space and place.

102 CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION

Being mindful of the fact that the youth at Himal High School were among the first generation of Nepalis not bom into a caste system, this thesis has sought to

1. understand the role that schooling contributes to youths’ understanding of the concept of caste and caste discrimination in Nepal today

2. explore the ways that youth recognize and identify with caste

3. highlight the existence of caste discrimination amid the perceived modem space of Kathmandu

In addressing these concerns, this study concluded that the constructs of Identity, the

Intersection of Caste and Class, Place, Space and Representation and the discourses of

Modernity and Development were particularly relevant and useful.

On initiating the research project, among the most common responses received from the larger community, the school personnel as well as the youth was a statement that suggested the nonexistence of caste and caste discrimination in Kathmandu. This was immediately followed with accounts emphasizing the dichotomy between traditional and backward practices of caste discrimination and untouchability in the village as opposed to the more modem progressive city of Kathmandu. Youth who were not exposed to village areas and had grown up in Kathmandu, spoke about what they learnt about caste discrimination based on stories told to them by family and/or as a concept that they learned at Himal High School during their earlier years in levels 4 and 6.

Upon listening to participant responses, both the youth and their teachers, it became increasingly evident that their beliefs about the nonexistence of caste discrimination in Kathmandu were relative to discourses of modernity, which have

103 informed notions of place and caste identity that continue to be engrained into Nepali consciousness about the state of development in Nepal altogether in what Pigg (1992) and Hindman (2009) have recognized as notions of modernity that have become indigenized national assumptions.

Dichotomized understandings of what is developed and underdeveloped explained conditions that enabled caste discrimination to occur - or believed to not occur. Caste discrimination, therefore, is said to exist“but you won’t see it in Kathmandu... only in the village ” because upon initially interacting with students and teachers, place was believed to not determine how, but that caste discrimination existed at all.

School as a discursive space operates to legitimize these modem discourses of development to characterize both desired and undesired states of what Nepal should and shouldn’t be (Pigg 1992). As noted, the teachers at Himal High School expressed differing views about the curriculum’s approach to addressing the “social ills” of caste and ethnic inequalities that exist in Nepal. While many openly communicated their discontent over the ways that these issues have been handled through proclaiming rejection of religion and Nepal’s “backwarded” politics, teachers did not call into question the notion of becoming developed. As the dominant discourse was one that rested on development and modernization, these views permeated the views held by youth in declaring the nonexistence of caste discrimination in Kathmandu.

Further, in promoting human rights awareness as an aspect of civic responsibility as Raj (2007) posits, shifts can be observed in the ways that caste became regarded amid educational institutions particularly in urban regions such as Kathmandu. Because of the

104 level of access to ‘modem’ ideas and resources through educational and medical facilities, as well as the opportunities made available to find various types of work,

Kathmandu and Kathmanduites have been deemed as “developed” - that is not engaging in practices that stagnate Nepal’s growth. As a result, caste discrimination and untouchability as a result of “traditional” thinking prevalent in the village areas quickly became the scapegoat to the issues of caste discrimination and lack of development in

Nepal.

According to Raj, urbanization and education have acted as catalytic agents for social change. He posits that as many students have questioned traditional social and political structures, a change in relationships between different castes rose, especially in urban areas. This was precisely what was expressed at Himal High School through bits of expressed resistance towards caste identification even amongst those that expressed pride.

As the youth expressed many views about the ways that they identify themselves, they reflect a grander aspect of what Raj has termed the “crisis of identity” amid changing times - specifically as the outcome of being exposed to modernization and globalization. Being that the group of students are among the first generation bom to a caste system-less Nepal, and as a result, being schooled in an age of human rights awareness, the place that caste occupies in their lives differs greatly from the ways that it has impacted their parents. The youth today are conditioned in an environment that overtly expresses the destructiveness and inequality that the caste system created, and as

105 a result have been exposed to alternate ways of expressing their identities where caste may not play as heavy a role as it did when their parents were their age.

