The "Islamic State" Crisis and U.S. Policy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The The “Islamic State” Crisis and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Christopher M. Blanchard Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs Matthew C. Weed Analyst in Foreign Policy Legislation Rhoda Margesson Specialist in International Humanitarian Policy Alex Tiersky Analyst in Foreign Affairs September 10, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43612 The “Islamic State” Crisis and U.S. Policy Summary The Islamic State is a transnational Sunni Islamist insurgent and terrorist group that has expanded its control over areas of northwestern Iraq and northeastern Syria since 2013, threatening the security of both countries and drawing increased attention from the international community. There is debate over the degree to which the Islamic State organization might represent a direct terrorist threat to the U.S. homeland or to U.S. facilities and personnel in the region. The Islamic State (IS) was initially part of the insurgency against coalition forces in Iraq and has in the years since the 2011 U.S. withdrawal from Iraq expanded its control over areas of northwestern Iraq and northeastern Syria. The Islamic State has thrived in the disaffected Sunni tribal areas of Iraq and in the remote provinces of Syria torn by the civil war. In the summer of 2014, Islamic State-led forces, supported by Sunni Arab tribalists and groups linked to ousted Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, advanced along the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, seizing multiple population centers including Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city. Since then, IS forces have massacred Iraqi civilians, often from ethnic or religious minorities, and recently executed two American journalists who had been held in captivity. The Islamic State’s tactics have drawn the ire of the international community, increasing U.S. attention on Iraq’s political problems and on the civil war in Syria. At the NATO summit in Wales during September 4-5, 2014, the Administration began to unveil a comprehensive strategy to defeat the Islamic State organization. As articulated by President Obama and other senior U.S. officials, the strategy is to use a combination of military action, support for partner forces in Iraq and Syria, diplomacy, intelligence sharing, and financial actions to try to progressively shrink the geographic and political space, manpower, and financial resources available to the Islamic State. The Administration and its allies all have ruled out deploying combat forces to either Iraq or Syria. Some assert that the U.S. strategy will attract the support of Sunnis in both Syria and Iraq in a broad effort to defeat the Islamic State. Others assess that the strategy might have minimal effect because local anti-IS forces will not have support from U.S. or other western combat troops. For details on Islamic State operations in Iraq and U.S. policy toward Iraq since the 2003 U.S. invasion, see CRS Report RS21968, Iraq: Politics, Governance, and Human Rights, by Kenneth Katzman. For further information on the Islamic State’s operations in Syria, see CRS Report RL33487, Armed Conflict in Syria: Overview and U.S. Response, coordinated by Christopher M. Blanchard. Congressional Research Service The “Islamic State” Crisis and U.S. Policy Contents The Islamic State ............................................................................................................................. 1 Background ......................................................................................................................... 2 The Situation in Iraq ........................................................................................................................ 2 Islamic State Goes on Offensive In Kurdish-Controlled Territory ...................................... 4 Effect on Iraqi Government Formation ............................................................................... 4 Iranian Involvement in the Iraq Crisis ................................................................................. 5 Situation in Syria ............................................................................................................................. 6 U.S. Responses and Options ............................................................................................................ 7 Actions in Iraq ........................................................................................................................... 8 Options in Syria ......................................................................................................................... 9 Authority for Use of Military Force Against the Islamic State and the War Powers Resolution ................................................................................................................................... 11 Selected Additional Issues Raised by the Crisis ............................................................................ 15 Humanitarian Impact and Response ........................................................................................ 15 Responses to Threats to U.S. Personnel, Facilities, and Citizens ............................................ 