Turkey-Kurdish Regional Government Relations After the US Withdrawal
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1 the Monthly Report from Kurdistan Region of Iraq for November 2015 Political Ammar Al-Hakim Visited in Sulaimani Sulaimani
The monthly report from Kurdistan region of Iraq for November 2015 Political Ammar al-Hakim visited in Sulaimani Sulaimani news (2nd of November, 2015) Sulaimani: Iraqi cleric and politician who leads the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq arrived in Sulaimani city in Kurdistan region , Al – Hakim met in Sulemaina with Kosrat Rasoul the senior member of PUK . Former Iraqi Yazidi MP elected as mayor of Sinjar (2nd of November, 2015) Dahouk - Sinjar: Sinjar council’s members elected former Iraqi MP, Mahma Khalil, as new mayor of the Yazidi district of Sinjar (Shingal in Kurdish) in northwest Iraq. Swedish defense and foreign ministers arrived in Erbil Rudaw media net work (3rd of November, 2015) Erbil: Swedish defense and foreign ministers arrived in the Kurdistan region capital Erbil for talks on the fight against Islamic State (IS) and Swedish support for Peshmerga forces. Both ministers met Massoud Barzani the president of Kurdistan region and Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani. The Swedish delegation was received by Falah Mustafa, the head of the Kurdistan Regional Government’s foreign relations department, and Karim Shingali, the Kurdistan region’s interior minister. Turkish FM arrived in Kurdistan and hold a meeting with Barzani Hawler news paper (4th of November, 2015) Erbil: Turkish Foreign Minister Feridun Sinirlioglu arrived in Erbil. Sinirlioglu met with met president of Kurdistan region Massoud Barzani and (KRG) s Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani. The Turkish FM also participated in one of the session arranged by Middle East Research Institute (MERI) in Erbil. Iraqi parliament speaker visited Sulaimani 1 Puk media (5th of November, 2015) Sulaimani: Iraqi parliament speaker Salim Al Jibouri arrived in Sulaimani city on and he visited former Iraqi president Jalal Talabani. -
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Genealogy of the Concept of Securitization and Minority Rights
THE KURD INDUSTRY: UNDERSTANDING COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY by ELÇIN HASKOLLAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner and approved by ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 © 2014 Elçin Haskollar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kurd Industry: Understanding Cosmopolitanism in the Twenty-First Century By ELÇIN HASKOLLAR Dissertation Director: Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner This dissertation is largely concerned with the tension between human rights principles and political realism. It examines the relationship between ethics, politics and power by discussing how Kurdish issues have been shaped by the political landscape of the twenty- first century. It opens up a dialogue on the contested meaning and shape of human rights, and enables a new avenue to think about foreign policy, ethically and politically. It bridges political theory with practice and reveals policy implications for the Middle East as a region. Using the approach of a qualitative, exploratory multiple-case study based on discourse analysis, several Kurdish issues are examined within the context of democratization, minority rights and the politics of exclusion. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, archival research and participant observation. Data analysis was carried out based on the theoretical framework of critical theory and discourse analysis. Further, a discourse-interpretive paradigm underpins this research based on open coding. Such a method allows this study to combine individual narratives within their particular socio-political, economic and historical setting. -
Kurdistan Region...” - Former Consul-General of the People’S Republic of China to Erbil
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA China’s Cooperation with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region OE Watch Commentary: The accompanying passages from local sources discuss China’s growing diplomatic and economic relationship with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (IKR). As the passages discuss, this is taking place amid China’s plans to significantly upgrade its diplomatic presence in Erbil, the IKR capital. As the first passage from Chinese Xinhua notes, in late July, China’s Consul General in Erbil, Ni Ruchi met with the IKR President Nechirvan Barzani in Erbil to discuss deepening cooperation in the fields of energy and infrastructure, “within the framework of the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative.” The passage also notes that the two sides discussed the political situation and efforts to rebuild areas that were destroyed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), as well as cooperation between their respective private sectors. This meeting followed a previous meeting in April, when then-Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani received an invitation to China. The second passage from a Kurdish source discusses a proposal by the region’s private sector to the Chinese representatives in Erbil. According to the passage, the Vice President of the local Union of Importers and Exporters suggested that China open a trade center in the region to use as a central hub from which to market and sell its technological products in the region. The Chinese Consul General is reported to have supported the idea. In addition, the Chinese private sector is encouraged to develop economic and trade cooperation with the IKR. Specifically, as the final passage discusses, China has been supporting companies like Huawei, Sinoma-Suzhou, and China Machinery Engineering Corporation (CMEC) to invest in the region for several years. -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq
The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs September 1, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS22079 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Kurds in Post-Saddam Iraq Summary The Kurdish-inhabited region of northern Iraq has been relatively peaceful and prosperous since the fall of Saddam Hussein. However, the Iraqi Kurds’ political autonomy, and territorial and economic demands, have caused friction with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki and other Arab leaders of Iraq, and with Christian and other minorities in the north. Turkey and Iran were skeptical about Kurdish autonomy in Iraq but have reconciled themselves to this reality and have emerged as major investors in the Kurdish region of Iraq. Superimposed on Kurd-Arab di Despite limited agreements allowing for new oil exports from the Kurdish region, the major outstanding issues between the Kurds and the central government do not appear close to resolution. Tensions have increased now that Kurdish representation in two key mixed provinces has been reduced by the January 31, 2009, provincial elections. The disputes have nearly erupted into all-out violence between Kurdish militias and central government forces in mid-2009, potentially undermining the stability achieved throughout Iraq in 2008 and causing the U.S. military to propose new U.S. deployments designed to build confidence between Kurdish and government forces. The Obama Administration has not, to date, indicated that the Kurdish-central government disputes would derail or delay a major drawdown of U.S. forces in Iraq between now and August 2010. -
IRAN and BARZANI: WORSENING RELATIONS and the RISK of an INEVITABLE CLASH? Othman Ali
ORSAM REVIEW OF ORSAM REVIEW OF REGIONAL AFFAIRS NO.58, JANUARY 2017 REGIONAL AFFAIRS No.58, JANUARY 2017 IRAN AND BARZANI: WORSENING RELATIONS AND THE RISK OF AN INEVITABLE CLASH? Othman Ali The relations between Iran and the Kurdistan Regional Govern- Dr. Othman Ali is Professor ment of Iraq (KRG) have recently experienced a considerable of Modern History of Kurds amount of tension. Iranian officials have given Masud Barzani, at Salahaddin University the president of KRG, stern warnings that they would not toler- in Erbil. He earned his ate any act which they view as a threat to their national security. undergraduate and master’s In this analysis, it is argued that this escalation on the part of degrees from University of Iran is an important component of Iran’s desire to accomplish Guelph and University of a complete control on all Iraqi groups and to recruit Kurdish Toronto. He can read, write and speak English, Arabic, groups for its hegemonic and expansionist policies in the Mid- Turkish, and Kurdish fluently, dle East. Iran has also a major security concern regarding the can read French, Farsi and region which results in a higher tendency to penetrate the KRG Ottoman Turkish. He is affairs politically, economically, and militarily. The goal of such currently a research fellow at policies is to prevent the KRG region from being used by its ma- the Middle East Institute of jor adversaries, namely Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Israel, and the US Sakarya University. and to gain a secure foothold in the KRG region that has a 400- mile border with Iran. -
Can Kurds Coexist with Arabs in Iraq? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Can Kurds Coexist with Arabs in Iraq? Nov 7, 2017 Also available in Arabic Brief Analysis N ovember 7, 2017 Watching a televised debate last week on the current tension between Kurdistan and Iraq, Haitham al-Jibouri, an Iraqi parliamentarian from the dominant Da’awa Party, made this proclamation: “The Barzanis violated the rights of the Kurdish people by misusing power and wealth. We will correct all these misfortunes by smashing the heads of Masoud Barzani and Nechirvan Barzani!” Sadly, such violent abuse directed against the former president and the current prime minister of Kurdistan suggests that for too many Shia politicians in Baghdad, the dispute is not really about the constitution or the referendum, but about their desire for ethnic and sectarian domination and oppression of others. Indeed, over the past few days, some are already talking of amending the very constitution they just pretended to champion, simply in order to further abridge the Kurdish rights guaranteed therein. Other ironies are even more grotesque. For Baghdad to complain about corruption in Erbil, Kurdistan’s capital, is absurdly hypocritical. And for Da’awa politicians to forget that they found refuge in Kurdistan during Saddam’s reign of terror is shameful. Kurds have always suffered from Arab, Turkish, or Persian chauvinism; but in Iraq today, that problem is compounded by Shia sectarian extremism, backed by Iranian expansionism and greed. Yet whatever the rights and wrongs of our current plight, events since the September 25 independence referendum demonstrate that Kurds are in a much weaker position than we believed. -
Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: the Case of Iraq
Journal of Political Marketing ISSN: 1537-7857 (Print) 1537-7865 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wplm20 Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq Adam Harmes To cite this article: Adam Harmes (2016): Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq, Journal of Political Marketing, DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834 Accepted author version posted online: 03 Jun 2016. Published online: 03 Jun 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 13 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wplm20 Download by: [University of Western Ontario] Date: 24 June 2016, At: 07:21 Political Marketing in Post-conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq Adam Harmes Address correspondence to Adam Harmes, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Western Ontario, 4155 Social Sciences Building, London, ON N6A 5C2, Canada. 416-346-4770. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article examines political marketing in post-conflict elections through an illustrative case study of post-Saddam Iraq. It does so through articles and media reports as well as interviews and participant-observation research conducted in Iraq during the 2014 national and provincial elections. The article argues that, despite having a number of the comparative and ethnic conflict country characteristics that work against a market oriented approach, Iraqi political parties have become increasingly professionalized and, to a lesser extent, willing to change their product in response to market research. -
Urgent Action
UA: 229/13 Index: MDE 14/015/2013 Iraq Date 20 August 2013 URGENT ACTION KURDISH DETAINEE ON HUNGER STRIKE IN IRAQ A 36-year-old man currently on hunger strike has been detained without charge or trial for 20 months in Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. He was held in solitary confinement for the first three months and repeatedly beaten. The authorities accuse him of leaking information about election rigging to a newspaper. Niaz ‘Aziz Saleh, who is married with two daughters, has been on hunger strike for the last two months, protesting against his detention. His family has appointed two lawyers to defend him but they are unable to do anything while he has not been formally charged. Further, the lawyers were prevented by the Asayish (main security forces in the region) from visiting Niaz ‘Aziz Saleh in detention. Niaz ‘Aziz Saleh was working as a registry official in the headquarters of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Salahuddin near Erbil. On 5 January 2012 security officials belonging to the Parastin, the intelligence service of the KDP arrested him from his office. His family did not know anything about his fate or whereabouts until they eventually received a phone call from a security official in the Asayish Gishti (the main security forces) in Erbil telling them that he was held there and they could visit. The family learned that Niaz ‘Aziz Saleh had been beaten repeatedly during interrogation while held in solitary confinement for about three months. In 2011 Levin magazine, a weekly newspaper issued in Sulaymania, published articles detailing how the 2009 parliamentary elections in the Kurdistan region of Iraq had been rigged by the KDP. -
Iraq's Evolving Insurgency
CSIS _______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775 -3270 Access: Web: CSIS.ORG Contact the Author: [email protected] Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies With the Assistance of Patrick Baetjer Working Draft: Updated as of August 5, 2005 Please not e that this is part of a rough working draft of a CSIS book that will be published by Praeger in the fall of 2005. It is being circulated to solicit comments and additional data, and will be steadily revised and updated over time. Copyright CSIS, all rights reserved. All further dissemination and reproduction must be done with the written permission of the CSIS Cordesman: Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency 8/5/05 Page ii I. INTR ODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 1 SADDAM HUSSEIN ’S “P OWDER KEG ” ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 1 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 2 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 6 II. THE GROWTH AND C HARACTER OF THE INSURGENT THREA T ................................ ........ 9 DENIAL AS A METHOD OF COUNTER -INSURGENCY WARFARE ............................... -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad.