The 520 Forgotten Bombs
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A/C SERIAL No
A/C SERIAL No. ZA457 SECTION 2B PANAVIA TORNADO GR.1B ZA457 MUSEUM ACCESSION NUMBER X003-2283 1983 Built at British Aerospace Warton, Lancs. as one of 228 GR.1 aircraft for the RAF. Plane set 259, variant BS087. Batch No.3 airframe ordered 3 June 1979. Assembly Number 3123, using German and Italian built components. Serials batch ZA446 – ZA475. Batch 3 aircraft introduced under nose laser rangefinder and marked target seeker and improved radar. 21 Jun 83 First flight, from Warton. 4 Aug 83 To RAF St. Athan, Glamorgan. 6 Dec 83 To Tornado Operational Evaluation Unit at Boscombe Down; aircraft individual code ‘O’; photographed as such at RAF Waddington March 1984. 10 Sep 86 To No.IX Squadron at RAF Honington, code ‘AJ’. 1 Oct 86 Squadron moved to RAF Bruggen, West Germany as part of RAF Germany, completing the ‘Bruggen Wing’ of nos. IX, 14, 17 and 31 Squadrons. 6 Feb 87 To No. 617 Squadron at RAF Marham, Norfolk. 18 Feb 87 Returned to No.IX Squadron at Bruggen. 23 Jul 87 Aircrew logbook of A.J. Smith (X007-9179/002) records Hi-Lo-Hi and bounce; 1.55 hours; pilot Flt Lt Williams. 28 Jul 87 40-minute High Level transit flight, to Marham (Smith LB; pilot Flt Lt Burbidge); followed by lo-Hi return to base, 1.50 hours. 5 Aug 87 Smith LB records pairs low-level flight; diving and strafing Nordhorn ranges, 1.30 hrs. 17 Aug 87 Smith LB records 1.25-hr flight being No.3 of 4 bounced aircraft; diving attack on Nordhorn ranges. -
Environmental Consequences of Nuclear War
Environmental consequences of nuclear war Owen B. Toon, Alan Robock, and Richard P. Turco A regional war involving 100 Hiroshima-sized weapons would pose a worldwide threat due to ozone destruction and climate change. A superpower confrontation with a few thousand weapons would be catastrophic. Brian Toon is chair of the department of atmospheric and oceanic sciences and a member of the laboratory for atmospheric and space physics at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Alan Robock is a professor of atmospheric science at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey. Rich Turco is a professor of atmospheric science at the University of California, Los Angeles. More than 25 years ago, three independent research ber of potential fatalities from a nuclear war and in the like- groups made valuable contributions to elaborating the conse- lihood of environmental consequences that threaten the bulk quences of nuclear warfare.1 Paul Crutzen and John Birks pro- of humanity. Unfortunately, that assumption is incorrect. In- posed that massive fires and smoke emissions in the lower at- deed, we estimate that the direct effects of using the 2012 ar- mosphere after a global nuclear exchange would create severe senals would lead to hundreds of millions of fatalities. The short-term environmental aftereffects. Extending their work, indirect effects would likely eliminate the majority of the two of us (Toon and Turco) and colleagues discovered “nuclear human population. winter,” which posited that worldwide climatic cooling from stratospheric smoke would cause agricultural collapse that Casualty and soot numbers threatened the majority of the human population with starva- Any of several targeting strategies might be employed in a tion. -
Otfried Nassauer * 20
Wir nehmen Abschied von unserem Freund, Kollegen und Mitstreiter Otfried Nassauer * 20. August 1956 † 1. Oktober 2020 Otfried Nassauer war seit 1991 Leiter des Berliner Informationszentrums für Transatlantische Sicherheit (BITS) und hat über viele Ländergrenzen hinweg tragfähige friedenspolitische Netzwerke aufgebaut. Als Experte für strategische Fragen, Waffensysteme und Rüstungskontrolle war er mit seinem fundierten Wissen ein äußerst gefragter Ratgeber der Friedensbewegung, der Medien, der Kirchen und der Politik, aber auch ein sehr respektierter Gesprächspartner von Vertretern der Bundeswehr. Großzügig stellte er sein umfassendes Wissen, seine Recherche-Ergebnisse und seine Artikel zur Verfügung, wenn es darum ging, in der Öffentlichkeit den Argumenten für Abrüstung und gegen weitere Aufrüstung und Krieg breiteres Gehör zu verschaffen. Sein profundes Detailwissen war immer hilfreich, aber auch herausfordernd und zum Weiterdenken anregend. Seine Erkenntnisse sind jahrzehntelang in unzählige fachwissenschaftliche und publizistische Beiträge eingeflossen. Für die Friedensbewegung war seine © Wolfang Borrs Arbeit von herausragender Bedeutung. Aus Otfrieds Studien und Untersuchungen ergaben sich oftmals konkrete friedenspolitische Forderungen und Aktionen. Das Ziel einer friedlicheren Welt spornte ihn in seinem Engagement an. Eine Johannes Ahlefeldt, Referent der SPD-Bundestagsfraktion, Berlin; Birgit und Michael Ahlmann, ex. BR-V, Blu- menschliche Welt ohne Krieg und Gewalt war für diesen herzensguten und wahr- menthal; Roland Appel, -
Cyber Warfare a “Nuclear Option”?
CYBER WARFARE A “NUCLEAR OPTION”? ANDREW F. KREPINEVICH CYBER WARFARE: A “NUCLEAR OPTION”? BY ANDREW KREPINEVICH 2012 © 2012 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. About the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) is an independent, nonpartisan policy research institute established to promote innovative thinking and debate about national security strategy and investment options. CSBA’s goal is to enable policymakers to make informed decisions on matters of strategy, secu- rity policy and resource allocation. CSBA provides timely, impartial, and insight- ful analyses to senior decision makers in the executive and legislative branches, as well as to the media and the broader national security community. CSBA encour- ages thoughtful participation in the development of national security strategy and policy, and in the allocation of scarce human and capital resources. CSBA’s analysis and outreach focus on key questions related to existing and emerging threats to US national security. Meeting these challenges will require transforming the national security establishment, and we are devoted to helping achieve this end. About the Author Dr. Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr. is the President of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, which he joined following a 21-year career in the U.S. Army. He has served in the Department of Defense’s Office of Net Assessment, on the personal staff of three secretaries of defense, the National Defense Panel, the Defense Science Board Task Force on Joint Experimentation, and the Defense Policy Board. He is the author of 7 Deadly Scenarios: A Military Futurist Explores War in the 21st Century and The Army and Vietnam. -
NATO and NATO-Russia Nuclear Terms and Definitions
NATO/RUSSIA UNCLASSIFIED PART 1 PART 1 Nuclear Terms and Definitions in English APPENDIX 1 NATO and NATO-Russia Nuclear Terms and Definitions APPENDIX 2 Non-NATO Nuclear Terms and Definitions APPENDIX 3 Definitions of Nuclear Forces NATO/RUSSIA UNCLASSIFIED 1-1 2007 NATO/RUSSIA UNCLASSIFIED PART 1 NATO and NATO-Russia Nuclear Terms and Definitions APPENDIX 1 Source References: AAP-6 : NATO Glossary of Terms and Definitions AAP-21 : NATO Glossary of NBC Terms and Definitions CP&MT : NATO-Russia Glossary of Contemporary Political and Military Terms A active decontamination alpha particle A nuclear particle emitted by heavy radionuclides in the process of The employment of chemical, biological or mechanical processes decay. Alpha particles have a range of a few centimetres in air and to remove or neutralise chemical, biological or radioactive will not penetrate clothing or the unbroken skin but inhalation or materials. (AAP-21). ingestion will result in an enduring hazard to health (AAP-21). décontamination active активное обеззараживание particule alpha альфа-частицы active material antimissile system Material, such as plutonium and certain isotopes of uranium, The basic armament of missile defence systems, designed to which is capable of supporting a fission chain reaction (AAP-6). destroy ballistic and cruise missiles and their warheads. It includes See also fissile material. antimissile missiles, launchers, automated detection and matière fissile радиоактивное вещество identification, antimissile missile tracking and guidance, and main command posts with a range of computer and communications acute radiation dose equipment. They can be subdivided into short, medium and long- The total ionising radiation dose received at one time and over a range missile defence systems (CP&MT). -
The Tornado Years
Continuing our brief history of RAF Honington, Part 4b. The Tornado Years (As mentioned last time, I had originally planned that ‘Part 4’ would include both the Buccaneer and the subsequent Tornado years but lack of time to research and space in the ‘Rag’ to tell the tale meant that I had to separate the two periods. This time we will take our delayed look at the Honington Tornados.) We concluded the previous episode of our tale when the last Buccaneer left Honington in 1984 but to ‘set the scene’ for the next phase we need to wind the clock back to the 1960’s. At that time, the United Kingdom had cancelled the procurement of the TSR2 and the US-built F-111, as previously discussed, but still needed replacements for the ageing Vulcan and Buccaneer strike aircraft. At the same time, aeronautical engineers were looking at variable-geometry, (or ‘swing-wing’), designs - as used on the F-111. These gave the manoeuvrability and cruise-efficiency of ‘straight’ wings with the speed-capability of swept wings. Britain and France had initiated the AFVG, (Anglo French Variable Geometry), project in 1965 but the French pulled out two years later. Britain continued to develop the project and sought new partners to achieve it. Whilst several other nations initially showed interest, ultimately it was only Britain, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands who, in 1969, eventually agreed to form a multi-national company, Panavia Aircraft GmbH to develop and manufacture the MRCA - or Multi-Role Combat Aircraft as it then became known. (The following year the Dutch withdrew from the project citing that the aircraft would be too complicated and technical for their needs.) The new company was owned 15% by the Italians and 42.5% each by Germany and Britain. -
