Historians in Recent Histories of Historiography
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4. Ars Historica Como Arte Da Prudência
4. Ars historica como arte da prudência. Quando eu considero a quantidade e a variedade dos acidentes, das enfermidades, do acaso e da violência a que a vida do homem é submetida e quantas coisas devem concorrer no ano para que a colheita seja boa, não há nada que me espante mais que ver um homem velho, um ano fértil (Francesco Guicciardini. Ricordi, máxima 161). 4.1 Uma construção de fatos e palavras. Tucídides: sobre a distinção entre logos e ergon e o procedimento da autópsia. O princípio da utilidade: Tucídides e Políbio. O tratamento latino para a tensão entre res e verba. Os preceitos da ars historica no De Oratore. A história como monumento da virtus: Salústio e Tito Lívio. Embora a história – entendida como prática de inquirição sobre as grandes e memoráveis obras dos homens calcada numa "atitude crítica com relação ao registro de acontecimentos”,1 cujo propósito central seria o de salvar os feitos humanos do esquecimento –2 tenha não apenas surgido na Grécia do V século como alcançado, com Heródoto e Tucídides, sua maior expressividade no mundo antigo, a discussão acerca da concepção retórica de história predominante na Antiguidade deve dar atenção especial às reflexões de Cícero no livro II do diálogo De Oratore, isto porque os gregos jamais chegaram a definir a história como um gênero retórico-poético. Porém, antes de discutir os preceitos ciceronianos sobre a escrita da história, dedicarei algumas páginas à análise da tensão entre logos e ergon na História da Guerra do Peloponeso de Tucídides, assim como ao exame da concepção de autópsia e do privilégio do testemunho ocular sobre os relatos orais predominantes entre os historiadores gregos, como 1 MOMIGLIANO, Arnaldo. -
Quellen Und Forschungen Aus Italienischen Archiven Und Bibliotheken
Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken Herausgegeben vom Deutschen Historischen Institut in Rom Bd. 89 2009 Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online- Publikationsplattform der Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland (DGIA), zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. QUELLEN UND FORSCHUNGEN AUS ITALIENISCHEN ARCHIVEN UND BIBLIOTHEKEN BAND 8789 QUELLEN UND FORSCHUNGEN AUS ITALIENISCHEN ARCHIVEN UND BIBLIOTHEKEN HERAUSGEGEBEN VOM DEUTSCHEN HISTORISCHEN INSTITUT IN ROM BAND89 87 DE GRUYTER Redaktion: Alexander Koller Deutsches Historisches Institut in Rom Via Aurelia Antica 391 00165 Roma Italien http://www.dhi-roma.it ISBN 978-3-484-83087-583089-9 ISSN 0079-9068 ” Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 2007 Ein Imprint© Walter der de WalterGruyter de GmbH Gruyter & Co GmbH. KG, &2009 Co. KG httphttp://www.niemeyer.de://www.degruyter.com Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Gesamtherstellung: AZ Druck und Datentechnik GmbH, Kempten/Allgäu INHALTSVERZEICHNIS Jahresbericht 2008 ................. IX–LX Florian Hartmann, Das Enchiridion de Prosis et Rithmis Alberichs von Montecassino und die Flores Rhetorici . -
Giovanni Battista Doni (1594- 1647) and the Dispute on Roman Air
Wholesome or Pestilential? Giovanni Battista Doni (1594- 1647) and the Dispute on Roman Air 1. Introduction In the early modern period, environmental discourse pervaded multiple disciplinary fields, from medicine to literature, from political thought to natural philosophy. It was also fraught with tensions and precarious negotiations between tradition and innovation, as ancient authorities were read and reinterpreted through the lens of new conceptual frameworks. This article draws attention to the divided and divisive nature of early modern environmental discourse by focusing on a specific case study: the dispute over the (alleged) insalubrity of Roman air that took place in Italy from the late sixteenth century to the early eighteenth century, reactivating, as we shall see, ancient controversies on the same topic. Within a span of about a century and a half, such a dispute generated a number of Latin and vernacular writings, authored by some of the most respected physicians and intellectuals of the time.1 With the exception of Giovanni Battista Doni (1594-1647), a Florentine nobleman and polymath best known for his musicological studies,2 all of the authors involved in this dispute were Roman-based physicians, often connected to each other by demonstrable personal ties. For instance, the Veronese Marsilio Cagnati (1543-1612) studied at the Roman school of Alessandro Traiano Petronio (?-1585), and referred to his master’s work frequently, though critically, in his treatise of 1599; Tommaso De Neri (c. 1560-?), from Tivoli (near Rome), -