Capitalist culture that infiltrated Nepal changed the dynamics of following traditionally-held jobs. In this right, Meena miss was correct in saying that “nowadays anyone can do any job”. Non-Dalits have taken on jobs as metal-workers and tailors, while there are Dalits who are teachers and businessmen. It was more appealing to earn money and look towards a developed and “modem” state that focused less on following traditions based on caste. Today, values such as earning an income and sustaining a career continue to be held high among issues expressed by the youth - not caste in its traditional division of society.

Access to technology meant that the once isolationist nation was able to become aware of world issues and the world would become aware of theirs. Civil rights movements in the 70s heavily influenced movements amongst Dalit groups in South

Asia, through adoption of being identified as “Dalit” instead of their previous identification as “untouchable” (Rao 2009). Recent movements of indigenous nationalities within Nepal also borrowed from movements occurring globally to assert and claim their rights to self-determination.

The statement made by one of the students in that “people don’t care about caste, only about earning money in Kathmandu” was made real via awareness of Dalits concealing their caste. This held true with money and income taking precedence over caste issues of being discriminated or feeling dominated. However, looking deeper, this it was a caste issue, which revealed that place is not a marker that distinguishes the

106 existence of caste discrimination. Dalits’ making their caste invisible revealed that caste discrimination was not nonexistent in Kathmandu. Despite focus on economic and social development, caste discrimination in Kathmandu occurs amid its modem, cosmopolitan backdrop. Concealment simply revealed the roots of the issue to be based on modem - or neo-modem - forms of casteism in Nepal that intersected with historic issues of caste divisions based on class.

Discourses of modernity have upheld ideals of both an underdeveloped and a developed Nepal which have been present since the post-Rana, Panchayat eras, and accelerated as impacts of globalization seeped into the previously isolationist nation. As westernization made its way via the advent of Nepal’s tourism industry, and the diaspora of Nepalis working overseas, Raj (2007) posits that new ideas entered the consciousness of Nepalis that questioned traditional values and practices, as well as notions of the

Nepali identity. In turn, this has made way for an understanding of people and places in

Nepal though dichotomous labeling. Following traditional ideas and identifying with caste, as expressed by many youth, was noted as “backwards” behaviours that do not contribute to the development of Nepal overall.

Throughout this thesis, the metaphor of invisibility has been used in order to question the common notion of the nonexistence of caste discrimination. What this has revealed are the subtle ways that caste discrimination remains embedded within Nepali society, namely in Kathmandu, and the ways that this occurs differently from overt, recognizable acts of untouchability as expressed by the youth.

107 Interestingly, despite being aware of caste discrimination and the ways that it has operated within Nepali society, youth awareness of human rights movements towards equal rights for all Nepalis have left them believing that caste discrimination does not occur in Kathmandu. While the village was seen as a site in which traditional customs were upheld, Kathmandu was developed and they were developed. They were educated individuals who held a great understanding of the problems that plague(d) Nepali society.

Among them was caste discrimination as a hindrance to the development of Nepal. While it is a problem in the village, in Kathmandu it wasn’t. One would not be able to see it.

People in Kathmandu didn’t care about caste because they were progressive. While the first half of this statement can be taken as valid, the rationale in believing that there is no caste discrimination in Kathmandu underscores and makes invisible the fact that caste discrimination occurs differently or in different ways that it does in village areas. Doing this causes problems because subtle, covert acts of discrimination based on caste, such as

Dalits concealing their caste, are excused and justified as a means through which they desire to become developed - or at least move out from being “backwards”. Institutional barriers that further marginalize people based on caste or notions of what certain castes represent, are not regarded as caste discrimination, and in doing this, new discriminations amount, however more dangerously because they occur out of sight, silently, and accepted. Policies can be made and rights groups and organizations can protest for their equal status amongst all Nepalis, as people are led to believe that caste discrimination no longer occurs, when in fact, it occurs silently, unseen, this can be more damning, as its invisibility becomes equated with its nonexistence and goes unaddressed.

