Transitions to Modernity in Taiwan: the Spirit of 1895 and the Cession

Transitions to Modernity in Taiwan

On 19 April 1895, British Consul Lionel Charles Hopkins, at the northern port of Tamsui, was summoned by Tang Jingsong, the governor of Taiwan, to his yamen in the western district of Taipei. Shortly after his arrival, Hopkins was handed a petition. Signed by a number of Taiwanese ‘notables’, the document appealed to the British government to incorporate the island into a protectorate in the wake of an impending Japanese invasion. The British declined. This book addresses the interconnectivity of these two communities, by focusing on the market town of Dadaocheng in northern Taiwan. It seeks to con- textualise and examine the establishment of a ‘settler society’ as well as the creation of a sojourning British community, showing how they became a precursor of modernity and ‘middle classism’ there. By uncovering who the signatories of the petition were and what their motivation was to call upon the British consulate to bring the island under its protection, it brings into focus a remarkable period of transition not only for the history of Taiwan but also for the modern history of China. Using 1895 as a year of enquiry, it ultimately challenges the current orthodoxy that modernity in Taiwan was simply a by-product of the Jap- anese colonial period. As a social and transnational history of the events that took place in Taiwan during 1895, this book will be useful for students of East Asian Studies, Modern Chinese Studies, and Asian History.

Niki J.P. Alsford is Reader in Asia Pacific Studies at the University of Central Lancashire and is Research Associate at the Centre of Taiwan Studies at SOAS. Routledge Research on Taiwan Series Editor: Dafydd Fell SOAS, UK

The Routledge Research on Taiwan Series seeks to publish quality research on all aspects of Taiwan studies. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, the books will cover topics such as politics, economic development, culture, society, anthropology and history. This new book series will include the best possible scholarship from the social sciences and the humanities and welcomes submissions from established authors in the field as well as from younger authors. In addition to research monographs and edited volumes general works or textbooks with a broader appeal will be considered. The Series is advised by an international Editorial Board and edited by Dafydd Fell of the Centre of Taiwan Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies.

15 Place, Identity, and National 19 Taiwan’s Social Movements Imagination in Post-war under Ma Ying-jeou Taiwan From the Wild Strawberries to the Bi-yu Chang Sunflowers Edited by Dafydd Fell 16 Environmental Governance in 20 Culture Politics and Linguistic Taiwan Recognition in Taiwan A New Generation of Activists Ethnicity, National Identity, and and Stakeholders the Party System Simona A. Grano Jean-François Dupré

17 Taiwan and the ‘China Impact’ 21 Transitions to Modernity in Challenges and Opportunities Taiwan Edited by Gunter Schubert The Spirit of 1895 and the Cession of Formosa to Japan Niki J.P. Alsford 18 Convergence or Conflict in the Taiwan Strait 22 Changing Taiwanese Identities The Illusion of Peace? Edited by J. Bruce Jacobs and J. Michael Cole Peter Kang Transitions to Modernity in Taiwan The Spirit of 1895 and the Cession of Formosa to Japan

Niki J.P. Alsford First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Niki J.P. Alsford The right of Niki J.P. Alsford to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN: 978-1-138-24207-4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-27921-3 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear For my mother, Pamela Iris Alsford Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylora ndfra neis.com Contents

List of illustrations viii Acknowledgements ix Note on transliteration x List of abbreviations xi

Introduction 1

1 The petition: the history behind a document 39

2 ‘The poor in China just grab a bag and run over’: Han pioneer settlement in Formosa from the seventeenth century 77

3 The British treaty-port community 98

4 ‘And there the twain shall meet’: the formation of an urban gentry in a market town in northern Taiwan 125

5 The spirit of 1895: occupation, capitulation, and resistance 155

Conclusion 190

Bibliography 198 Index 223 Illustrations

Figures 4.1 Foreign firms and consulates 140 4.2 Borrowed capital in nineteenth-century Taiwan 144 5.1 The Taiwan War of 1895: dates of military action 160

Tables 2.1 Land registered for taxation in Taiwan by county 86 4.1 The changing trade patterns of Taiwan 125 5.1 The structure of the Republic of Formosa 176 Acknowledgements

I am grateful to a number of people who have supported and directed me throughout this journey. Chief among them are Robert Ash (SOAS) and Murray Rubinstein (Columbia), Lars Laamann (SOAS), and Andrea Janku (SOAS); also Dafydd Fell and Chang Bi-yu at the Centre of Taiwan Studies at SOAS. I want also to express my deepest appreciation to Jacques Rouyer Guillet, Dean Karale- kas, Sarah Lee, and Michael Talbot who have gone out of their way to assist me in this project. At different stages in the preparation of this book, a number of individuals have been helpful with recommendations, suggestions, advice on sources, and other forms of encouragement. Chief among them is Ann Heylen at National Taiwan Normal University (NTNU). This book is a product of my PhD research and, as such, a special vote of thanks is due to the Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines, the Council of Indigenous Peoples, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (through the Taiwan Fellowship) for their generous financial support during these years. This book is an outcome of the research project Power and Strategies of Social and Political Order, which was financed by the Oriental Institute (OI), Czech Academy of Sciences and I am deeply indebted to Ondřej Beránek, the Director of the OI for giving me this opportunity. I am grateful for the comments provided by the three anonymous reviewers and all the hard work by the team at Routledge. Last, but by no means least, my warmest thanks must go to my wife and daughter, Jo Hsuan Wang and Sanoe Alsford, for their patience and guidance. To anyone whose name I have failed to mention, please accept my deepest apologies, but please believe me when I say that I am truly grateful for all the assistance I have received from every quarter. Note on transliteration