Georg Calixtus and the Humanist Tradition
Georg Calixtus and the Humanist Tradition Christian Thorsten Callisen Diploma of Financial Services (Financial Planning) Finsia Postgraduate Certificate in Business USQ Research Students Centre Division of Research & Commercialisation Queensland University of Technology Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) 2010 i Keywords Georg Calixtus (1586–1656); Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614); humanism; ars historica; consensus antiquitatis; calixtine theology; irenicism; Renaissance; history of ideas; early modern Europe ii Abstract Georg Calixtus (1586–1656) was a Lutheran theologian, prominent in the German lands during the first half of the seventeenth century. Existing research focuses on Calixtus‘ contributions to religious and theological debates, particularly in regard to his role in the Syncretistic Controversy of the latter half of the seventeenth century, and in regard to his unique position as a Lutheran who aspired to reunion between the different Christian confessions. This thesis problematises this focus on Calixtus by theologians and ecclesiastical historians, and argues that the genesis and transmission of his ideas cannot be fully appreciated without considering his relationship with the broader intellectual milieu of early modern Europe. It does this by exploring Calixtus‘ interaction with the humanist tradition, in particular by reconsidering his relationship with Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614), and by exploring his work in light of intellectual movements that were taking place outside the Christian church. In so doing, this thesis argues that Calixtus made contributions to early modern thought that have been overlooked in the existing literature. It also becomes apparent that much research remains to be done to gain a more accurate picture of his place in the early modern intellectual landscape, and of his legacy to later generations of scholars. -
Historical Writing in Britain from the Late Middle Ages to the Eve of Enlightenment
Comp. by: pg2557 Stage : Revises1 ChapterID: 0001331932 Date:15/12/11 Time:04:58:00 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/0001331932.3D OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – REVISES, 15/12/2011, SPi Chapter 23 Historical Writing in Britain from the Late Middle Ages to the Eve of Enlightenment Daniel Woolf Historical writing in Britain underwent extraordinary changes between 1400 and 1700.1 Before 1500, history was a minor genre written principally by clergy and circulated principally in manuscript form, within a society still largely dependent on oral communication. By the end of the period, 250 years of print and steadily rising literacy, together with immense social and demographic change, had made history the most widely read of literary forms and the chosen subject of hundreds of writers. Taking a longer view of these changes highlights continuities and discontinuities that are obscured in shorter-term studies. Some of the continu- ities are obvious: throughout the period the past was seen predominantly as a source of examples, though how those examples were to be construed would vary; and the entire period is devoid, with a few notable exceptions, of historical works written by women, though female readership of history was relatively common- place among the nobility and gentry, and many women showed an interest in informal types of historical enquiry, often focusing on familial issues.2 Leaving for others the ‘Enlightened’ historiography of the mid- to late eighteenth century, the era of Hume, Robertson, and Gibbon, which both built on and departed from the historical writing of the previous generations, this chapter suggests three phases for the principal developments of the period from 1400 to 1 I am grateful to Juan Maiguashca, David Allan, and Stuart Macintyre for their comments on earlier drafts of this essay, which I dedicate to the memory of Joseph M. -
Notes: for Reasons of Space Persons Mentioned Only in Passing Are Not Indexed
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-69908-2 - A Global History of History Daniel Woolf Index More information INDEX Notes: For reasons of space persons mentioned only in passing are not indexed. Page numbers in bold indicate principal subjects of extracts or boxed sections. ‘Abbas I, Shah 211–14, 217 antiquarianism 190 Abbasid caliphate 92, 98, 123 Arabic historiography, distinguished from Abu’l Fazl ‘Allami, Akbarnama 217–20 Islamic 91 Acosta, José de 244, 245–6, 251, 261, 267, Arabic (language) 98, 448 269, 271 Arai Hakuseki 328 influence 270, 301, 310 Aristotle 3–4, 41, 59, 114, 387 Acton, John Dalberg-Acton, 1st Baron 12–13, Arnold, Gottfried 203, 333 373 ars historica 197 Adams, Henry 374, 459 Assarino, Luca 200 Adams, John/Abigail 274–5 Assyrian history-writing 26–31 Afghani, Sayyid Jamal al-Din 446 Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal 451 African history and history-writing 7, 16, 23, Attoriolonna Bone 420–1 439–46 Auerbach, Erich 112 African peoples, racial theories regarding 444 Aufklärung 332–9 Africanus, Sex. Julius 77 Augustine of Hippo, St 47, 81–2, 83, 86 Agrippa, Henry Cornelius 202 Aurangzeb, Emperor 217, 220 Ah.mad b. Fartuwa 440 Ayudhya dynasty/chronicles 425–6 Ajjemy, Abdallah bin Hemedi ‘l 444 Aztecs 234, 244–7, 249, 251–7, 261, 262 Akbar, Emperor 219–20, 310 Akdag˘, Mustafa 451 babad chronicles (Java) 417, 418–19 Akkadian people/history 26–7, 31 Babur, Emperor 214–15, 217–19 Alfonso X ‘The Learned’ of Castile 140 Babylonian history-writing 26–8 Almela, Diego Rodríguez de 179 Bacon, Francis 204, 288, 294 Altan Tobcˇi 124 Baelz, Erwin 427–8 Altdorfer, Albrecht, Alexanderschlacht 181–2 Bakhtin, Mikhail 477 Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, Fernando de 257, 258, Ban Gu 61, 64–5, 100, 102 263, 407 Ban Zhao 64, Alvarado Tezozómoc, Fernando/Hernando de Bancroft, George 364, 374 254, 256 Barani, Z. -
Atkinson Has Thus Convincingly Rediscovered What Terence Cave
Comptes rendus 131 Atkinson has thus convincingly rediscovered what Terence Cave might have deemed a “cornucopian text” in his classic 1979 study of such bett er-known contem- poraries as Erasmus, Rabelais, and Montaigne. If she does not mention Cave, her select bibliography contains virtually all other pertinent primary and secondary sources. Th ere follow fi ve appendices documenting Vergil’s career and sources, plus a list of references to the inventores topos in authors from Hyginus to Samuel Johnson and Diderot. A detailed index completes this volume. Th e book has been carefully produced, with only one typo caught by this reviewer (page 155, line 1), although it is odd—perhaps a Renaissance-humanistic prejudice—that “the middle ages” is not capitalized. For its substantial and clearly-presented contribution to Renaissance culture and its transmission, this book belongs in every university library. NADIA MARGOLIS, Arizona State University Anthony Graft on What was History?: Th e Art of History in Early Modern Europe Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. ix, 319. What was History? provides a revised and extended version of the four Trevelyan lectures delivered by Anthony Graft on in 2005 on the development of historical thought and practice in the Renaissance. Th e title is a deliberate evocation of E.H. Carr’s What is History? (1962), based on his own series of Trevelyan lectures, which I recall being given to read as an eighteen year old, who had never really thought what history was or why I was proposing to devote three years at university to its study. -
2009-Patricius and Renaissance Philosophical
1 16. simpozij Frane Petrić i renesansne filozofske tradicije Sažetci 16th Symposium Franciscus Patricius and Renaissance philosophical traditions Abstracts 16º Convegno Francesco Patrizi da Cherso e le tradizioni filosofiche rinascimentali Riassunti Uredio / Edited by / A cura di Ivica Martinović Cres, Hrvatska, 23.-26. 9. 2009. 2 DAVOR BALIĆ Filozofski fakultet, Sveučilište J. J. Strossmayera u Osijeku, Hrvatska / Faculty of Philosophy, J. J. Strossmayer University of Osijek, Croatia Marko Marulić o filozofiji i filozofima u svom Evanđelistaru U svojoj moralnoteološkoj sintezi, koju je 1516. godine objavio pod neprozirnim naslovom Evangelistarium, Marko je Marulić izložio i svoje brojne stavove o filozofiji, filozofskim disciplinama, filozofskim školama i filozofima. U trećem poglavlju treće knjige Evanđelistara istražio je Marulić temu: »Što je mudrost i gdje je valja tražiti?