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I l l APPENDICES

Appendix A: Caste-based Discriminatory Practices Identified in Nepal

Bhattachan, 2003 Kathmandu: Action Aid International, Nepal

205 Cases of Caste Discrimination Identified by SIRE in Nepal

54 cases of denial

10 related to obstructions in entry of premises 14 related to services - 6 are related to access to common resources 10 related to kinship and other relationships 14 to participation

9 related to forced and discriminatory labour 20 to dominance 20 to atrocities 3 to social boycott 18 to attitudinal untouchability 81 related to discrimination in different fields 18 related to occupation 11 to educational institutions 10 to political rights 14 to government policy and programs 7 to government and non-government offices 13 to development programs 8 to religious and cultural activities

112 Appendix B: Understanding Caste Identity in the Kathmandu Valiev Questionnaire

Caste, villages and the Kathmandu Valley 1. How often have you seen and/or experienced an act of caste discrimination in Kathmandu? Always Often Sometimes Rarely Never

2. How often have you seen and/or experienced an act of caste discrimination in your home village? Always Often Sometimes Rarely Never If never, skip to question 4

3. Using the ‘Always - Never’ scale used above, please indicate how often you have seen caste discrimination in the following places: In Kathmandu In the Village (Name of village: ______) Tea Shops/Restaurants Temples Water Taps Other

4. Caste discrimination and/or inequality is a current problem in Kathmandu Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree If ‘Agree’, please indicate how______

5. Caste discrimination in Kathmandu occurs more in how people think than how they act Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

Caste Identity - Keep in mind that responses will be kept strictly confidential 6. I identify with a caste: Yes, I am from No, I do not

7. In my opinion, being part of a caste is important/necessary Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

8. I am proud of the caste with which I belong Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

113 9. Being part of a caste has befitted me Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree If ‘Agree’, please indicate how______

10. How comfortable are you in identifying with a caste? Very Comfortable Somewhat Uncomfortable Very Comfortable Comfortable Uncomfortable Why or why not?______

Caste Interactions 11. I judge/have judged (stereotyped) people based on their caste Always Often Sometimes Rarely Never

12. I make jokes about people from other castes Always Often Sometimes Rarely Never

13. I have used derogatory names to describe other castes Always Often Sometimes Rarely Never

14. Would you marry someone who is considered lower than your caste? Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

15. I have friends from different castes Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

Caste and Family Life - Your parents’ or guardian’s perceptions of caste from your understanding? 16. Caste is an important aspect of their lives Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

17. Members practice caste discrimination Always Often Sometimes Rarely Never If so, please indicate how:______

18. Will allow someone from a lower caste into our home Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

114 19. Their beliefs about inter-caste marriage can be best described as Strongly Accepting Don’t Care Dislike but will Strongly Accepting not oppose Opposed

Gender 20. My parents believe a male education is more beneficial than a female’s Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

21. Having a son is important in my family Strongly Agree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Agree Agree Disagree

Learning about Caste: 22. Where did you first learn about the caste system? a. Family - if so, from whom______b. School - if so, what level______c. Visits to home village/a village - if so, how______d. Discriminated against - if so, how______e. Other, please specify______

23. Caste was created because of ____

24. Write down thoughts and words that you associate with - be as descriptive as possible: a. Brahman ______b. Chhetri______c. Newar______d. Dalit

25. I feel as though my knowledge of the caste system can be described as Very Good Good Fair Poor Very Poor

26. Schools should teach more about caste and untouchability Strongly Agree, Somewhat Disagree, Strongly Agree teach more Agree enough is Disagree, Taught what’s the point?

Comments:

115 Appendix C: The Identity Flower

This activity is called the Identity Flower. The purpose of it is to allow you to think about ways that you identify yourselves - through your ethnic background, caste, religion, gender, or other aspects that you feel represented who you are. Take your time and enjoy this activity as you reflect on each “petal” of your identity.

116 Appendix D: Caste Identification of 10th Level Class at Himal High School

Diversity of Identifications

m Diversity of Identifications

117