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Local and National Identity in Glasgow 1 Running Head: Local and National Identity in Glasgow “I‟m Not a Fanatic Scot, But I Love Glasgow”: Concepts of Local and National Identity in Glasgow Natalie Braber Nottingham Trent University Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr. Natalie Braber, School of Arts and Humanities, Nottingham Trent University, Clifton Lane, Nottingham, UK NG11 8NS e-mail: [email protected] Local and National Identity in Glasgow 2 Abstract In this article, a grounded theory approach is used to explore notions of national and local identity held by two groups of Glaswegians: those residing in Glasgow and those living in England (sample size = 17). The data suggest that both groups have a strong sense of Glaswegian as well as Scottish identity, but there appear to be some differences between participants. Some Glasgow participants seem to identify more strongly with the negative prestige of Glasgow. For those living in England, a sense of being Scottish is more important being than Glaswegian as it allows a clear differentiation from being English. Neither group felt that a sense of Britishness forms a strong part of their identity as this has English connotations. Local and National Identity in Glasgow 3 “I‟m Not a Fanatic Scot, But I Love Glasgow”: Concepts of Local and National Identity in Glasgow The interaction between local and national identity is the subject of ongoing academic debate. This discourse is usually the domain of philosophers, historians, anthropologists and sociologists, but linguists have also made an important contribution (Llamas, 1999; Pichler & Watt, 2004; Johnstone, 2007). This first phase is part of a larger study which has multiple aims. During the first stage of the study notions of identity held by a specific group of Scottish participants – Glaswegians – were investigated, and compared with findings from previous research. The second stage, not considered in this article (Braber & Butterfint, 2008, in press), examined the extent to which a correlation exists between identity and local/regional accent in light of the changing features of Glaswegian English. During this research several statements made by participants shed new light on the subject of national and local identity in Glasgow, an area which has so far been somewhat overlooked as relevant previous studies mainly considered British and Scottish identity. In this article, case studies of Glaswegians are presented to better understand varying degrees of identity and belonging in a multi-nation state. A grounded theory approach was used to examine common threads of belonging among two groups of Glaswegians – one group living in Glasgow, and another group now living in England. Examining national and local identities will allow us to develop a picture of how Glaswegians currently perceive themselves within wider societal contexts, and how these perceptions can be applied to other groups around the world, in areas where there may be a clash between local and national identities. Local and National Identity in Glasgow 4 National and local identities are difficult to define precisely as there may be confusion around terms (Anderson, 1991; Barrett, 2007). Furthermore, there is no academic consensus on their definition (e.g. McCrone, 1992; Ichijo, 2004), although results from various surveys and questionnaires suggest that the public do not seem to have a problem in formulating their national identity (e.g., McCrone, 2002; Kiely et al., 2001; Brinkerhoff, 2008). One of the reasons for the academic disagreement may be that national identities are not fixed, but are relational concepts, dependent up on the claims people make in different contexts and at different times (Bechhofer et al., 1999). Dunn (1998) commented that changing societies mean that identities are no longer fixed at birth but that individuals can form their own identities Anderson (1992) coined the phrase „imagined community‟ to explain the binding nature of specific identity in a community which exists despite the fact that those within the group do not know their fellow members, and this sense of “collective identity” is important to many (see also Maier, 2007). Another feature of identity is that identities can co-exist and individuals can have “multiple or divided loyalties” (Penrose, 1993, p. 34) which allows individuals to have different identities with which to position themselves within their different social groups (see for example Barrett, 2007 on Social Identity Theory and Barrett, 2007 on Self- Categorization Theory). McCrone (1992) explained that people have what can be referred to as a “pick „n mix” identity that can be changed according to the social situation. Smout (1994) illustrated this with a series of concentric “territorial” rings showing that people can belong to different groups (e.g. familiar, local, state) and can hold different identities at the same time, although these identities do not need to be static. Local and National Identity in Glasgow 5 The present study allowed for the examination