Nuclear Proliferation: a Civilian and a Military Dilemma Nuclear Proliferation: a C Ivilian and a Military D Ilemma
ilemma D NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION: ivilian and a Military A CIVILIAN AND A MILITARY DILEMMA C A Nuclear Proliferation: The danger of nuclear proliferation is growing in proportion to weapons stockpiles, reversing Pyongyang’s nuclear buildup, and the number of new nuclear power stations all over the world. stopping Iran’s nuclear weapons-related activities. The hope There is no insurmountable division between the civil and mili- is that each of these efforts will be mutually reinforcing and tary use of this technology in spite of the efforts on the part of that progress in reducing existing nuclear weapons will per- the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to regulate suade the world’s nonnuclear weapons states to do more to stay this. The most recent example is Iran. At the end of the day clear of dangerous civilian nuclear fuel-making activities. This anyone who does not want to be regulated cannot be forced to set of nuclear hopes, however, is unlikely to be fully realised. do so. With the expansion of nuclear energy there is a grow- Barring regime change in either North Korea or Iran, neither ing necessity to build reprocessing plants and fast breeders in Pyongyang’s renunciation of its nuclear arsenal nor Iran’s ces- order to produce nuclear fuel. Both give rise to the circulation sation of nuclear weapons-related activities is all that probable. of plutonium leading in turn to the creation of huge amounts of Meanwhile, the odds of China, India, Pakistan, North Korea, fissile material capable of making bombs – a horror scenario! and Israel agreeing to nuclear warhead reductions seem even With the run-up to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) more remote. -
The Effects of Nuclear War
The Effects of Nuclear War May 1979 NTIS order #PB-296946 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 79-600080 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D C, 20402 — Foreword This assessment was made in response to a request from the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations to examine the effects of nuclear war on the populations and economies of the United States and the Soviet Union. It is intended, in the terms of the Committee’s request, to “put what have been abstract measures of strategic power into more comprehensible terms. ” The study examines the full range of effects that nuclear war would have on civilians: direct effects from blast and radiation; and indirect effects from economic, social, and politicai disruption. Particular attention is devoted to the ways in which the impact of a nuclear war would extend over time. Two of the study’s principal findings are that conditions would con- tinue to get worse for some time after a nuclear war ended, and that the ef- fects of nuclear war that cannot be calculated in advance are at least as im- portant as those which analysts attempt to quantify. This report provides essential background for a range of issues relating to strategic weapons and foreign policy. It translates what is generally known about the effects of nuclear weapons into the best available estimates about the impact on society if such weapons were used. It calls attention to the very wide range of impacts that nuclear weapons would have on a complex industrial society, and to the extent of uncertainty regarding these impacts. -
Nuclear Deterrence and Conventional Conflict
VIEW Sticks and Stones Nuclear Deterrence and Conventional Conflict DR. KATHRYN M.G. BOEHLEFELD n the night of 15 June 2020, Sino- Indian tensions flared into fighting along the disputed border in the region known as the Galwan Valley. The fighting led to the first casualties along the border in 45 years. However, Ono one on either side fired a single shot.1 Instead, soldiers threw rocks and used wooden clubs wrapped in barbed wire to attack one another. Two of the most powerful armies in the world, both of which possess nuclear weapons, clashed with one another using sticks and stones. Nuclear weapons prevent nuclear states from engaging in large-scale conven- tional war with one another, or at least, the existence of such advanced weapons has correlated with a significant decrease in conventional war between nuclear- armed adversaries over the past 80 years. Nuclear weapons tend to make nuclear adversaries wearier of engaging in conventional warfare with one another because they fear inadvertent escalation: that a war will spiral out of control and end in a nuclear exchange even if the war’s aims were originally fairly limited. However, this fear has not fully prevented the Chinese and Indian militaries from engaging in skirmishes, like the one that occurred in June 2020. Where does escalation to- ward nuclear war start, and what does this conflict teach both us and major world players about the dangers and opportunities associated with low levels of conflict between nuclear powers? Escalation to nuclear use may occur as a deliberate and premeditated choice or inadvertently as the result of a security dilemma, the offensive nature of militaries, and/or due to the fog of war.2 This article argues that the Sino- Indian border dispute demonstrates that the drivers of inadvertent escalation may be present even at exceptionally low levels of conflict. -