In this book I have tried to standardise Chinese words and provide a clear codifi- cation of Taiwanese place names. Wherever possible, I have included the current-standard alternative that is officially used in Taiwan. Since the Hanyu Pinyin (hereafter HP) system has become the international norm for Chinese Romanisation, I have used this as the standard in all other circumstances. In the case of individuals who place their family name first, I have retained the convention unless the text indicates otherwise. In addition, if an author of a current publication has used a different form of Romanisation from that of HP, or has added a hyphen in their first name, I have made no attempt to adjust the original. For consistency, all other Romanisation of Chinese words uses HP, although where people and/or places adopt a different system, I have referenced this in the first instance. The term Formosa will be used interchangeably with Taiwan, depending on the context in which either is used. When the place name ‘Taiwan’ refers to the prefectural capital, present-day Tainan, I have added a hyphen to indicate this, i.e. ‘Tai-wan fu’. The only additional systems used in this book are Romanised Taiwanese Hokkien (Tâi-gí, Taiyu, 臺語) and Japanese. For Japanese terms, the standard system of Revised Hepburn will be used. For Taiwanese Hokkien, the current accepted system in Taiwan is adopted: for example Twatutia, Tōa-tiū-tiâ, Dadaocheng, 大稻埕. Any in-text parentheses are as in the original documents. In order to designate editorial emendations, square brackets are used. Abbreviations

CR Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal DA James Laidlaw Maxwell Archive, Birmingham EJLA Elder John Lai Archives FO Foreign Office GPM Grand Palace Museum IN Imprimerie Nationale ITH Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica LI Illustrated London News MCAR Maritime Customs Annual Report NCH North China Herald NGB Nihon Gaikō Bunsho (Japanese Diplomatic Documents) NTM National Taiwan Museum NYH New York Herald PCE/FMC Presbyterian Church of England/Foreign Missions Committee TBRE Taiwan Bank Research Room of Economy TH Taiwan Historica TPC Taiwan Power Company TPER Taiwan Political and Economic Reports 1861–1960 VOC Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (Dutch East India Company) Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylora ndfra neis.com Introduction

‘Today, we cannot comprehend the terror that gripped the 1895 audience facing the Lumière brothers’ arriving train.’1 This sentence, from an exhibition bro- chure written in the 1990s, was a reference to a fifty-second sequence of an everyday experience of a train pulling into a station (L’Arrivée d’un train en gare de la Ciotat) that was greeted with both fear and panic by the consternated audience. Yet, even for those ‘fearful’ theatregoers as well as much of the globe, 1895 was, for the most part, not unlike any other year. Across the English Channel, apart from recording the lowest-ever British temperature (–27.2°C in Aberdeen), the most exciting thing seemingly to happen in the month of Febru- ary was arguably the opening of Oscar Wilde’s The Importance of Being Ernest at St James’s Theatre in London. Elsewhere in Europe, the uttermost rousing news was that cyclists were now required to pass a test and display license plates in Munich, Germany. Nine hundred kilometres north, still in Germany, the Kiel Canal connecting the North Sea to the Baltic across the Jutland peninsula was officially opened. Yet in China, this spirit was of a different story. The year 1895 (Guangxu 光緒, 20, Meiji, 28) was to become a defining year; a moment when China’s 1,000-odd-years as a regional hegemon was again to be tested, this time by its unsettled, antagonistically modernising neighbour.2 Kang Youwei (康有為), a standard-bearer for late-Qing reform, wrote to the emperor warning him ‘that the vision of a hierarchal unipolar world order the Chinese had embraced until that time must now inevitably give way to a recognition of equal status among nations’.3 What is more, that

the ‘barbarians from a small island nation’ had successfully challenged the supremacy of the Qing Empire meant that China itself could not avoid being drawn into the new world order born out of the modern West, whose gov- erning principle was competitive power politics among nominally equal states.4

The Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), which had been waged since the previous summer, began to do more than simply strip China of its centrality as it took on a different flavour with the Japanese capture of Liaoyang and their subsequent landing in Taiwan. 2 Introduction Primarily a war over the Korean Peninsula (not unlike those that had been waged between the two since the seventh century), it would perhaps have its greatest impact on Taiwan, a frontier-territory on the easternmost periphery of the Qing Empire, as it became a pawn at the negotiating tables at Shunpanrō hall in Japan from 20 March to 17 April 1895. Robert Eskildsen raises an important question: ‘If China and Japan fought a war in Korea, then why did Japan colo- nise Taiwan as a result?’5 Perhaps one could add: were the subsequent events that unfolded in Taiwan momentary and isolated? Was the colonisation of Taiwan by Japan really connected to the macro-historical narrative of the Sino- Japanese War? The events for sure were inspired by the war, but so were the patriotic movements among the Chinese intelligentsia during the ill-fated Hundred Days’ Reform (wuxu bianfa, 戊戌變法) three years later. What is more, as argued by Eskildsen, how does the micro-level analysis assist in illus- trating macro-level questions that, for the most part, have remained historically fragmented? This historical study on the cession of Formosa to Japan in 1895 will be contextualised with an emphasis on a micro-historical survey of grassroots-level resistance in northern Taiwan in order to understand how local Taiwanese understood and practised resistance and collaboration in that year of great change. During this period of change, the sense of national loyalty and belonging to a ‘Chinese’ imperial order became less like abstract political concepts and instead became forcibly integrated into the political, social, and civil enthusiasm as markers of a civic identity that was demonstrative of a changing society. This was particularly exemplified in the founding of the Taiwan Republic (Taiwan minzhuguo, 臺灣民主國), in which those involved in mobilising it began to arbitrarily attach civic labels to a continued Chinese imperial order. In other words, they became the cultural hallmarks of what Benedict Anderson called the ‘near-pathological character of nationalism’, one with a rooted ‘fear and hatred’ of a changing other.6 Yet still, the impression that they entertained notions of a revolution without a call for sedition warrants much further attention than it is currently given. As such, this book focuses on the discourses of social mobility and how this ‘micro-analysis’ of the spirit of 1895 in Taiwan was representative of a modern period. By doing so, it will challenge the orthodoxy that modernity in Taiwan was merely a product of the Japanese, to instead argue that the social, political, and economic forces in parts of Taiwan (predominantly urban and maritime) at that time were both vibrant and largely cosmopolitan. Not only does this address what tends to be missing from recent scholarship, it also raises questions for the whole process of Japanese coloniality. The immediate colonisation of Taiwan, worded here as the Taiwan War of 1895, was not peaceful in a homogenous sense, nor was it necessarily a continuation of the Sino-Japanese War; an argument that was first proposed by Chen Hanguang (陳漢光) in 1960, followed by Harry Lamley in 1970; but has been little developed on since.7 This, of course, is not to say that the turbulence and viol- ence that persisted throughout 1895 was necessarily a by-product of the arriving Introduction 3 Japanese military. On the contrary, the fractious management of the Qing army on Taiwan (especially among the Yue, 粵, soldiers) contributed to more loss of life than actions by the Japanese army in what is now Taipei and its satellite districts.8 Having established this disconnect, this book intends to focus more on the happenings in and around the principal treaty port of Tamsui and the market- cum-port town of Dadaocheng, and as such does not therefore claim to be representative of the happenings throughout the whole of the island. That said, in the final chapter, the book does give adequate agency to all three principal resistance leaders: Tang Ching-sung (Tang Jingsong, 唐景崧), in the north, Chiu Feng-chia (Qiu Fengjia, 丘逢甲), central, and Liu Yong-fu (Liu Yongfu, 劉永福), south. Instead, what it does is forge a methodology that could be repeated later using a different location, such as Keelung (the first major city to be taken on 3 June 1895), Tainan (the last stronghold, taken on 21 October 1895), or perhaps contribute to an earlier period in the critical work that has already been done on Kaohsiung by Jeremy Taylor.9 Through the use of ‘the spirit of 1895’, one is able to trace this interconnected relationship between the urban notables in Dadaocheng and the predominant British treaty-port community in Tamsui. This mutualistic relationship was ultimately precipitated with the signing of a petition by the ‘leading families’ to the British authorities for an immediate takeover of the island prior to the impending Japanese invasion. Although the petition was rejected by the British authorities, a generally overlooked factor in this is the reasons for that initial request. Who were these families? What was their relationship to this British community? And how was this British community structured? Given the complexity of analysing the roles and experiences of such a community, identifying the way in which this community in Taiwan ‘connected with’ the island is a useful tool towards understanding how society and culture in Taiwan began to change in the latter part of the nineteenth century. That of course is not to say that it was necessarily the British that instigated its change but rather that the local population adapted to the semi-colonial capitalist structures that were ushered in following the opening of ports on the island from 1860. The treaty-port community, both within Taiwan and without, transcended the bounds of a British society and the locality of each of these ports was representative of a shared inner-social environment. From this a complex system emerged, with a distinctive set of institutions. These included the Protestant mission, the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs (ICMC), and the British consulate and its military garrison. Situated within, and between, these structures were the agents with their own motivations for being there, whether these were within trading firms and their support staff, mission stations, or simply there for leisureor scholarly purposes. For the British community in Taiwan, the motivation was first and foremost trade, followed closely by the complexity of missionary work. The two were often indistinguishable and the latter was frequently located in areas in which this ‘international trade’ had become localised; even in areas outside of the immediate perimeters of the treaty port, such as Changhua (in central Taiwan) 4 Introduction and Xindian (in the north) both of which were already interconnected through the growth of international trade that radiated out from the treaty-port towns.10 Thus, this system of interaction that began to exist between communities and environments could not subsist independently of human agency and it was subsequently these human protagonists that fundamentally began to shape, or rather domesticate, the landscape of nineteenth-century Taiwan.11 Although the British decision to decline incorporating the island into its realm of influence warrants further attention, it is in fact the analysis of the entwined relationship of this community in Dadaocheng (and by extension Tamsui and Mengjia) that will help to shed further light on this remarkable episode and offer additional insights into the various factors that would have likely contributed to the British resolution.12 Investigation of this overlooked aspect of the colonisation of Taiwan is vital to any understanding of Taiwan’s colonial history and its broader impact on the relationship between Japan, Britain, and China, throughout the period.