16 Possible Questions for Congressional Consideration .................................................................... 18 Figures Figure 1. Iraq, Syria, and Regional Unrest .................................................................................... 13 Figure 2. Evolution of IS/ISIL and Extremist Groups in Iraq and Syria, 2002-2014 .................... 14 Contacts Author Contact Information........................................................................................................... 19 Congressional Research Service The “Islamic State” Crisis and U.S. Policy The Islamic State The Islamic State (IS, aka the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, ISIL/ISIS)is a transnational Sunni Islamist insurgent and terrorist group that has expanded its control over areas of northwestern Iraq and northeastern Syria since 2013, threatening the security of both countries and drawing increased attention from the international community. The Islamic State has thrived in the disaffected Sunni Muslim- inhabited areas of Iraq and in the remote provinces of Syria torn by the civil war. The Islamic State’s tactics have drawn the ire of the international community, increasing U.S. attention on Iraq’s political problems and on the civil war in Syria. Although the Islamic State is considered a direct threat to U.S. interests in the Middle East, it is unclear if it currently poses a significant direct threat to U.S. homeland security. In September 2014, National Counterterrorism Center Director Matthew Olsen stated that the group poses “a direct and significant threat to us—and to Iraqi and Syrian civilians—in the region and potentially to us here at home.”1 Olsen reported that the Islamic State “has more than 10,000 fighters …And its strategic goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate through armed conflict with governments it considers apostate—including Iraq, Syria, and the United States.” Olsen stated that “we have no credible information that ISIL is planning to attack the U.S.,” and highlighted potential threats posed by foreign fighters with Western passports. According to Olsen, as many as 12,000 foreign fighters have travelled to Syria, including more than 1,000 Europeans, and more than 100 U.S. citizens. Previous U.S. government assessments suggest that these fighters hail from more than 50 countries and that among them are Al Qaeda-linked veterans of previous conflicts. Olsen also stated that U.S. counterterrorism officials “remain mindful of the possibility that an ISIL-sympathizer—perhaps motivated by online propaganda—could conduct a limited, self-directed attack here at home with no warning.” However, Olsen noted that, “In our view, any threat to the U.S. homeland from these types of extremists is likely to be limited in scope and scale.” Statements and media materials released by the Islamic State reflect an uncompromising, exclusionary worldview and a relentless ambition. Statements by Abu Bakr al Baghdadi and Islamic State spokesman Abu Mohammed al Adnani feature sectarian calls for violence and identify Shiites, non-Muslims, and unsupportive Sunnis as enemies in the group’s struggle to establish “the Islamic State” and to revive their vision of “the caliphate.”2 The group describes Iraqi Shiites derogatorily as “rejectionists” and “polytheists” and paints the Iraqi government as a puppet of Iran. Similar ire is aimed at Syrian Alawites and the Asad government, although some sources allege that operatives for the Islamic State and its antecedents have benefitted from evolving financial and security arrangements with Damascus that started during the 2003-2011 U.S. military presence in Iraq. In July 2012, Al Baghdadi warned U.S. leaders that “the mujahidin have set out to chase the affiliates of your armies that have fled.... You will see them in your own country, God willing. The war with you has just begun.”3 In January 2014, Al Baghdadi threatened the United States directly, saying, “Know, O defender of the Cross, that a proxy war will not help you in the Levant, just as it will not help you in Iraq. Soon, you will be in direct conflict—God permitting—against your will.”4 English language propaganda 1 Remarks at the Brookings Institution by NCTC Director Matthew G. Olsen, September 3, 2014. 2 OSC Report GMP20130409405003, “ISI Emir Declares
Recommended publications
  • Turkey-Kurdish Regional Government Relations After the US Withdrawal
    FOR THIS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS, VISIT US AT http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ UNITED STATES ARMY WAR COLLEGE Visit our website for other free publication downloads PRESS http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ Carlisle Barracks, PA and To rate this publication click here. TURKEY-KURDISH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS AFTER THE U.S. WITHDRAWAL FROM IRAQ: PUTTING THE KURDS ON THE MAP? U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Bill Park This Publication SSI Website USAWC Website The United States Army War College The United States Army War College educates and develops leaders for service at the strategic level while advancing knowledge in the global application of Landpower. The purpose of the United States Army War College is