« (»Quid sit sapientia et ubi quaerenda«). Kada je razlikovao mudrost (sapientia) od razboritosti (prudentia), prihvatio je stoičku odredbu mudrosti: »znanje i spoznaja božanskih i ljudskih stvari« (divinarum humanarumque rerum scientia et cognitio). Svoju tvrdnju da je mudar samo onaj čije su vladanje i život u skladu s njegovim znanjem, potkrijepio je ovim razlikovanjem učenosti i mudrosti: »Ako tko izuči svu filozofiju a ne živi kako ona zahtijeva, priznat ću da je učen, ali ne da je i mudar«. U svom daljnjem izlaganju o mudrosti, u sedmom poglavlju iste knjige Evanđelistara, zauzeo je i sljedeći stav: svaka disciplina, koja nije u suglasnosti s Evanđeljem, beskorisna je i čovjeka ne može učiniti mudrim, a time ni blaženim. Na svoj popis takvih disciplina Marulić je, uz pjesništvo, govorništvo i astronomiju, uvrstio i filozofiju. Iako se, tvrdi Marulić, filozofija hvali svojim bavljenjem mudrošću, i to tako što istražuje uzroke i narav stvarī, ona »ne zna pravo i istinito prosuditi što je čovjekov cilj.« Da »u nekom svom dijelu ne pomažu teologiju«, nitko ne bi trebao, misli Marulić, učiti filozofiju, pjesništvo, govorništvo i astronomiju. -
Hobbes's Thucydides and the Colonial Law of Nations
Hobbes’s Thucydides and the Colonial Law of Nations This article attempts to make sense of Thomas Hobbes’s 1628 translation of Thucydides, published as Eight Bookes of the Peloponesian Warres, in terms of seventeenth-century interest in and debates over the law of nations, or ius gentium. Its aim is to shift the scholarly focus on Hobbes’s translation from its most often assumed context, that of royalism, to what I will argue is a more fitting context, that of the law of nations, and by extension, the intellectual history of international law. Among Hobbes scholars, the fact that the first publication to which Hobbes gave his name was a classical translation is often noted but rarely considered in much depth.1 For many years, orthodoxy held that Hobbes started his brilliant philosophical career with a humanistic period before he encountered the Euclidean geometry that would occasion his turn from humanism to ‘political science’ – a turn variously construed as virtue to vice or vice to virtue, depending on the critic. Recent scholarship has rightly questioned such narratives, noting for instance that Hobbes late in his life wrote a verse autobiography and an anticlerical poem in Latin and translated Homer from the Greek. The insistence that Hobbes’s humanism persisted throughout his lifetime, however, does not fully account for the Thucydides translation: acknowledging Hobbes the humanist only spawns further questions. 2 Now that Hobbes’s Thucydides translation is seen less and less as something from which Hobbes would later turn, questions of what sort of project was signalled by the Thucydides translation come to the fore. -
The Young and Clueless? Wheare, Vossius, and Keckermann on the Study of History
JEMS 6 (2017), 2: 27–45 The Young and Clueless? Wheare, Vossius, and Keckermann on the Study of History Stefan Heßbrüggen-Walter National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow Abstract: In their debate on whether or not the young should be allowed to study history, Degory Wheare and Gerhardus Vossius quote Bartholomäus Keckermann and state that he wants to exclude the young from studying history, Wheare arguing for Keckermann’s purported position, Vossius opposing it. Their disagreement is part of a larger controversy on the relevance of history for moral instruction in general, contem- plating the question whether or not history is best understood as ‘philosophy teaching by example.’ But the interpretation of Keckermann’s position presupposed by both Wheare and Vossius is wrong. Keckermann’s Ramist predecessors argued against a cen- tral presupposition of Wheare’s views, i.e., the exclusion of the young from studying moral philosophy. Keckermann’s own position in this regard is not fully clear. But a closer analysis of his distinction between methods for writing and for reading history shows that Keckermann did want the young to study history. If Keckermann had be- lieved that such exclusion were necessary, it could only have been related to reading historical texts, not to writing them: writing texts about historical figures or events does not require moral precepts, but only the application of certain logical tools. But a view that implies that writing a historical text should be possible for students, whereas reading such a text would go beyond their capabilities, is absurd. Hence, we can assume that Keckermann expected the young to study both history and moral philosophy.1 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference “TheT ree of Knowledge: Theories of Sciences and Arts in Central Europe, 1400−1700” at the Faculty of “Artes Libe- rales,” University of Warsaw. -
