The Wonderful Wizard As Was Lloyd George, 1931 – 1945

David Lloyd George enjoyed an unusually long political afterlife following his ejection from the premiership in October 1922.1 Only 59 years old when he left Downing Street, he remained a member of the House of Commons for twenty-two years before accepting a peerage in the autumn of 1944. In the history of the twentieth- century premiership only exceeded Lloyd George’s experience, resigning as Prime Minister in December 1905, but remaining active in politics until shortly before his death in 1930. David Dutton tells the story of Lloyd George’s last years.

54 Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 The Wonderful Wizard As Was Lloyd George, 1931 – 1945

alfour’s later career arithmetic, despite their relega- a largely helpless observer of the included a ministerial rein- tion to third-party status in 1922. events which led to the formation Bcarnation. Appointed For- Indeed, on two occasions, follow- of the National Government in eign Secretary at the formation of ing the elections of 1923 August, a government from which Lloyd George’s own government and 1929, the Liberal Party held the it would have been almost impos- in December 1916, he also filled balance of power in the House of sible to exclude him had he been fit. a number of non-departmental Commons. And there was always Had Lloyd George been in a posi- posts in the Conservative govern- the possibility that electoral reform tion to lead the Liberal Party in the ments of the 1920s. By contrast, might further entrench its posi- inter-party negotiations, it seems Lloyd George’s career after leaving tion as a crucial force in national probable that he would have driven Downing Street was spent entirely politics. Some historians have even a harder, and for Liberals more in the ranks of opposition. written the political history of advantageous, bargain than proved In October 1922 few informed these years with Lloyd George at to be the case, including perhaps observers would have foreseen the very centre of the stage, while the introduction of the Alterna- this outcome. While some said other leaders, with larger party tive Vote. It is even possible that he he would be back in office in six forces behind them but lacking the would have shown the flexibility months, others in two years, Welshman’s dynamism and intel- to negotiate a compromise agree- Lloyd George himself suggested lectual energy, worked out how ment with the Conservatives on that the Tories would now be in best to keep him consigned to the tariffs.5 As it was, even the margin- power for twenty years.2 Notwith- political wilderness. According to alised Lloyd George seemed to rank standing two brief interludes of Kenneth Morgan, ‘it is clear that among the political heavyweights. Labour government, it proved to the politics of the 1920s were in MacDonald wrote to express his be a remarkably accurate predic- large measure a reaction against dismay at Lloyd George’s indispo- tion. But if Lloyd George never Lloyd George, a reaction in which sition and came to Churt to seek returned to power, he was at least a the Conservative and Labour par- his endorsement. Herbert Samuel, major player in the political game ties made common cause’.3 the acting Liberal leader, and Lord over the following decade. Unable The situation after 1931, how- Reading, Liberal leader in the to overcome the political handi- ever, was completely different. Lords, also made their way to the cap, which had begun in 1916, of That year witnessed a dramatic Welshman’s country home, ostensi- not having behind him a political change in Lloyd George’s per- bly to ensure that they were in step party – or at least one large enough sonal fortunes. In the spring he with his wishes. Less benignly, the to return him to office by conven- appeared still to be the arbiter of Conservative backbencher, Cuth- tional means – Lloyd George ben- national politics, on the verge of bert Headlam, judged it imperative efitted from the peculiar electoral an astonishing comeback into gov- that the government should go to and parliamentary circumstances ernment. Though the surviving the country under MacDonald’s that characterised the 1920s. For a documentary record is fragmen- leadership. Otherwise it would be brief period of transition Britain tary, it appears that Lloyd George said that the Tories had broken the experienced a genuine three-party was in secret negotiations with National Government, and ‘LG and system, very different from the Ramsay MacDonald’s Labour gov- his friends would once again get duopoly which existed during the ernment, which might have led to away with it – and anything might rest of the century. Such a situation Left: his appointment as Leader of the happen. What an unmitigated curse encouraged calculations of politi- Lloyd George Commons and to the country LG is.’6 cal movement and realignment at his farm at or Chancellor in a Lib-Lab coa- The National Government’s which left the Liberals a significant Bron-y-de, Churt, lition.4 But Lloyd George’s sud- decision to follow Headlam’s factor in the country’s electoral during the 1930s den illness in the summer left him wishes and fight an election in

Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 55 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945