An embossed feature of historiography has been an adaptation of the terms ‘social’ and ‘cultural’ to mean more than just the behaviour and attitudes of a dominant top-person narrative. Yet questions appertaining to the ‘overlooked characters’ in this narrative have remained largely unanswered – potentially hiding enormous significance. This struggle has been seen in a shift from the conspicuously obvious, ‘the attributes of the […] central governments, and (inter)national politics’,13 to a position where it is understood that much of the political, economic, and social forces were generated by the interwoven collaboration of grassroots groups of common men and women. Yet historical accounts of these people during this year of great change remain glossed over by the more conventional forms of history that have marginalised their voice. Hitherto, ‘if one looks through rather than beyond the interfering gloss’,14 as argued by Clif- ford Geertz, one is subjected to an overwhelming kaleidoscope of evidence – facts, for example, such as the events of 7 June 1895, that followed more than two days of rioting in Dadaocheng:

Now that affairs were every hour growing more serious, the Chinese merchants [urban gentry] prepared a petition to the Japanese, requesting them to come on to Taipeh [sic] with all haste, that the dangerous class of Chinese might be driven away and the indiscriminate burning and looting of property might cease.15

Thus, in order to put an end to the chaos that had erupted in Taipei and its surrounding districts following the fall of Keelung and the collapse of the short- lived Republic in the north, local shopkeeper Koo Hsienjung (Gu Xianrong, 辜顯榮), accompanied by G.M.T. Thomson, a British merchant working for Boyd & Co., R.N. Ohly, a German trader from Reuter Brockelmann Co., and Emanuel Hansen, a Danish engineer and superintendent of the cable line that extended from Tamsui to Sharpe’s Peak at the mouth of the Min River, negotiated with Introduction 5 the Japanese army to open the gates of Taipei City and lead the Japanese forces in.16 This event was repeated by Duncan Ferguson and Thomas Barclay (of the Presbyterian mission) in Tainan.17 Single acts such as these can, in effect, alter the course of history and as such need to be thoroughly addressed and not simply footnoted into a grander history. The prospect of ‘rescuing the past experiences of the bulk of the population from … total neglect’,18 arguably, according to Jim Sharpe, fulfils two crucial functions: first, it serves as ‘a corrective to top person’s history’, and second:

by offering this alternative approach, history from below opens the possibility of a richer synthesis of historical understanding, a fusion, so to speak, of the history of the everyday experience of the people with the subject matter of more traditional types of history.19

Conjointly a balance must be made with the importance of what Eric Hobsbawm refers to as ‘grassroots history’, as well as the more traditional structures of historiography; the construction of which is often understood through specific structures that govern and guide any given society, whether these are political, economic, or social – such as family, education, or kinship. Although, on the surface, these structures may appear autonomous, and this is where balance is needed, it is important to note that they are created, formed, governed, interconnected, and influenced by human agency. The relations, therefore, between structure (the social systems) and agency need to be referenced in terms of contextual meaning – meaning that attempts to ‘map’, for want of a better word, how people arrived at an interpretation of their reality and whether this was fixed and/or imagined. More importantly, when the focus is on the issue of colonialism, emphasis should be placed on the contingency of what Ann Stoler and Fredrick Cooper call the ‘metropolitan-colonial connections’.20 Embedded within this is the framework that both the metropole and colony are interconnected (but not necessarily as equals) rather than the ‘old-theme’ of history that positions the colonies as being dependent on their hosts (the colo- nised and coloniser). It is true that the nineteenth century’s ‘new imperialism’ was built on previous old empire structures, and their subsequent ‘newness’, as argued by Stoler and Cooper, was ‘part of the making of [the] bourgeois [i.e.], with [their] contradictions and pretensions as much as [their] technological, organisational, and ideological accomplishments’; something Christopher Bayly repeats when exploring the links between economy and culture in the proto- transition from archaic to modern globalisation.21 In Taiwan, during the nineteenth century, this was played out through the interwoven web of treaty rights and the dualistic ‘planting’ and ‘nurturing’ of industry by the British commercial community and the evangelised society of the Presbyterian mission. This in turn facilitated an indigenisation and a detailed structuration of a cosmopolitan Taiwanese community that was, by the time of Japanese colonisation, successfully managing and operating international social systems.22 Furthermore, the processes of indigenisation nurtured local people 6 Introduction towards an identity of Taiwanese selfhood and a future aspiration of the people for a self-recognised nationhood.23 These are both evident in a telegram sent by the local Taiwanese gentry in Taipei to the zongli yamen (總理衙門) in May 1895:

We have repeatedly begged Governor Tang to represent to the [Chinese] throne the views of Formosa on this subject, and our feelings on finding that the matter is beyond recall are as intense and poignant as those of a little child that has lost its father and mother. We would humbly point out that since His Majesty has abandoned Formosa, its people have noone [sic] to look to for aid. They can only defend and hold to the death as an Island State [own italics].24

As well as in correspondence between Tang Jingsong and Li Hongzhang in May 1895:

As the Taiwanese [Taimin, 臺民] are now in a state of despair they [own italics] proposed the establishment of the Taiwan Republic. They gathered outside my office on 2 May and brought me the stamp. On it was engraved ‘stamp of the President of the Taiwan Republic [Taiwan minzhuguo zongtong zhi yin, 臺灣民主國總統之印]’. The national flag has a yellow tiger on a blue background.25