ISHR 2013 Abstracts Master Copy Updated
A. Individual Paper Abstracts (in alphabetical order by author's last name) Abbott, Don, [email protected] Academic institution: University of California, Davis The Geometer as Rhetor: Thomas Hobbes on the Performance of Rhetoric Thomas Hobbes’s chance encounter of Euclid’s Elements of Geometry proved to be a defining moment in his life. Hobbes’s biographer reports that working through a problem posed by Euclid “made him in love with geometry.” So profound was this love of geometry that many scholars believe it caused Hobbes’s to reject humanism and rhetoric in an effort to replace traditional disciplines with scientific and mathematical knowledge. Yet while Hobbes certainly pursued mathematics with enthusiasm, he did not necessarily conclude that geometry and rhetoric are incompatible. Science (and philosophy), says Hobbes, is the “knowledge of the consequences of words.” This knowledge, like geometry itself, must begin with the recognition of first principles which are then rendered into precise definitions. The “sorts” of sciences, says Hobbes “are many, according to the diversity of the Matter” and he specifically includes rhetoric among these. He accompanies his definition of science with a chart categorizing the entirety of human knowledge. Rhetoric is one of the forms of knowledge which derives from the “consequences of speech” together with ethics, poetry, logic, and “the science of the just and the unjust.” Hobbes, then, assigns rhetoric a place among the human sciences, and yet he remains a persistent critic of rhetoric. It is important to note, however, that Hobbes criticizes not the science of rhetoric, but rather its performance. It is the performance of rhetoric by unscrupulous orators that causes sedition and chaos because powerful speakers “can turn their Auditors out of fools into madmen.” Hobbes’s program, then, especially in Leviathan, is to find a way to reform rhetoric in order to make its performance consistent with the principles of geometry. -
Page 158 H-France Review Vol. 3 (April 2003), No. 39 JHM Salmon, Ideas and Contexts In
H-France Review Volume 3 (2003) Page 158 H-France Review Vol. 3 (April 2003), No. 39 J. H. M. Salmon, Ideas and Contexts in France and England from the Renaissance to the Romantics. Variorum Collected Studies Series. Aldershot and Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2000. xii + 304 pp. Index. $105.95 U.S. (cl). ISBN 0-86078-835-0. Review by Kathleen A. Parrow, Black Hills State University. Essay collections increasingly present themselves as coherent books though they do so with varying success. This compilation of previously published articles does succeed as a book and at the same time shows several sides of a fine historian's career. The book brings together nineteen essays by J. H. M. (John Hearsey McMillan) Salmon which were published from 1962 to 1999. The essays focus specifically on French and English writers on political thought, historiography, religion, and literature, interweaving these topics from the Renaissance through the Romantics. They reflect Salmon's own expertise in European (rather than either continental or British) history, although they also are only a small part of his total scholarly production. The essays are arranged in an introduction and four sections: "The Renaissance," "The Grand Siècle," "The Enlightenment," and "The Romantics." Nine of the articles come from History Today, the others from seven scholarly journals and two multi-author essay collections, thus providing great breadth and depth. The presence of the articles from History Today may surprise some but should serve to remind us that scholars need to serve the broader public as well as our own scholarly community.