October transformed Lloyd He recog- full-time writer. His main task was North Wales than he was to engage George’s position. He recognised to produce his long-anticipated War with the contemporary political that the likely Conservative major- nised that Memoirs, but before that he com- scene. Thomas Jones, accompany- ity would not only lead to the pleted what was originally intended ing him on his notorious trip to introduction of tariffs, but also the likely to be a long memorandum for sub- Germany in 1936, noted him ‘fight- destroy the residual power which mission to the international confer- ing the campaigns of the Great he and the Liberal Party enjoyed in Conserva- ence on reparations at Lausanne. In War all over again with great ani- a hung parliament. He was particu- fact, it developed into a short book, mation’.14 Almost subconsciously, larly opposed to the idea of a deal tive majority The Truth about Reparations and War Lloyd George seemed to be lay- with the Conservatives – ‘he would Debts, which was published at the ing the foundations of a later myth sooner have half the present num- would not end of March 1932. Thereafter his about his own career, that the ber of Liberal MPs than have an only lead to attention turned to his magnum politics of the 1930s were all about arrangement with the Tories’7 – and opus. Progress was rapid. Two vol- those lesser men, scarcely worthy never forgave Samuel and his col- the intro- umes covering Asquith’s wartime of attention, who had excluded leagues for giving in to Conserva- government in just over 1,000 pages him from office but who could not tive pressure. Lloyd George used a duction of were published in September and stand comparison with the figures radio broadcast during the election October 1933. A further two of of an earlier, nobler era when Lloyd campaign to complain that ‘under tariffs, but 1,500 pages, dealing with 1917, fol- George himself had been at the the guise of a patriotic appeal a lowed in September and October peak of his powers. Tory majority is to be engineered. also destroy 1934, with a final two volumes of It was also striking that Lloyd Patriotism is everywhere exploited comparable length detailing the last George began in the 1930s to take for purely party purposes.’8 His the residual year of the war appearing in 1936. It extended holidays in such distant worst forebodings proved justified. was hardly surprising, then, to find locations as Ceylon and Jamaica. The election produced a Conserva- power which Lloyd George in September 1932 Rather like French governments tive majority unmatched in the writing of his wish to be ‘free to get in the dying years of the Third entire twentieth century. Sixty- he and the on with my work’ and not wanting Republic, he developed something eight Liberal MPs were swamped to ‘throw myself into active politics of a reputation for not being in by the massed Tory ranks and in Liberal Party before 1934’.11 place at moments of political crisis. any case teetered on the verge of a Once the War Memoirs were out His absence abroad was not uncon- decisive split between the follow- enjoyed of the way, Lloyd George turned nected with his literary preoccupa- ers of Herbert Samuel and those almost immediately to his account tions. Lloyd George increasingly of John Simon. Meanwhile, Lloyd in a hung of the Paris Peace Conference of found it necessary to remove him- George stood at the head of a tiny parliament. 1919, published in two substantial self physically from the distractions band of just four MPs – himself, volumes in 1938 as The Truth about of British politics in order to give his children, Megan and Gwilym, the Peace Treaties. It amounted in his full attention to his writing. and Gwilym’s brother-in-law, total to an astonishing literary out- Frustration with the domes- Goronwy Owen. He was under- put on the part of a man now in tic political scene also encouraged standably bitter: his eighth decade. Nor was Lloyd a growing interest in agriculture. George’s involvement in the pro- There was a political dimension When I was stricken down … ject purely nominal. The books here. His interest in the land, and we had complete control of were not ghost-written. Though his belief that in it lay the solution the Parliamentary situation … his staff were employed to col- to most of the nation’s troubles, We had over 5,000,000 of elec- lect, sort and assemble the mas- went back to the earliest days of his tors. Where are they now? I sive body of documentation upon political career. ‘He says he has the have never seen a case of more which they were based, the writ- land in his bones’, noted Frances complete disaster following ing itself bore Lloyd George’s own Stevenson in March 1934.15 By that promptly on fatuous and pusil- unmistakable imprint. As Frances time there was some suggestion lanimous leadership.9 Stevenson recalled, ‘the work went that he might be brought into the on apace … He could never do any- National Government as Minister If Lloyd George had now taken the thing except with the whole of his of Agriculture, and a variation of opportunity to turn his back on the energy, and we were hard put to it the same idea resurfaced during the whole political scene, no one could to keep pace with his output.’12 first months of the Second World have blamed him. He had, after Lloyd George’s writing about War.16 But Lloyd George’s interest all, achieved everything in terms the past was symptomatic of a in the subject was also increasingly of personal ambition to which a deeper characteristic of the man domestic and personal, focused politician could reasonably aspire. at this time. The diaries of his two on the experimental farm which One of his many biographers has indispensable secretaries, Frances he cultivated in Surrey. ‘The farm described the 1920s as a period in Stevenson and A. J. Sylvester – itself was becoming to him more which Lloyd George was ‘genu- though their services to Lloyd and more important and more and inely seeking work’.10 In the fol- George were inevitably very differ- more of a solace against the bitter- lowing decade, however, was this ent – reveal someone with a strong ness of politics.’17 He once remarked any longer the case? disposition to live in the past.13 that he was infinitely more inter- At all events, it would be diffi- Lloyd George often seemed hap- ested now in apples than he was cult to describe the Lloyd George of pier to reminisce about his strug- in politics or even in his writing.18 the 1930s as a full-time politician. gles with Field Marshal Haig or his Even during his visit to Hitler On occasions he seemed more like a roots in the politics and religion of in 1936, Sylvester received daily