What is particularly important here is the use of the term Taimin (臺民) to refer to the people. Although the significance of this was probably not felt at the time, it did usher in a period where the Han settlers of Taiwan began to be referenced more as a homogenous group as opposed to the strictly localised identities that had marked their presence on the frontier from the seventeenth century. What is more is that the use of the term zongtong (總統), or president, carries a radical undertone. As Thomas Paine argued in the pamphlet, Common Sense, the idea of a new kind of political system hints not simply at the idea of independence, but of a society, a republic, where power flows from the people rather than a des- potic and corrupt imperial family.26 Having established an obvious interplay between metropole and extraterritorial land (in terms of general European expansion in East Asia), one can then begin to link distance, in spatial terms, between the metropole and extraterritorial space as a recognisable architect in the development of the ‘modern’ bureau- cratic supervision of labour and trade, the ocean-going vessels, and the expansion of port cities, and the structuration of proselytising missions.27 Yet modernity in the context of Taiwan was but a by-product of the arriving treaty-port system, and it is perhaps better understood as an enterprise of local adaptation of existing structures to the new realities that came to the fore following the arrival of the foreign community. The relationship between the two thus formed into a braided spatial system that was illuminated in the changing global configurations that resulted in the Introduction 7 repartitioning and reinscription of space – developments that would have profound implications for the ‘imagining’ of boundaries.28 In order to grasp the nature of this change in Taiwan during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, one needs to be, as Akhil Gupta phrases it, ‘bifocal in analytical vision’.29 Whereby, one needs to consider the processes of place making, of how the feeling of belonging to an imagined community creates a sense of association to space in ways that differences between communities and places are systemati- cally shaped. Conversely, at the same time, one also needs to situate these processes within a structured system of developments that both ‘reinscribe’ and ‘reterritorialise’ space in a global system.30

From the above it is clear that the significance in the construction of a metanarrative that goes beyond that traditional view of extraterritoriality, to instead seek a place in which the interconnected relationship (or a cross-cultural history) con- ditioned a ‘transnational’ (in its broadest sense) consortium between social groups is at the heart of what Anderson called ‘an imagined community’ and what William Skinner refers to as ‘interurban’ linkages.31 Thus by positioning the research in terms of a transnational micro-history and by recognising and reconstructing urban epistemologies (as argued by Julie- Anne Boudreau),32 it is, as argued by Sanjay Subrahmanyam, possible to reject the idea of a ‘total cultural incompatibility between East and West’.33 To be more specific, this book will look at how the local community viewed not only the importance of their own structured society and the new realities facing the island (self ), but also their relations to the British community residing in the ports or at the mission stations (other). The narrative of the dominant British presence was viewed through a collection of symbols. For example, trade and faith, and their subsequent importance, were symbolic as were the architectural structures that represented them. Both constituted a turning point (a con- dition of possibility perhaps) in the local perception towards the community and the subsequent petitions that were presented to the consulate. According to Leonard Gordon, this was the moment,

that British representatives now realised that the Chinese and Taiwanese leadership on the island, supported primarily by Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 and his associate in Canton on the mainland, were serious in their preference of British over Japanese rule.34

It was through this that the local population defined the British presence according to a perceived perspective that was developed and altered in the ongoing social interactions between the actors in an urban domesticated setting. It was thus through definition and action that, given the right knowledge and tools, people began to perceive themselves and others in relation to their environment. This, as argued by Georg Simmel, is the ‘metropolitan man’; one that can be seen as an attempt to maintain an ‘individual existence’ against a backdrop of state power.35 8 Introduction Of course, how people perceive themselves and others in a shared environment is not unique to Taiwan and like elsewhere this can be, and has been, manipulated through a biased form of communication aimed at shaping specific views of ‘self ’ and ‘other’. In one such instance, Leonard Blussé alludes to the history of the Dutch colonial governor, Pieter Nuyts (1527–1629) as being somewhat of ‘a forgotten figure in Taiwan’ but not during the Japanese colonial period. There his story (Noitsu jiken, or the Nuyts Incident) was used in textbooks as a reminder to ‘Taiwanese schoolchildren […] that Japan had very old rights to their island’, as a place where Japanese merchants had been trading before the first Dutch ships arrived.36 Although this story of an ‘entwined relationship’ was undoubtedly used as a tool of propaganda: Nuyts being portrayed as ‘a typical arrogant western bully who slighted Japanese trading rights and trod on the rights of the native inhabitants’,37 it then follows that this research can begin to shed light on the very importance of an ‘entwined history’. This is accomplished by examining the framework under- lying what people believed about the world they were constructing and that which was being constructed by forces outside of their immediate control. This is especially evident in the differences between the resistance movements throughout Taiwan in 1895. Without any substantive revolution against the Qing, resistance efforts varied according to interest. The inability, or lack of will, to rouse mass demonstration saw the northern resistance movement marshal more around a protection of their own economic interests, whereas in the south the Republic incorporated a more revolutionary ideology. This was particularly fervent in the actions of Xu Nanying (許南英), a gentry-scholar, who became part of a pro-Ming revival movement.38 It then follows that if one takes the concept of Foucauldian metapower (one that is in constant flux and negotiation) and his position on modernity (as a transactional reality), then the conditions in which the two communities interacted were accelerated in the individual desire for personal advancement, interiority, cultivation, and consumption. All of which formed out of the amalgamation of foreign space (the extraterritorial treaty-port concession) with the pre-modern local space (one defined on an agricultural calendar and annual festivals) to form an urban modern space of work (offices and factories), leisure (theatre and teahouses), and private spaces (le capital culturel). Thus embedded within this is an urban epistemology that assumes a pluralist (diverse) and relativist (subjective) view of reality.39 One in which (in terms of perception) the local population, the British community, and the arriving Japa- nese, are viewed in terms of multiple, mental constructions that were both socially and experimentally based in a nouveau urban setting. Through analysing such developments this way, this research can be framed as a process of ‘knowledge-construction’ that in turn led to a consensual understanding of the other. In return, the research analysis shall begin with the issues and concerns of the local people towards a foreign presence that unfolded through the dialectic of spatial interaction – one that began to shape the perception of the foreign (British) community.40 As a result, through such theoretical underpinnings, this Introduction 9 research can offer a micro-historical analysis of the cession of Taiwan in 1895 in a local socio-cultural urban context. And by engaging the research in these theoretical terms it is possible to utilise the discourse of early modernity and the emergence of the public space (or the sphere of inhabiting)41 as a means to demonstrate the existence of early modern structures in Taiwan prior to the Japa- nese colonial period. The guiding principle of this book is the development of interconnectivity in Dadaocheng, and as such my starting point has therefore been on Britain (within the treaty port) and local Taiwanese, for the reasons I shall now discuss. However, in turn I have limited the set of questions asked concerning the Taiwan War of 1895 and immediately upon doing so a large part of Japanese agency within the conflict has been waived. This is not because this was not important; on the contrary much can still be learned about the Taiwan War of 1895 from personal reflections of the arriving Japanese. It is because the Japanese account does not add much to the interconnectivity in Dadaocheng at this juncture – much though could be added following colonisation – and this is briefly alluded to in Chapter 4. Finally, one could discuss the Japanese angle of the conflict independently. Relevant examples of this include Kojima Kazuo’s recollection of the Battle for Penghu as one of a ‘pathetic spectacle of war’; where ‘it was almost like being out on exercises, because the shells from the enemy’s guns could not reach our fleet’ and that it ‘was a pretty pathetic affair, in which few ever die from an enemy bullet, but many of disease’.42 As well as the liberalised (ignoring differences in rank, status, and religion,both Shintō and Buddhist) remembrance service held on 25 April 1895 (an event overseen by Admiral Kabayama Sukenori, the first governor-general) beside the Shinobazu Pond in Ueno Park to memorialise the Japanese deaths (from both conflict and disease) caused during the Taiwan War of 1895; known in Japan as the ‘Taiwan Campaign’.43

Becoming modern in Taiwan Liu Ming-ch’uan [Liu Mingchuan, 劉銘傳] appreciated Lin Ch’ao-tung’s [Lin Chaodong, 林朝棟] steady efforts on behalf of the public good and his disregard of private gains. So he spoke to him one day, saying ‘Yin-t’ang [yintang, 蔭堂], you are concerned for your country but you ignore your family. What will you bequeath to your sons and grandsons?’44

Despite the concern for the Lin family expressed above by Liu Mingchuan, he could not have misconstrued the relationship between public service and private wealth that often saw the former become the latter.45 The ascent of the Lin family in Wufeng (central Taiwan) from local strongmen to gentry, traces an important pattern in social mobility,46 not least because it shifts from periods of heightened factionalism (akin to a ‘Wild West’) in the frontier settlements of the Qing period, to a more disorientated version of modernity with the semi-colonial conditions of ‘opened ports’ as part of the wider treaty-port system that followed the opium wars (1839–1842, 1856–1860). The Japanese colonisation of 1895 10 Introduction that ended the treaty-port system in Taiwan, but not the trade interconnectivity, cemented the gentry into positions of local elite power. Another notable example of this is found in the historical narrative of the Li family. Born in 1838 in Xiamen, Li Chunsheng (李春生), the son of a boatman, had by the time of his twentieth birthday joined the firm Boyd & Co. Li subsequently moved to Taiwan in 1864, as comprador (or middleman) to British merchant John Dodd, who at the time was working as agent for Dent & Co. After successfully opening his own business in northern Taiwan, Li maintained a close relationship with the foreign community; giving rise to the saying: ‘huan-sè Lí-á-tshun (fanshi Lizaichun, 番勢李仔春) [For help with dealing with foreigners, Li Chunsheng is your man!].’47 With Lin Weiyuan (林維源), from another leading family in northern Taiwan, Li assisted in the construction of Qianjiu (千秋) and Jianchang (建昌) streets in Dadaocheng. The architecture of these streets was modelled on the two-floor Victorian-styled shophouse and the multi- floored residential townhouses. This confluence thus provided a space in which cohesion formed of families, situated across cultural boundaries, being brought together through shared interests (namely trade) and from similar social back- grounds (the nouveau riche). As such, what is seen in terms of interaction is both convergent as well as divergent. By this I mean that in incidences such as trade one can view a convergent trend whereby both communities come together. This may well be done through marketplace trading (the purchasing of foodstuffs) or could be special- ised trade (providing the lead-lined boxes essential for tea trading). One may even see a convergent interaction when one in the community passes away. Edward Band writes on the theological students acting as pall-bearers as well the ‘great crowds [that] collected and [the] cinematographers [who] ticked off their reels on all sides’ as the procession wound through the streets during the funeral of Thomas Barclay in Tainan on 8 October 1934.48 Following the death of George Lesley MacKay in June 1901 in Tamsui, about 300 non-Christians had gathered to bid their farewell to the doctor as his coffin made its way to the private cemetery.49 At the same time one can also view a divergence. One such case can be present in certain leisure activities adapted by members of the communities. The urban notables in northern Taiwan, for example, frequently employed operatic troupes from the Chinese mainland.50 This was not necessarily a pastime adopted by the foreign community (though there were cases of them attending) and the same perhaps can be said for the foreign club in Dadaocheng which there is no evidence to suggest was ever attended by a member of the local gentry (nor were they probably allowed to). Other pastimes adopted by the foreign community that were not entertained by the local community included hunting, tennis, and cricket. In certain cases, the leisure activities that were enjoyed converged. These included the collection of books and art objects and, with the urban environment becoming safer, pleasanter, more convenient, and better lit (following the instal- lation of electric lighting in 1888), taking leisurely strolls began to be taken up more by the local community.51 An early photograph of Li Chunsheng resting on Introduction 11 a chair draped with a leopard pelt suggests that he shared with John Dodd the hobby of collecting animal specimens.52