Understanding NBC Warfare
FM 3-100/MCWP 3-3.7.1 The end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the antipathy toward the US — may use WMD to Warsaw Pact introduced a complex strategic escalate the conflict. So, potential use of these environment. That environment is multi-polar, weapons has become a major cause of destabilization interdependent, and regionally oriented. Emerging in regional conflict. powers are rapidly transforming the strategic The lessened chance of global confrontation and a landscape and exhibiting new trends. One such trend concomitant rise in regional instability and conflict is the changing nature of regional conflict. It is an are new realities. We cannot say the threat of WMD alarming prospect that developing nations, with in Europe is extinct. We can only say that it is hostility towards the US, may have nuclear, lessened by the contemporary political climate. While biological, and chemical (NBC) munitions — traditional superpowers no longer have political aims weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The growth of that would justify using these weapons, widespread these weapons increases the chance that many nations growth in developing nations increases their could use them. So, potential use of WMD likelihood of use. dramatically alters the nature of regional conflict across the continuum of operations. The growth of WMD in the developing nations is an arms race within an arms race. Major world powers The premises of the Cold War, rooted in superpower continue to reduce their inventory of conventional adversarial relationships, give way to a new strategic weapons and WMD. However, a significant number pragmatism based on diversified, regional threats that of developing.“ nations maintain ambitious arms may have WMD. -
Atomic Bomb I INTRODUCTION II FISSION and FUSION III
Atomic Bomb I INTRODUCTION Atomic Bomb, extremely powerful explosive weapon whose force is fuelled by the splitting, or fission, of the nuclei of specific isotopes of uranium or plutonium (uranium-235, uranium- 238, and plutonium-239) in a chain reaction. The process of fission releases enormous energy in the form of extreme heat and a massive shock wave. A slow, carefully controlled fission reaction generates power for electricity companies worldwide, but in an atomic bomb the release of energy continues unabated until all fissile material is exhausted. In addition to its virtually limitless destructive effects —flash burns, and widespread destruction through pressure waves, and high winds—a nuclear explosion also produces deadly radiation in the form of gamma rays and neutrons, which destroy living matter and contaminate soil and water. II FISSION AND FUSION Atomic bombs are nowadays called nuclear weapons, which are of two general types: fission or fusion. Fission weapons were the first atomic bombs to be developed, tested, and used in war, when the United States dropped two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan in 1945, at the end of World War II. Fusion bombs, also called hydrogen or thermonuclear bombs, are vastly more powerful than fission bombs. They were developed and tested in the early 1950s, but these have never been used in warfare. A thermonuclear device depends on a fission reaction to produce extreme heat that causes hydrogen isotopes of deuterium and tritium to come together, or fuse. This process yields energy many times greater than that of fission-type devices. Most nuclear weapons in present-day stockpiles are thermonuclear devices. -
Die Nukleare Zukunft Der NATO
Otfried Nassauer Die nukleare Zukunft der NATO Nach der Sommerpause hat der Endspurt begonnen. Die NATO erarbeitet ein neues Strategisches Konzept.1 Im November soll es im Konsens verabschiedet werden. Darauf hat man sich anlässlich des Straßburger NATO-Gipfels zum 60. Geburtstag der Allianz geeinigt. Eines der zentralen Themen, bei dem die nunmehr 28 Mitglie- dern der Allianz zu einer gemeinsamen Sichtweise kommen müssen, ist die künftige Nuklear- und Abschreckungspolitik der Allianz. Die Debatte darüber eröffnete U.S.- Präsident Obama bereits einen Tag nach dem NATO-Gipfel 2009 in Prag, als er die Vision einer atomwaffenfreien Welt wiederbelebte und versprach, die Rolle nuklearer Waffen in der Strategie der USA zu reduzieren und sich verstärkt für atomare Abrüs- tung und nukleare Nichtverbreitung einzusetzen.2 Ein Jahr später, am 6. April 2010, veröffentlichte die U.S.-Regierung den „Nuclear Posture Review 2010“ (NPR 2010), ein perspektivisches Dokument zur Zukunft der U.S.-Nuklearpolitik.3 Das Papier ist gleichzeitig Blaupause für die nationale Nuklear- politik der USA und Vorlage der Führungsmacht der NATO für die Diskussion der Nuklearstrategie im Bündnis. Denn auch die NATO muss entscheiden, wie sie die Rolle nuklearer Waffen, der nuklearen Abschreckung und der nuklearen Abrüstung in ihrem neuen strategischen Konzept beschreiben und an die Veränderungen in der Nuklearpolitik Washingtons anpassen will. Das wird kein leichtes Unterfangen und der Ausgang ist ungewiss. Die Interessen und Positionen der 28 NATO-Mitgliedstaaten sind sehr unterschiedlich, teilweise so- gar gegensätzlich. Ein Teil der NATO-Mitglieder hofft, dass die Rolle nuklearer Waf- fen weiter reduziert und künftig auf in Europa stationierte substrategische4 Nuklear- waffen verzichtet wird.