56 Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945 telephone reports from Churt on Returning from a winter trip that the Tories would simply make the progress of Lloyd George’s fruit to Ceylon, Lloyd George made his use of his name to bolster their farm – ‘the weather, the yield of first appearance in the new House own fortunes up to the next elec- honey, the price got for fruit, sold of Commons on 17 March 1932, tion. ‘After the election they would at Harrods or Covent Garden, the but did not speak there for a further throw him over, and his plans, and takings of his shop in the village three months. He was still capable he would be left high and dry with and so forth’.19 At one level there of a stinging thrust at the expense no sort of political future whatever was something admirably balanced of his political opponents. ‘The – much less than he has now.’32 about all this. But it also serves as a government’, he concluded at the Yet, after that election, the situ- revealing barometer of the extent end of a wide-ranging survey of ation might be different. Anticipat- of Lloyd George’s commitment to the political scene on 12 July, ‘is the ing a greatly reduced government the British political scene. most abject picture I have ever seen majority, Lloyd George began to These preoccupations and dis- of statesmanship in a funk.’26 But Anticipat- think about consolidating a small tractions must be noted. But poli- there were obvious limits to what he block of progressive opinion. tics were also deeply ingrained in could achieve in a chamber where ing a greatly Twenty or thirty MPs might be Lloyd George’s make-up. There the government held around 90 per reduced gov- enough to have a decisive impact. was a side to him which bitterly cent of the seats. Those who until Then Lloyd George, ‘with his little resented his exclusion from the cor- recently had feared his impact upon ernment party, would be all powerful and ridors of power and from the sheer British politics could now afford to could dictate policy, which is just excitement of political life. En treat him with something approach- majority, what he would like’.33 The approach route to the East at the end of 1931, ing contempt. ‘LG is fair game for of the election, and mounting evi- he wrote to his old friend, Herbert almost anyone in these new days’, Lloyd George dence that the government was Lewis: ‘As you know, I have always noted Cuthbert Headlam. ‘How not confident of victory, served to found it difficult to keep out of a odd it seems when one remembers began to revive Lloyd George’s appetite for “scrap”, more particularly so when his position ten years ago!’27 the political fray. In the autumn I find causes in which I am inter- A chance meeting with Stanley think about of 1934 he set up a new economic ested being so inadequately and Baldwin in March 1933 left Lloyd enquiry to produce a plan for a ineptly defended.’20 Similar senti- George with the impression that consolidat- wide-ranging reorganisation of ments lay behind remarks recorded the Conservative leader would ‘like the British economy, designed to a year later by the diarist, Harold to work with him’.28 For the time ing a small eliminate unemployment, then still Nicolson. ‘One is never well out of being, however, nothing came of standing at more than two million. it’, insisted Lloyd George. ‘One is this. Indeed, a year later, by which block of ‘The whole scheme is a bit loose and just out of it.’21 Stevenson encour- time he believed that Lloyd George vague at present’, admitted Frances aged him to bide his time. ‘Things had taken ‘the wrong track’ as progres- Stevenson, ‘but I expect it will are obviously going to get much regards policy towards India, Bald- materialise before the Election.’34 worse’, she predicted in December win told the editor of the Man- sive opinion. But Lloyd George could never 1931, ‘and they will want you then.’22 chester Guardian that, although he Twenty or fully escape from the absence of But she and Lloyd George appear liked the ‘little man’, he could not party support. Conversations with to have underestimated both the work with him. But the heart of the thirty MPs his former ministerial colleague, Dr government’s competence and its matter, as Baldwin conceded, was Addison, in November led to hopes hold over public opinion. ‘I am sure that ‘he does not, of course, count might be of an electoral deal with Labour, it will not be very long’, she reiter- for much in this present House but these were soon dashed when ated the following May, ‘before the of Commons’.29 Despite her ear- enough to the Labour leader, George Lans- people discover that this Gov. is not lier encouragement, Frances Ste- bury, failed to persuade his party going to get them out of the mess – venson began to doubt whether have a deci- to come to a national agreement.35 then they will turn to someone or Lloyd George would be glad of Briefly, a dramatic intervention in something else.’23 At the time of the the offer of a place in the National sive impact. a Commons debate on defence later general election, Lloyd George had Government and, more impor- in the month restored Lloyd George decided upon a strategy ‘to support tantly, whether he could ‘sustain Then Lloyd to the political limelight. ‘Some Labour, but not definitely and delib- physically a job … which demands say that an entirely new political erately, but by speeches in the House concentration and continual atten- George, ‘with situation has been brought about’, which will make them come over tion’.30 Reading the recently pub- suggested Stevenson with forgiv- to him, rather than him to them’.24 lished diary of Lord Esher, with its his little able exaggeration. ‘They speak Now, however, Labour itself was account of Lord Rosebery’s trou- of a possible combination of S.B., reduced to a rump of just 52 MPs, bled retirement, helped reconcile party, would Winston and D[avid].’36 But Bald- constituting the weakest parliamen- Lloyd George to his own, ‘which win knew that such a conjunction tary opposition of modern times. is so much happier and so full of be all power- would result in ‘the resignations At the same time, Lloyd George interest’. The young Conserva- ful and could of half the Cabinet on my hands’. seemed determined to cut his formal tive, , many of Lloyd George was ‘not a cohesive links with the Liberal Party. On 3 whose progressive ideas chimed dictate pol- but a disintegrating force’.37 As soon November 1931 he wrote to Samuel with Lloyd George’s own, sought as the Conservative leader secured to let him know that he would not an interview at Churt, but Lloyd icy, which is an overwhelming vote in favour of be attending the meeting at the start George was ‘not very interested’.31 his Indian policy at a meeting of the of the new parliamentary session Nothing, he told Macmillan, just what he Conservative Central Council on and declining to hold any further would induce him to take office in 4 December, any immediate need offices in the party’s ranks.25 the present government. He feared would like’. to go cap in hand to Lloyd George

Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 57 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945 disappeared. ‘They’re safe now to implement at least some of his of that would be to help the return till ’36’, declared Lloyd George. plans, while the Conservative- of Labour in many constituencies.’ ‘And that suits me.’38 But in real- dominated government could help Indeed, ‘he himself might secure a ity it didn’t. Time was against him. revive its credentials as a truly following sufficiently numerous to Lloyd George now approached his ‘National’ administration, while reduce the Conservative majority seventy-second birthday. consolidating progressive opinion to so narrow a margin as to make As he prepared to launch his behind it in the run-up to the elec- the life of the next Parliament very British ‘New Deal’, his critics tion. But there were dangers too. arduous and uncertain’.48 remained sceptical. After listen- Lloyd George’s return to govern- In effect Baldwin, who succeeded ing to this ‘tiresome little man’ in a ment would be bitterly opposed as the ailing MacDonald as Prime debate on the Depressed Areas Bill, an unnecessarily divisive step by Minister on 7 June, called Lloyd Cuthbert Headlam judged that his a large number of Tories, not least George’s bluff. It became clear that plan would be ‘very much on the the extremely influential Chan- As he pre- negotiations with the cabinet com- old lines … splash about as much as cellor of the Exchequer, Neville pared to mittee would not lead to the Welsh- possible – spend money like water, Chamberlain.43 Meanwhile, in his man’s return to government. The etc., etc. … He clearly anticipates gloomier moments, Lloyd George launch his meetings were ‘studiously pleasant’, a state of things after the next elec- feared that ‘they will immediately he noted, ‘but they knew in their tion of a similar character to 1929 have an election and then, having British ‘New hearts that they were going to knife and hopes to be in a position to been returned for five years with me’. Ominously, he added: ‘What be able to control the situation.’39 my assistance, they will politely Deal’, his crit- they did not know was that I too had Speaking in Bangor on his birth- tell me to go to Hell’.44 After con- a dagger in my sheath for them.’49 day, 17 January 1935, Lloyd George siderable debate – and disagree- ics remained Without waiting for the final meet- launched his proposals. Stressing ment – inside the government, ing of the committee, Lloyd George that he now stood above party, he Prime Minister MacDonald invited sceptical. issued a statement to the press, a called for the creation of a national Lloyd George to submit his plans ‘Call to Action’. Prompted by a Development Council, with repre- for the relief of unemployment After listen- ‘number of well-known Noncon- sentatives from commerce, indus- to a high-powered cabinet com- formists’, he proposed a national try, finance, academia and the mittee, consisting of MacDonald ing to this campaign to ‘rouse public opinion workforce, with the power, via a himself, Baldwin, Chamberlain, on the issues of peace and unem- ‘Prosperity Loan’, to implement John Simon, Lord Hailsham, J. ‘tiresome ployment’.50 The result was a mass schemes of investment in housing, H. Thomas, Walter Runciman, gathering of some 2,500 delegates at roads, the land and the regenera- Philip Cunliffe-Lister, Walter little man’ the Central Hall, Westminster, on tion of depressed industries. The Elliot, Ernest Brown, Kingsley 1 July. It was avowedly non-party, government should be headed Wood and Godfrey Collins. Six in a debate but in practice all-party, attracting by a small cabinet of five minis- meetings were held with Lloyd on the the initial support of Conservatives ters, mostly without departmental George between 18 April and 15 such as Macmillan and Lord Cecil of responsibilities and reminiscent of May. ‘They have given D[avid] Depressed Chelwood, Labour’s George Lans- the he had created in such a chance’, judged Stevenson, bury and Lloyd George’s old Liberal 1916. was con- ‘that with his political flair he will Areas Bill, colleague, Lord Lothian. But, ever vinced that the speech marked a have the situation at his feet.’45 In conscious of his own weakness in turning point in her master’s for- mid-April the journalist, Collin Cuthbert terms of organised party politics, tunes, with ‘much fluttering of the Brooks, heard that Chamberlain Lloyd George also looked to the Free political dovecotes as to D[avid]’s was now reconciled to the idea of Headlam Churches as the best available vehi- position, now and in the future’. Lloyd George’s membership of the cle to secure his political resurrec- There was no doubt, she insisted, Cabinet and that Simon would have judged that tion.51 The convention voted to set that Lloyd George’s words had to be elevated to the Woolsack to up the Council of Action for Peace ‘caught on in the country. We are make room for him.46 Lloyd George his plan and Reconstruction to advance his overwhelmed with approval from himself got the impression that the proposals. In one sense the Coun- every quarter, and of every politi- government wanted to make terms would be cil was innovative and forward- cal complexion.’40 Lloyd George with him, but that ‘of course they looking, anticipating the non-party himself was ‘staking everything on want as cheap terms as possible’.47 In ‘very much political activism of more recent the results of the next few months. conversation with Thomas Jones, times. But in its emphasis upon the If he fails, he will devote himself to which he knew would be reported on the old Free Churches, Lloyd George was the farm and his writing for the rest to Baldwin, he stressed that he was relying on a force that was already of his life.’41 Others, though, were less concerned with office for him- lines … in decline. It was clear, noted the less enthused. Much of what Lloyd self – ‘I should find the day-to-day splash about government minister Leslie Hore- George had said merely reiterated responsibilities of office rather irk- Belisha, that he was ‘assuming the his proposals of the 1920s. One some now’ – than with the adop- as much as existence of a “Nonconformist sceptic wrote dismissively of ‘the tion of his programme. But he was vote” of the old kind’.52 Yellow Book with Trimmings’.42 ready to play such cards as he held possible – Seeking confirmation and Nevertheless, Lloyd George’s as skilfully as he could, making it encouragement from historical restoration to front-line politics clear that his political fund was in spend money parallels – Gladstone at seventy had was a live issue in the first months a healthy state and that, should his fifteen years of active political life of 1935. There would be advantages proposals be rejected, he would be like water, ahead of him when he launched for both sides. Lloyd George in in a position to field up to 300 can- his Midlothian campaign – Lloyd office would have the opportunity didates at the election. ‘The result etc., etc.’ George began to contemplate