of the concept of local (Glasgow) versus national identities (Scotland and Britain) within a group of participants. The situation within Britain is problematic as Britain is a state which is made up of smaller nations (England, Scotland and Wales – not considering Northern Ireland here as this makes up the United Kingdom). The Act of Union in 1707 marked the end of Scottish independence as it joined England. Scotland to this day remains part of Great Britain, although the creation of a separate Scottish parliament in 1999 has led to more political power for Scotland. However, during the intervening years Scotland has been politically and culturally dominated by England and this has led to much confusion (in the eyes of the Scots, the English and the wider world) about distinctions between Britain, England and Scotland (Barrett, 2007). This article involves an examination of Glaswegians attitudes towards their local and national senses of identity and, by extension, how such views can be applied to other similar situations in other “stateless nations” (Barrett 2007). This study includes consideration of the national and local identities of a group of Glaswegians now living in England. The aim here is to examine the strength of identity when no longer living within an imagined community. It has been suggested that many modern diasporas will maintain strong “sentimental and material links with their countries of origins – their homelands” (Sheffer in Brinkerhoff, 2008, p. 67). Multiple Identities in Scotland The concept of multiple identities is particularly relevant to people living in Scotland. Ichijo (2004) comments that although the world is made up of nation-states, these states are very likely to be made up of more than one nation, as is the case for Great Britain. As a result, the notion of Britishness is not an unproblematic one and during the last two decades national identity appears to have grown at the expense of Local and National Identity in Glasgow 6 state identity, noticeably in Scotland (Kiely et al., 2005b; Carrington & Short, 1996). This may be the case for Scotland (and Wales) rather than England, as “majority populations” are more certain of their identity and have less need for identity displays (Hendry, Mayer & Kloep, 2007). Studies carried out by McCrone (1992), Bond (2000), and Rosie and Bond (2003) found that a Scottish identity was widespread with a sense of Scottish identity being more important than British identity. Henderson and McEwen (2006) commented that this dual sense of identification, which has been common in Scotland since before the 1980s, becomes problematic when the conceptions of Britishness and Scottishness diverge. Britishness appears to have very different connotations for English and Scottish people. For many English it encompasses a liberal and inclusive identity, while for many Scots it appears to be an outdated and conservative attitude (for more details see Kiely et al., 2005b; McCrone & Kiely, 2000; Parekh, 2000) as well as containing strong Anglocentric connotations (Barrett, 2007). Ichijo and Spohn (2005) commented that this could have occurred because Britishness has incorporated a lot from Englishness with England being the dominant component of Britain, as well as the fact that the English may perceive the concepts of “English” and “British” to overlap (Rutland & Cinirella, 2000), something which many Scots may find hard to identify with (Carrington & Short, 1996; Ichijo & Spohn, 2005; Kiely et al., 2006b). Not being seen as English is important to many Scots and one of the most crucial aspects of identity is differentiating a group from an other (Brinkerhoff, 2008), and in relation to Scotland, the significant other is England (Hylland Eriksen, 1993; McCrone, 1992; Barrett, 2007). In short, the Scottish sense of being different from other areas of Great Britain is growing rather than diminishing, despite the diverse population of Scotland and the Local and National Identity in Glasgow 7 fact that, linguistically, the majority of Scotland‟s population does not differ to a great extent from the population of England (McCrone, 1992). Thus, rather than the sense of a separate national identity decreasing in importance as was predicted by some social theorists in the early twentieth century (Hylland Eriksen, 1993), it seems to have become even more important in Scotland. The Importance of Local Identity The vast majority of the studies outlined above concentrate on identity at a national, or macro, level. A far smaller number of studies have considered identity at a lower, regional or local, level. These studies have tended to be of a linguistic nature, for example in Berwick (Pichler & Watt, 2004), Teesside (Llamas, 1999) and Pittsburgh (Johnstone, 2007) which examined the sense of local identity in towns and compare this to the language variation which occurs among their speakers. Results of these studies have illustrated the link between the retention of localised language variants and the speaker‟s strength of local identity or affiliation.
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