to produce graduates who are skilled critical thinkers and complex problem solvers. Concurrently, it is our duty to the U.S. Army to also act as a “think factory” for commanders and civilian leaders at the strategic level worldwide and routinely engage in discourse and debate concerning the role of ground forces in achieving national security objectives. The Strategic Studies Institute publishes national security and strategic research and analysis to influence policy debate and bridge the gap between military and academia. The Center for Strategic Leadership and Development CENTER for contributes to the education of world class senior STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP and DEVELOPMENT leaders, develops expert knowledge, and provides U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE solutions to strategic Army issues affecting the national security community. The Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute provides subject matter expertise, technical review, and writing expertise to agencies that develop stability operations concepts and doctrines.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
    KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq
    The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs September 1, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS22079 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq Summary The Kurdish-inhabited region of northern Iraq has been relatively peaceful and prosperous since the fall of Saddam Hussein. However, the Iraqi Kurds’ political autonomy, and territorial and economic demands, have caused friction with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki and other Arab leaders of Iraq, and with Christian and other minorities in the north. Turkey and Iran were skeptical about Kurdish autonomy in Iraq but have reconciled themselves to this reality and have emerged as major investors in the Kurdish region of Iraq. Superimposed on Kurd-Arab di Despite limited agreements allowing for new oil exports from the Kurdish region, the major outstanding issues between the Kurds and the central government do not appear close to resolution. Tensions have increased now that Kurdish representation in two key mixed provinces has been reduced by the January 31, 2009, provincial elections. The disputes have nearly erupted into all-out violence between Kurdish militias and central government forces in mid-2009, potentially undermining the stability achieved throughout Iraq in 2008 and causing the U.S. military to propose new U.S. deployments designed to build confidence between Kurdish and government forces. The Obama Administration has not, to date, indicated that the Kurdish-central government disputes would derail or delay a major drawdown of U.S. forces in Iraq between now and August 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq's Evolving Insurgency
    CSIS _______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775 -3270 Access: Web: CSIS.ORG Contact the Author: [email protected] Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies With the Assistance of Patrick Baetjer Working Draft: Updated as of August 5, 2005 Please not e that this is part of a rough working draft of a CSIS book that will be published by Praeger in the fall of 2005. It is being circulated to solicit comments and additional data, and will be steadily revised and updated over time. Copyright CSIS, all rights reserved. All further dissemination and reproduction must be done with the written permission of the CSIS Cordesman: Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency 8/5/05 Page ii I. INTR ODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 1 SADDAM HUSSEIN ’S “P OWDER KEG ” ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 1 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 2 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 6 II. THE GROWTH AND C HARACTER OF THE INSURGENT THREA T ................................ ........ 9 DENIAL AS A METHOD OF COUNTER -INSURGENCY WARFARE ...............................
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Politics and Governance
    Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • The Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution
    THE SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY AT THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION “IRAQ: THE ROAD AHEAD” A LUNCHEON DISCUSSION WITH: HOSHYAR ZABARI, FOREIGN MINISTER OF THE IRAQI GOVERNING COUNCIL WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 1, 2003 Transcript by: Federal News Service Washington, D.C. KEN POLLACK: Thank you. We would like to get this session underway. Welcome to all of you to the Saban Center for Middle East Policy here at The Brookings Institution. I think just about all of you know our guest speaker, so I’m going to keep my remarks very brief. I’m only going to say that I met Hoshyar I think about nine years ago, and while I was delighted with his company, by his insight into Iraq -- and I certainly had great hopes -- I will say that nine years ago I was a bit skeptical that we would ever be where we are today. And while it is true that the Governing Council is still only an interim authority inside Iraq, it is still a great pleasure for me to welcome Hoshyar Zebari, longtime KDP leader, as the foreign minister of the new Iraqi government. Hoshyar? (Applause.) HOSHYAR ZEBARI: Thank you, Ken. Thank you very much. I’m very honored to be here today at this prestigious institute to address these distinguished guests. It is indeed an honor for me to be with you here as the interim Iraqi foreign minister, as I’m sure Iraq’s foreign minister has not been here for many years. As we look back over the last year, we, the Iraqis, have no doubt that the U.S.- and British-led war on Saddam Hussein was fully justified.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq
    Order Code RS22079 Updated June 12, 2007 The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq Kenneth Katzman and Alfred B. Prados Specialists in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The Kurdish-inhabited regions of northern Iraq are relatively peaceful, development is proceeding there, and long-repressed Kurdish leaders now occupy senior positions, including the presidency. However, there are concerns that the Kurds are using their political strength to serve their own interests at the expense of a unified Iraq, in the process inflaming longstanding Turkish concerns about Iraqi Kurdish autonomy. This report will be updated. See also, CRS Report RL31339, Iraq: Post-Saddam Governance and Security, by Kenneth Katzman. Pre-War Background The Kurds, a mountain-dwelling Indo-European people, comprise the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East. Although their origins are believed to go back more than two millenia, they have never obtained statehood. An initial peace settlement after World War I held out hopes of Kurdish independence, but under a subsequent treaty they were given minority status in their respective countries — Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria — with smaller enclaves elsewhere in the region. (See dark gray area of map). Kurds now number between 20 and 25 million, with an estimated 4 to 4.5 million in Iraq, roughly 15 to 20 percent of the Iraqi population. With a few exceptions, Kurds are Muslims of the Sunni sect and speak a language (consisting of several dialects) akin to Persian. To varying degrees, Kurds have been objects of discrimination and persecution in the countries where they reside.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East Program Occasional Paper Series Fall 2016
    MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES FALL 2016 MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM FALL OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES 2016 From Tribe to Nation: Iraqi Kurdistan on the Cusp of Statehood “For better or nition that after decades of dogged, if at times Amberin Zaman, worse, it is hard unorthodox, efforts to build their own state, Public Policy Fellow, Woodrow Wilson International to escape [the] the Iraqi Kurds are on the cusp of formally de- Center for Scholars conclusion that claring independence. It is no longer a matter future of Iraqi of “if” but “when.” Kurds lies with And the United States, as much as Iraq’s their integration neighbors—Iran, Turkey, and Syria, which into Iraqi state have restive Kurdish populations of their […] In terms of re- own—needs to be ready when Iraqi Kurdis- gional stability, it is probably preferable that tan, the first real Kurdish state in the modern [the] Kurdish independence movement does sense, is born. Most importantly, so do the not succeed.” Thus opined an American dip- Kurds. lomat stationed in Baghdad in a secret cable It will be a premature birth on many dated July 1, 1973.1 counts. The Kurdistan Regional Government Forty-three years on, official U.S. policy— (KRG) remains at war against jihadists of the that Iraq needs to remain territorially intact— so-called Islamic State (ISIS). Collapsing oil has not changed. But there is growing recog- prices have bankrupted the KRG’s rentier 1 MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES FALL 2016 About the Middle East Program Director The Middle East Program was launched in February 1998 in light of Henri J.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Events in Iraq, April 2003*
    * Chronology of Events in Iraq, April 2003 April 1 Saddam’s Fedayeen put on the front line to prevent desertion. (Iraqi Kurdistan Democratic Party newspaper Brayati) After the surrender of a large number of officers and soldiers on the front-line areas to peshmarga forces, Iraqi authorities brought a large number of party and military officials to the front-lines to prevent soldiers from escaping to Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq. They have organized death squads to execute those whom they suspect of planning to desert. In another step, the regime has brought Fedayee Saddam and placed them at front lines in confrontation areas. It was reported that, after withdrawing from Arbil plain towards Pirde (Altun Kopri), the regime brought a considerable number of Fedayee Saddam to the area. The source added that the forces of Fedayee Saddam had been authorized to kill any soldier who tries to escape to Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq. Iraqi forces shell areas under Kurdish control. (Iraqi Kurdistan Democratic Party newspaper Brayati) After Iraqi forces pulled out of Bardarash heights, the peshmerga moved towards those positions to observe the withdrawal process and check the evacuated hilltops and positions of the government military. Government forces shelled with artillery and mortar both Bardarash villages, hitting and damaging the Kurdistan School in Azadi District and a number of citizens' houses in the township. There were no casualties among the civilians. Civilians forcibly recruited in Mosul. (Iraqi Kurdistan Democratic Party newspaper Brayati) It was reported that the Iraqi government has forced every family in Mosul city to fill 80 sacks with earth to build mounds.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq SITREP 2016-10-03
    Iraq Situation Report: September 20 - October 3, 2016 1 Peshmerga Ministry announces that Popular Mobilization will participate in Mosul. 2 Turkey extends mandate for forces in Iraq and Syria. e Turkish parliament Secretary General of the Ministry of Peshmerga Jabbar Yawar announced on September 29 announced on October 1 that it has extended the mandate for Turkish forces to operate that there is a general agreement that the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), Peshmerga, and Coalition abroad, including in Iraq and Syria. Turkish President Recep Erdogan stated that Turkey as well as the Popular Mobilization, tribal ghters, and National Mobilization, a “will play a role in the Mosul liberation operation,” adding that Turkey will work to both Turkish-backed Sunni militia, will participate in the campaign in Mosul. Yawar stated that ght the PKK in Iraq and protect minority Turkmen populations in Ninewa Province. e Kurdistan Regional President Masoud Barzani will discuss the issue of Mosul and Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Aairs condemned the mandate and called for Turkish forces to Baghdad-Arbil relations during his visit to Baghdad. withdraw from their current base in Bashiqa, northeast of Mosul. 3 9 U.S. to deploy additional 615 advisors to Iraq at PM Abadi’s Arbil and Baghdad form joint military committee for Mosul operation. Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani request. e U.S. Department of Defense announced on September 28 that Dohuk it would send an additional 615 advisors to several bases in Iraq in the announced on September 29 the formation of a joint military committee between Baghdad and Arbil in order to coordinate operations in Mosul and coming weeks at the request of Minister Haidar al-Abadi for Mosul Dam upcoming operations in Mosul.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq in Crisis
    MAY 2014 Iraq in Crisis ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN AND SAM KHAZAI AND SAM ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW| Washington DC 20036 t. (202) 887-0200 | f. (202) 775-3199 | www.csis.org Iraq in ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Lanham, MD 20706 t. (800) 462-6420 | f. (301) 429-5749 | www.rowman.com Crisis AUTHORS Cover photo: Photo by Kaveh Seyedahmadian. http://www.flickr.com/photos/samanvari/3388535986/. Anthony H. Cordesman ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD ISBN 978-1-4422-2855-9 Sam Khazai Ë|xHSLEOCy228559z v*:+:!:+:! A Report of the CSIS Burke Chair in Strategy Blank Iraq in Crisis Authors Anthony H. Cordesman Sam Khazai A Report of the CSIS Burke Chair in Strategy May 2014 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Background and U.S
    Iraq: Background and U.S. Policy Updated November 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45025 Iraq: Background and U.S. Policy Summary The 115th Congress and the Trump Administration are considering options for U.S. engagement with Iraq as Iraqis look beyond the immediate security challenges posed by their intense three- year battle with the insurgent terrorists of the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIL/ISIS). While Iraq’s military victory over Islamic State forces is now virtually complete, Iraq’s underlying political and economic challenges are daunting and cooperation among the forces arrayed to defeat IS extremists has already begun to fray. The future of volunteer Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and the terms of their integration with Iraq’s security sector are being determined, with some PMF groups maintaining ties to Iran and anti-U.S. Shia Islamist leaders. In September 2017, Iraq’s constitutionally recognized Kurdistan Regional Government held an advisory referendum on independence, in spite of opposition from Iraq’s national government and amid its own internal challenges. More than 90% of participants favored independence. With preparations for national elections in May 2018 underway, Iraqi leaders face the task of governing a politically divided and militarily mobilized country, prosecuting a likely protracted counterterrorism campaign against IS remnants, and tackling a daunting resettlement, reconstruction, and reform agenda. More than 3 million Iraqis have been internally displaced since 2014, and billions of dollars for stabilization and reconstruction efforts have been identified. Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al Abadi is linking his administration’s decisions with gains made to date against the Islamic State, but his broader reform platform has not been enacted by Iraq parliament.
    [Show full text]