58 Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945 an unlikely return to power. No In the wake ‘knowing that all the guns and rejoined the mainstream Liberal longer was it just a question of ammunitions are with the other Party. But Lloyd George showed no forcing his way into a reorganised of the elec- side – and the poison gas, too’.55 interest in resuming the leadership National Government. Labour, Asked about the prospect of Coun- of what was now a relatively unim- he calculated, might win as many tion Steven- cil of Action or specifically Lloyd portant parliamentary rump. as 290 seats at the election and the George candidates, Herbert Samuel In the wake of the election Ste- Liberals 40, leading to the govern- son found thought there ‘might be a few, but venson found him ‘very cheerful’ ment’s defeat: only a few’.56 In the event, Lloyd and intent on carrying on with the him ‘very George concentrated on sending Council of Action. It was possible, Under those circumstances cheerful’ and out a questionnaire in an attempt she claimed, that in two years time … I would form a Govern- to ascertain which candidates from he would have become a political ment with Lansbury as nominal intent on car- all parties supported his propos- force again. Yet her remarks also Prime Minister, but retaining als. The campaign did not go well suggested an element of make- the active leadership for myself. rying on with for Lloyd George. Chamberlain believe. The Council gave him ‘a I would then proceed to formu- ridiculed his pretensions, insisting semblance of activity and so long as late a devastating progressive the Council that he represented only himself he has this he will be happy’.59 The programme, and go to the coun- and could safely be ignored. Then crisis over the Hoare-Laval Pact at try again immediately upon it of Action. It the defection from the Council of the end of the year left him fulmi- with a terrific campaign, and Action of the Methodist leader, nating against Baldwin as ‘a fraud return with a majority of 150.53 was possible, Dr Scott Lidgett, only days before and a humbug’ who had deceived polling, came as a bitter blow. ‘hundreds of thousands of decent In practice, contemporaries – she claimed, Lidgett now urged his followers Liberals’.60 Objectively, however, it Lloyd George and cabinet minis- to support the National Govern- was difficult to escape the conclu- ters included – greatly exaggerated that in two ment. Cuthbert Headlam, hesitat- sion that the Prime Minister, whose the electoral perils confronting the ing over whether to take any notice position now seemed unassailable, National Government. A number years time of the questionnaire, expected that had outwitted his old rival. An of by-election setbacks created an Lloyd George was ‘going to give us ill-judged telegram sent by Lloyd atmosphere of near-panic in Con- he would a lot of worry’.57 His concern was George to the Duke of Windsor servative Central Office which was largely unwarranted. Lloyd George at the end of the Abdication Cri- scarcely justified. Over no sustained have become had the capacity to irritate, but lit- sis caused Headlam to seethe with period were these defeats on a scale tle more. The Conservatives had contempt: to suggest the loss of the general a political wanted to campaign on a proposal election itself. Indeed, modern force again. to put 100,000 men to work on the Always supposed to be a politi- psephologists might have pointed land over five years; Lloyd George cal wizard, he has proved him- out that the size of the govern- Yet her talked in terms of a million. The self quite incapable of playing ment’s victory in 1931 was such as Tories concluded that ‘fantastic his cards correctly. An old man to render most unlikely a complete remarks also though [Lloyd George’s] proposal in a hurry to regain power, he reversal of fortunes over a sin- is, it nevertheless seems to preclude found himself up against a much gle parliament. Furthermore, the suggested an us altogether from coming out now more astute politician in the man ‘National’ label continued to count. with a policy aimed at placing only whom he so foolishly under- The government was still able to element of 10 per cent of this number on the rated and despised – Mr B has attract much of the ‘Liberal vote’ land during the next five years’.58 beaten him to a frazzle.61 won over in 1931, partly through its make-believe. Out of a total of 1,348 can- ongoing partnership with Simon’s didates standing at the election, In the autumn of 1936 Lloyd Liberal Nationals and partly as a 362 received Council of Action George made his infamous visit result of the ‘liberal’ credentials endorsement and of these 67 were to Germany where he met Hit- of Baldwin’s own centrist brand victorious at the polls – 11 Con- ler at the Berghof. This strange of . In this situation, servatives, 21 Liberals, 34 Labour episode is discussed in detail else- Lloyd George’s hopes were never and one Independent. It was a mea- where in this issue of the Journal.62 likely to be realised. Even Steven- gre return for the £400,000 Lloyd Many at the time thought the trip son soon concluded that the Coun- George was said to have spent from ill-judged, and it appears more so cil of Action lacked the necessary his political fund. Furthermore, with the passage of the years. Lloyd roots of popular support.54 neither at the election nor in the George emerged from the meet- The nonconformist bandwagon resulting parliament did these MPs ing in a state of elation, convinced failed to materialise. Many clerics, constitute a political grouping. Just that the Fuhrer was a man of des- recognising that Lloyd George’s as importantly, the election con- tiny. True, it was Hitler’s domes- actions were directed against the firmed the National Government in tic achievements which prompted government and therefore politi- power. Granted the scale of the 1931 Lloyd George’s admiration rather cally motivated, soon withdrew landslide, some loss of ground to than his ideology. But more per- their support. When the general Labour was inevitable. But, with an ceptive observers understood the election was called for November, overall majority in the new House impossibility of assessing the Ger- Lloyd George was not ready for it. of Commons of almost 250, its posi- man leader without reference to Drawing a parallel with the plight tion remained secure. It was diffi- the sort of regime which he had of Abyssinia in the face of Italian cult to see how Lloyd George could created. The visit seemed to jus- aggression, he claimed a rapport make any further progress. With tify Robert Boothby’s statement to with the beleaguered Africans, the election he and his family group the Commons a few months earlier

Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 59 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945 that, however admirable his contri- ‘Personally, unthinking conviction that mat- war two days later. Chamberlain butions to Britain’s social services, ters had been better handled when tried, but failed, to construct an Lloyd George had been a calam- I believe LG he was in charge. A pointed passage all-party coalition. In conversation ity as an international statesman.63 in Chamberlain’s speech during with the former Cabinet Secretary, In the present context it is worth is fast on a debate on in April Maurice Hankey, he even discussed noting that Lloyd George’s perfor- 1939 got to the heart of the matter: the possibility of including the war mance in Germany was only likely the down- leader of 1916–18 in his adminis- to alienate many of those progres- It is a fixed part of the practice of tration.73 In the event no offer was sive young politicians who might hill grade … Gentle- made. In all probability it was one otherwise have been inclined to He acts the man to belittle or pour contempt which Lloyd George would have rally to his standard. on everything that this Govern- declined, even though he was dis- In the last years of the decade part of a vir- ment does. The further in time appointed not to receive it. With Lloyd George’s attendance at West- the Government gets from the the outbreak of hostilities, Lloyd minster became ‘a positive chore’.64 ile, strong period when he himself was George offered the government one When he made the effort, he could Prime Minister, the worse it gets of his infrequent gestures of sup- still put in a commanding perfor- man when in his estimation. I do not know port. The government, he argued, mance. An attack on the govern- whether he is going to speak ment in June 1936 for abandoning he is in the in this debate. If so, it will be could do no other than what sanctions against Italy prompted interesting to know whether he they have done. I am one out of Churchill to speak of ‘one of the House. He is in favour of a larger measure tens of millions in this country greatest Parliamentary perfor- of conscription, or against con- who will back any government mances of all time’, while a vis- walks quickly scription altogether. I am sure that is in power in fighting this ibly shaken Baldwin was obliged that he is agin the Government struggle through, in however to congratulate the Member for on purpose whatever they propose.69 humble a capacity we may be Caernarfon Boroughs on a speech called upon to render service to which showed that he had ‘not lost to create Lloyd George made no response. our country.74 the least atom of vigour’ compared He was by this time perhaps pri- with thirty years before.65 Three an impres- vately aware that his own powers Before long, however, he reverted years later, convinced that Neville were failing. In July 1936, when to his more typical stance. ‘I would Chamberlain’s post-Prague foreign sion. But put he was seventy-three, he told his be happier’, noted Sylvester, ‘if I policy made no strategic sense, he future biographer, Malcolm Thom- could see some drive in him, some told the Commons that without a him at a dif- son, that ‘executive Ministers’ fixity of purpose, some definite Russian alliance the government’s ficulty, face should not be much over sixty.70 policy. His [attitude to the govern- guarantees – or as he put it, ‘the Headlam, disgusted by Lloyd ment] is merely guerrilla warfare demented pledges’ – to Poland, him with an George’s attacks on Chamberlain with no application.’75 Hostility Romania and Greece represented and convinced that this ‘horrid lit- towards Chamberlain seemed to ‘the most reckless commitment important tle man’ was already in his dotage, blind him to the perils facing the that any country has ever entered wished that he could be ‘removed country. ‘What he really wants’, into’.66 But more commonly, Lloyd situation and to another world, where he could judged Sylvester, ‘is to bring this George tended to duck out of mak- go on telling all and sundry how Government rolling down in the ing promised speeches and no a speech: he much abler, and wiser, and braver muck.’76 By October he was trying longer seemed capable of delivering he had been on earth than other to tap into the significant, but still the rapier-like responses in parlia- funks it. He men’.71 A. J. Sylvester was naturally minority, opinion in the country mentary debate that had once been more sympathetic, but his assess- in favour of an early peace. While his trademark. ‘My summing up of is full to the ment was not entirely different: Chamberlain was making it clear LG’s feelings these days’, concluded that there could be no further nego- Sylvester, ‘is one of helplessness.’67 brim with an Personally, I believe LG is fast tiations with Hitler, Lloyd George At times he even seemed to have on the downhill grade … He staged a meeting of the Council of lost his nerve. He decided against inferiority acts the part of a virile, strong Action at the Caxton Hall, West- attending the debate on the Munich man when he is in the House. minster, where he suggested that settlement in October 1938, pos- complex.’ He walks quickly on purpose Hitler should be invited to state sibly because he was reluctant to to create an impression. But his peace terms, a move which reveal his broad support for the deal put him at a difficulty, face him prompted a stinging rebuke from which Chamberlain had brought with an important situation and the Sunday Pictorial.77 The reaction back from Germany, and he backed a speech: he funks it. He is full caused him to tone down a speech out of a debate on foreign affairs in to the brim with an inferiority to his constituents on the same July 1939, spending the day instead complex.72 theme and thereafter his emphasis playing with Jennifer, his presumed turned to maximising food pro- daughter by Frances Stevenson.68 Ageing and isolated, Lloyd George duction from domestic agriculture. Such interventions as Lloyd was trapped in a state of political In private, however, he remained George did make appeared to be irrelevance. Only a crisis of monu- convinced that the basis of a satis- motivated by an increasingly nega- mental proportions could possibly factory settlement with Germany tive mindset, especially once his restore him to power. That crisis, could still be found, as was appar- arch-enemy, Chamberlain, became of course, arrived with Germany’s ent in an interview with Sumner Prime Minister in May 1937. He invasion of Poland on 1 September Welles, the American Under-Secre- was moved by little more than an 1939 and Britain’s declaration of tary of State, in .78

60 Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945

At a meeting in December 1939 strongest force in the House of at the end of 1917 after a string with Churchill, now restored to Commons. But the crisis did at least of lesser politicians had tried and office as First Lord of the Admiralty, afford Lloyd George the opportu- failed to bring France to victory Lloyd George got the impression nity to deliver his last great parlia- in the First World War. Yet a more that he might be brought into gov- mentary performance. He was at accurate comparison was perhaps ernment when ministerial changes first uncertain whether or not to with Marshal Pétain, with Lloyd were made. Privately, however, he speak in the debate but, prompted George playing the role of the real- was deeply pessimistic about Brit- by his daughter Megan, Boothby ist who would step in to secure the ain’s prospects in the war. A peace and the independent Liberal MP, best possible terms for his country move in 1942 or 1943 might be the Clement Davies, amongst oth- once it was recognised that victory only alternative to military defeat: ers, Lloyd George returned to the was unattainable. ‘He is very con- Commons chamber to deliver scious of his achievements in the People call me defeatist, but a very pointed coup de grace. In a last war’, noted the newspaper pro- what I say to them is this: Tell speech which, as one observer put There was prietor, Cecil King, after meeting me how we can win! Can we it, lasted only ten minutes but con- Lloyd George on 6 June, ‘and con- win in the air? Can we win at tained the accumulated hostil- no place for siders he will inevitably be called sea, when the effect of our naval ity of twenty-five years, he called on sooner or later in this one, even blockade is wiped out by Ger- upon the Prime Minister to make Lloyd George if it is only to sign the treaty of sur- many’s connections with Russia? the ultimate sacrifice and give up render to Germany.’86 Stevenson How can we win on the land?79 the seals of office.83 His parliamen- in Churchill’s and Sylvester both continued to tary majority in the subsequent encourage Lloyd George. ‘Keep Logic may have been on his side, vote reduced to 81, Chamberlain War Cabinet. yourself fit’, wrote the former on but things did not work out in resigned on 10 May, to be succeeded 26 September, ‘for the time when the way Lloyd George envisaged. not by Lloyd George but by Win- Hopes that it becomes quite clear that you Nonetheless, the relative inactiv- ston Churchill. will have to take a hand in things ity of the so-called Phoney War There was no place for Lloyd he might be – which time is not so far off, I feel gave rise to increasing feelings that George in Churchill’s War Cabi- sure.’87 But with hindsight she con- the war effort was not being effec- net. Hopes that he might be put put in charge cluded that he had never intended tively conducted and some critics in charge of food production also to take part in the wartime govern- looked to the dynamic leader of came to nothing, not least because of food pro- ment.88 Somewhat sooner, Sylvester earlier years to provide an alterna- Lloyd George let it be known that realised that Lloyd George was tive, not least because he seemed he would want to retain the right duction also never going to act: ‘he is just put- the best placed figure to bring the to criticise the overall war effort – a ting off, putting off. It used to be Labour Party into a genuinely virtually impossible condition for came to because Neville was in; now he is National Government. But Lloyd the new premier to accept. Lloyd nothing, not waiting, still waiting. Tactics, tac- George himself remained cautious. George claimed not to be disap- tics, tactics.’89 ‘It would have to be made perfectly pointed, making the composi- least because The somewhat unedifying spec- clear’, he advised Sylvester, ‘that tion of Churchill’s government, in tacle of Churchill trying to coax I could not bring about a decisive which Chamberlain retained high Lloyd George Lloyd George back into office victory, as I did last time. We have office as Lord President and virtu- came to an end when the latter, made so many mistakes that we are ally prime minister of the Home let it be ostensibly on his doctor’s advice, not in nearly as good a position.’80 Front, his explanation. ‘I would declined the offer of the Washing- As the ill-fated expedition to simply be there fretting and fum- known that ton embassy after the sudden death Norway hastened the crisis of ing and having no real authority … of Lord Lothian in December 1940. Chamberlain’s premiership, the Neville would have infinitely more he would A final line was drawn with a bitter usually well-informed National authority than I would have, and exchange between the two men in Labour MP, , he would oppose everything I pro- want to the Commons the following May. A noted that people ‘are talking of posed.’84 When, at the end of May, characteristically defeatist contribu- Lloyd George as a possible P.M. Churchill did offer him a posi- retain the tion from Lloyd George was greeted Eden is out of it. Churchill is tion in the War Cabinet, subject to by the Prime Minister’s suggestion undermined by the Conservative Chamberlain’s agreement, Lloyd right to criti- that it was ‘the sort of speech with caucus.’81 A lunch with J. L. Garvin George again took offence. Even which, I imagine, the illustrious of the Observer and the Tory MP, when Chamberlain’s agreement cise the over- and venerable Marshal Pétain might Nancy Astor, was designed, as the appeared to have been obtained, well have enlivened the closing days latter put it, to test Lloyd George’s Lloyd George still declined to serve all war effort of M. Reynaud’s Cabinet’.90 Com- ‘fitness to return to the helm of the in a government in which the for- – a virtually ing from his oldest political associ- ship of state’. But Thomas Jones mer Prime Minister was a senior ate, indeed friend, these words were got the impression that his former member. By the time that illness impossible meant to hurt Lloyd George; almost boss ‘preferred to await his coun- forced Chamberlain’s own resig- certainly they did. try’s summons a little longer, but nation in October, Lloyd George condition Lloyd George died on 26 March … expected to receive it as the had decided that he would prefer to 1945.91 The cancer which killed peril grew’.82 In reality, the poli- ‘wait until Winston is bust’ before for the new him had probably been weaken- tics of the situation demanded that taking office.85 ing his constitution for some time. any replacement for Chamberlain The historical parallel he drew premier to ‘He faltered a lot in his conversa- should come from the Conservative now was with Georges Clem- tion’, reported Cecil King as early Party as still the overwhelmingly enceau, who had only taken office accept. as October 1941, ‘lost the thread of

Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 61 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945 his remarks, fumbled for the right contributes regularly to the Journal of 1971), p. 262. word, and spoke very slowly.’92 Liberal History. 16 Jones, Diary with Letters, p. 123. Until January 1945 he had remained 17 F. Stevenson, The Years That Are Past a constituency MP, albeit an 1 The phrase ‘the wonderful wizard as (London, 1967), p. 253. increasingly detached one, for the was’ was coined by William Barkley 18 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, pp. Caernarfon Boroughs seat which in the , 9 May 1940. 99–100. he had represented since 1890. But 2 M. Thomson, : The 19 Jones, Diary with Letters, p. 255. in his later years Lloyd George’s Official Biography (London, 1948), p. 20 Owen, Tempestuous Journey, p. 722. appearances in his constituency 23. 21 N. Nicolson (ed.), Harold Nicolson: became increasingly rare. Sylvester 3 K. Morgan, Lloyd George (London, Diaries and Letters 1930–1939 (London, noted discontent in the autumn 1974), p. 170. See also J. Campbell, 1966), p. 123. of 1938 that he had not addressed Lloyd George: The Goat in the Wilder- 22 Stevenson to Lloyd George 16 a political meeting there since the ness (London, 1977), passim. December 1931, Taylor (ed.), Darling election campaign of 1935.93 Some 4 F. Owen, Tempestuous Journey: Lloyd Pussy, p. 166. of his parliamentary performances, George His Life and Times (London, 23 Ibid., 19 May 1932, Taylor (ed.), Dar- such as his vote in support of con- 1954), p. 717; Thomson, Lloyd George, ling Pussy, p. 180. scription in 1939, did not go down pp. 405–06; Campbell, Goat, pp. 24 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, p. well among radical Welsh non- 293–94. 41. conformists.94 Indeed, the fear that 5 For an imaginative, but thoughtful, 25 Rowland, Lloyd George, p. 693. Lloyd George, even if fit enough to assessment of what might have hap- 26 Ibid., p. 698. campaign, might be unable to hold pened had Lloyd George not been 27 Ball (ed.), Headlam Diaries 1923–1935, his seat in a post-war general elec- indisposed, see J. Reynolds, ‘What if p. 233. tion was a factor in his decision to Lloyd George had done a deal with 28 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, p. accept a peerage to guarantee a new the Tories in 1931’ in D. Brack and 93. platform for his opinions on the I. Dale (eds), Prime Minister Boris and 29 A. J. P. Taylor (ed.), Off the Record: coming peace settlement. other things that never happened (Lon- W.P. Crozier Political Interviews 1931– In political terms the last dec- don, 2011), pp. 27–46. 1943 (London, 1973), pp. 26–27. ade and a half of his life had proved 6 S. Ball (ed.), Parliament and Politics in 30 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, pp. relatively barren. Yet there were the Age of Baldwin and MacDonald: The 254–55. still times, particularly in the mid- Headlam Diaries 1923–1935 (London, 31 Ibid., p. 279. 1930s, when his return to high 1992), p. 217. 32 Ibid. office seemed a distinct possibil- His influence 7 C. Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George: 33 Ibid. ity. More generally, his influence The Diary of A.J. Sylvester 1931–45 34 Ibid., p. 282. lay largely in the minds of others lay largely (London, 1975), p. 39. 35 The approach to Addison was some- – the impact he could still exert in the minds 8 Campbell, Goat, p. 302. what quixotic granted their appar- on policy, the mischief he could 9 Lloyd George to Herbert Lewis 31 ently irreparable dispute over still create – a legacy of little more of others – December 1931, cited in P. Rowland, housing policy in 1921. than memories of the supreme Lloyd George (London, 1975), p. 695. 36 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, pp. power he had once exercised. The the impact 10 Rowland, Lloyd George. 293–94. lack of a strong party base, impor- 11 Lloyd George to Frances Stevenson 37 Jones, Diary with Letters, pp. 138–39. tant since 1916, became an ever he could 23 September 1932, cited in A.J.P. 38 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. 294. greater handicap. Only excep- Taylor (ed.), My Darling Pussy: The 39 Ball (ed.), Headlam Diaries 1923–1935, tional circumstances offered any still exert on Letters of Lloyd George and Frances Ste- p. 317. chance to overcome this. In 1931 venson 1913–41 (London, 1975), p. 189. 40 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, pp. a stricken Lloyd George was the policy, the 12 Thomson, Lloyd George, p. 25. 299–300. victim of sheer bad luck. In the 13 In later years Stevenson and Syl- 41 Ibid., p. 298. exceptional circumstances of the mischief he vester (supported by their respec- 42 A. J. Cummings, cited in R. Toye, Second World War, however, he tive families) disputed their relative Lloyd George and Churchill: Rivals for miscalculated. His pessimism was could still importance to Lloyd George. See, Greatness (London, 2007), p. 307. in many ways justified. He did not for example, ‘Diary of a Principal 43 Animosity between Lloyd George foresee, and few could have confi- create – a Private Secretary’, BBC Radio 4, and Chamberlain went back to the dently predicted, events such as the 25 September 1984 and subsequent latter’s unhappy tenure of the post of Nazi invasion of the legacy of letter from Muriel Stevenson to Director-General of National Ser- and the Japanese attack on Pearl the Radio Times. In support of Syl- vice in Lloyd George’s wartime gov- Harbor, which transformed Brit- little more vester’s importance as a witness to ernment, 1916–17. ain’s strategic outlook. But Lloyd than memo- Lloyd George’s political life, it may 44 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, p. George’s willingness publicly to be noted that, as an award-winning 118. contemplate defeat, or at least a ries of the practitioner of shorthand, he was 45 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. 302. disadvantageous peace, has served well-placed to record his master’s 46 N. J. Crowson (ed.), Fleet Street, Press to tarnish his long-term historical supreme words. See also, J. G. Jones, ‘Life with Barons and Politics: The Journals of Col- reputation. It was a sad end to a dis- Lloyd George’, Journal of Liberal His- lin Brooks, 1932–1940 (Cambridge, tinguished career. power he tory, 55 (2007), pp. 28–36. 1998), p. 101. 14 T. Jones, A Diary with Letters 1931– 47 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. 307. David Dutton is the author of A His- had once 1950 (London, 1954), p. 247. 48 Jones, Diary with Letters, pp. 146–47. tory of the Liberal Party since 15 A.J.P. Taylor (ed.), Lloyd George: A 49 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. 310; 1900 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) and exercised. Diary by Frances Stevenson (London, Owen, Tempestuous Journey, p. 729.

62 Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 the wonderful wizard as was: lloyd george, 1931–1945

50 The Times, 5 June 1935. Morgan (ed.), Lloyd George: Fam- p. 201. October 1967. 51 S. Koss, ‘Lloyd George and ily Letters 1885–1936 (London, 73 S. Roskill, Hankey: Man of Secrets 84 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, Nonconformity: the Last 1973), p. 211. 1931–1963 (London, 1974), p. 413. p. 261. Rally’, English Historical Review, 61 S. Ball (ed.), Parliament and Politics 74 House of Commons Debates, 5th 85 Ibid., p. 281. LXXXIX (1974), p. 91. in the Age of Churchill and Attlee: Series, vol. 351, cols 299–300. 86 King, With Malice, p. 52. 52 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, p. 49. The Headlam Diaries 1935–1951 75 Sylvester to wife, 20 September 87 Stevenson to Lloyd George 26 53 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. (Cambridge, 1999), p. 105. 1939, cited in Lentin, Lost Peace, September 1940, Taylor (ed.), 312. 62 See also A. Lentin, Lloyd George p. 113. Darling Pussy, p. 234. 54 Stevenson to F. Brett Young 7 and the Lost Peace: From Versailles 76 Ibid., 4 October 1939, cited in 88 Stevenson, Years That Are Past, p. August 1935, cited in Toye, Lloyd to Hitler 1919–1940 (Basingstoke, Lentin, Lost Peace, p. 115. 261. George and Churchill, p. 311. 2001), pp. 89–105. 77 C. King, With Malice Toward 89 A. J. Sylvester, The Real Lloyd 55 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. 63 House of Commons Debates, 5th None: A War Diary (London, George (London, 1947), p. 275. 318; Thomson, Lloyd George, p. 27. Series, vol. 310, col. 1542. 1970), p. 7. 90 Owen, Tempestuous Journey, p. 753. 56 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, p. 50. 64 Rowland, Lloyd George, p. 746. 78 K. O. Morgan, The Age of Lloyd 91 Many aspects of Lloyd George’s 57 Ball (ed.), Headlam Diaries 1923– 65 Owen, Tempestuous Journey, pp. George: The Liberal Party and Brit- final years have been considered 1935, p. 343. 732–33. ish Politics 1890–1929 (London, by J. Graham Jones. See, inter 58 , Conservative 66 Ibid., p. 743. 1971), pp. 222–24. alia, ‘Keeper of Secrets’, Journal Party Archive, CRD 1/64/12, 67 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, 79 King, With Malice, p. 13. of Liberal History, 44 (2004), pp. report of Sub-committee B, p. 219. 80 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, 24–29, and ‘David and Frances: July 1935. I am grateful to Chris 68 Ibid., p. 232. p. 256. Lloyd George’s Second Mar- Cooper for this reference. 69 Ibid., p. 227. 81 N. Nicolson (ed.), Harold Nicol- riage’, ibid., 74 (2012), pp. 30–39. 59 Taylor (ed.), Stevenson Diary, p. 70 Thomson, Lloyd George, p. 437. son: Diaries and Letters 1939–45 92 King, With Malice, p. 142. 320. 71 Ball (ed.), Headlam Diaries 1935– (London, 1967), p. 75. 93 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, 60 Lloyd George to Margaret Lloyd 1951, p. 148. 82 Jones, Diary with Letters, p. 457. p. 220. George 18 December 1935, K. 72 Cross (ed.), Life with Lloyd George, 83 D. Foot in The Observer, 29 94 Ibid., p. 230. Lloyd George Society Weekend School

Celebrate the 150th anniversary of the birth of David Lloyd George in the company of the Lloyd George Society 15–17 February 2013; Hotel Commodore, Spa Road, Llandrindod Wells, Powys, LD1 5ER

Friday 15 February • Dinner and formal welcome from the President of the Society, Lord Thomas of Gresford

Saturday 16 February • A tribute to Emlyn Hooson Various speakers • The UK coalition’s economic strategy: the view from the centre-right David Melding AM (Conservative, South Wales Central) Gorwel Think Tank • Britain’s changing education system Professor Chris Taylor, Cardiff University • The Lloyd George Museum at Nest Thomas, Curator • Jennifer Longford, daughter of Lloyd George? Dr J. Graham Jones, National Library of Wales • Dinner Baroness Jenny Randerson, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Wales Office

Sunday 17 February • Annual General Meeting • Debate: Does the referendum on make it more likely that Wales will wish to break away from the UK? Baroness Randerson will debate with Syd Morgan of the Wales Nationalism Foundation • Panel session led by Roger Williams MP

For more details and costs, see http://lloydgeorgesociety.org.uk/en/; or telephone 0121 308 5950.

Journal of Liberal History 77 Winter 2012–13 63