There is little doubt that with the improvements in building standards (with a greater emphasis put on cleanliness) and the widening and paving of the streets, the better-off inhabitants of Dadaocheng began to enjoy rising living standards. With such a burgeoning picture within Taiwan port towns and cities, trade in nineteenth-century Taiwan was thus coherently shaped by the intercontinental influences of the treaty-port system and the mutualistic relationship between local and foreign residents.53 Divergence (in terms of trade) was perhaps notice- able in the hierarchical display of trading patterns; although there is nothing particularly unique in this. In Michel Tuchsherer’s chapter on trade and port cities in the Red Sea, he argues that for the most part long-distance trade was dominated by foreign merchant networks.54 In this study, similar trends are observed and one can easily identify similar occurrences in a large number of port towns globally during the same period – such as Izmir, Penang, Yokohama, and Shang- hai. Yet if one pauses to ask what the separation is between the two abstractions of trade (in terms of geographical specificity), one must seek to avoid a simplis- tic reduction (whether culturally or economically) by reintegrating the two as a symbiotic profit-driven urban community. Situated within the complexity of this system, as alluded to by Jeremy Taylor, was the push for a more open laissez-faire system. This meant that the institutions central to the system were fashioned distinctively from other colonial structures.55 Added to this was the acceptance by most of the foreign community that they were there as sojourners with no real sense of permanence.56 As such, this system (largely one of commercial origin) offered a chance for people to move away from their Euro-American homelands.57 It was the durability of the country in which these sojourners arrived that became the object of an endless quest to ‘explain, explore, convert, tour, trade with, and Westernise’ materialised.58 Although these nexuses have tended to be presented from a perspective of power projection, the dynamics of the relationship between the social groups and communities constitutes an essential element in understanding how diasporas and merchant communities manipulated both the local and the global.59 Frances Wood alludes to the function of the treaty port not only as a centre of business but one that ‘came to represent worldly pleasure and luxury, and to attract tour- ists’.60 What was more, they became almost a magnet for many of the rich and powerful Chinese. This is evident in Tracing it Home when Lynn Pan discusses how Shanghai ‘was a boom town [and] a property developer’s dream’.61 The 1904 Shanghai: A handbook presses this further by identifying the ‘far finer and more tasteful’ guild houses of China’s rich.62 In spite of this, not all thought of modernity as being on par with ‘worldly pleasures’. Writers of the New Cultural Movement (xinwenhua yundong, 新文化運動) that followed the May Fourth Movement (wusi yundong, 五四運動) in 1919 wrote of the decadence that the wealth and prosperity of modernity brought to modern China. Mao Dun (矛盾), in his novel Midnight, arguably uses the old, 12 Introduction crippled man (Mr Wu) as representative of China: a revolutionary who became crippled but then sought comfort in the traditional: ‘[T]he old man was now sandwiched between his two daughters. The engine [of the car] started up but as the car moved forward the old man suddenly cried in a shrill voice: “The Supreme Book of Rewards and Punishment”.’63 For Mao Dun, Shanghai in the 1930s was one of many contradictions (note that this is also a direct translation of his pen name); it was a place of excitement to the younger generations but also one characterised by the death of tradition. Ling Changyan makes reference to the development of civilisation as being married to the decline in morality and religion ‘the wild passions of mankind, like wild animals breaking loose from the cage, are running rampant with redou- bled force’.64 In Japan too one can see this antagonism. In Tanizaki’s In Praise of Shadows he writes of the cultural tensions between a modern West and a traditional East. Of modern conveniences, Tanizaki chooses to discuss the toilet which, although he sees the Western ‘loo’ as having practicable benefits of modern comfort, he equates to nothing short of ugliness; whereas for him the Japanese toilet ‘is perfection’.65 This too was something that was comparatively evident in eighteenth-century Istanbul where ‘merchants and traders, foreign and native, were alert to changes in fashion, favour, and resources in their search for consumer[ism]’.66 Thus, what becomes clear is that the formation of the urban notables in northern Taiwan began to fit transnational patterns of industrial middle classism instead of the more traditional structures of Chinese elite configurations. In particular the primary concern for the middle classes wastheir ability to ‘secure’ what they had already gained while, at the same time, enhance their opportunity to climb further.67 As a result, class identification in Taiwan, to borrow from Robert M. Marsh, was ‘rooted in the objective stratification system: the higher one’s education, occupational status, power, and income, the more likely one is to identify with the middle or upper classes’;68 thereby making gentry formation in nineteenth-century Taiwan an idea and act of modernity.69 One can also witness this notion of global and local connectivity into a modern period among port cities around the Indian Ocean. In Kenneth McPher- son’s chapter on port cities as nodal points of change, he argues that ‘port cities were where the people of the region met and interacted with one another’.70 What is more, and perhaps the most important, was that these:

[I]nteractions were not simply a matter of European modernity confronting Eastern tradition, or of high culture confronting mass culture in the public sphere; they produced new sets of relationships in a new type of urban environment among the peoples of the region, between the coast and the hinterland, and between Europeans and indigenous peoples.71

In lieu of this, as argued by Rhoads Murphy, the increasing interaction and commercialisation of space under an impetus of investment (both in productivity and transport), coupled with the widening of the general market, inaugurated a boom in the growth of these ‘new’ port cities.72 Introduction 13 Taking advantage of new opportunities provided by the interactive port environment, a great deal of wealth was accumulated. For Yen-P’ing Hao, it was the comprador-merchant (a Chinese middleman in a foreign firm) who, utilising their relationship with foreign firm owners, emerged as ‘a nouveau riche in modern China’.73 This concept is of course comparable. In Robin Ostle’s chapter on Alexandria, he (through an introduction of three artists as being markers of cosmopolitanism) examines Alexandria’s grande bourgeoisie as one that ‘tended to blur the all-important distinctions of identity’ and in return raise questions ‘in the colonial mind as to whether they were “semi-European” or “semi- Egyptian” ’.74 In this study we see similar occurrences of these transnational notions of identity in both the son and grandson of Lin Weiyuan, Lin Erjia (林爾嘉, also known as Lin Shuzhuang, 林菽莊), and Lin Kegong (林克恭). Lin Erjia, after being elected as legislator of the Republic of China (following his father’s evacuation from Taiwan in 1895 and their subsequent resettlement in Gulangyu Island, 鼓浪嶼) founded Hong Kong University and a poetry club shuzhuang yinshe (菽莊吟社) (which a number of Taiwanese joined).75 Ann Heylen argues that membership of such clubs not only enhanced one’s position in society, it functioned as social space for networking and interaction with other elite-minded people. This demonstration of status, according to Heylen, was also extended to the construction of garden estates and in artistic talent, such as cal- ligraphy and painting.76 Lin Kegong (son of Lin Erjia) was one such art enthusiast. In 1921 he studied law at Cambridge before turning to fine art at University College London (UCL). In 1928 he joined his father in Geneva, staying there until 1936, after which he returned to Xiamen. The following year he took his family out of China (a result of the fall of Peking to Japan in 1937) to Hong Kong, and then on to Australia. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, he moved to Taiwan before moving to New York in 1973, having spent twenty-eight years teaching art.77 Having rooted the notion of transnationalilty among the urban elite in Taiwan in the nineteenth century one must situate conceptually an understanding of modernity for the same group of people. If based exclusively on a Western concept of modernity, this book would have undoubtedly produced a shallow history that (1) did not observe the institutions or structures that emerged from the Han colonial settlement on Taiwan from the seventeenth century and (2) would have glossed over important nuances in the social mobility of pioneering families; both of which identify vibrancy and exploitation.78 Changing settlement patterns as well as distinctive patterns in forms of colonialism is an important issue that has to be considered. Of equal importance are the various discourses that situate modernity in a particular colonial period in Taiwan. The Taiwanese, thus, had forged their own sense of modernity, but, as argued by John Darwin, ‘there were other modernities – indeed, many modernities’.79 The heuristic-analysis of modernity in Taiwan, and in particular within Anglophone historiography, has arguably been pigeonholed. The first of which – often seen as being the orthodox – is represented in the notion that modernity for 14 Introduction Taiwan was a by-product of Japanese coloniality. In many ways this makes perfect sense considering that colonisation extended across the fin de siècle to 1945; a period of immense global change in terms of modernity. Yet, it is also limited. In terms of economic history, one champion of such discourse is Samuel Ho, who argued that late nineteenth-century economic and social transforma- tions in Taiwan were a direct result of colonial legacies. For him, Taiwan was for the most part relatively closed, with a self-sufficient economy and subsist- ence farming. It was traditional (in terms of being agriculturally based), fragmented and not highly commercialised.80 What is more, he suggests that global contact was limited exclusively to the treaty ports:

Colonisation brought to Taiwan a number of profound changes that were to have far-reaching economic consequences. They may be summarised as follows: The transition from a neglected Chinese province to a Japanese colony in effect turned Taiwan from an essentially closed to an open economy, and economic development was a consequence of this opening-up process.81

Bruce Cumings reiterates this point by arguing that Taiwan from the onset of colonial rule was backward. What is more, although Taiwan had ‘a minispurt of development in 1885–1891’ this followed a four-year slowdown prior to its ‘absorption by Japan’.82 Both Ho and Cumings’s view are shared by Gustav Ranis, who emphasises that, during the Japanese colonial period, Taiwan was nurtured in the process of (mainly agricultural) export production.83 In many ways, this image ‘fits’ a common narrative that often surrounds the Sino-Japanese War and subsequent Japanese successes as ‘startling proof that China, unlike Japan, had failed to modernise’.84 What is more, in many ways, this style of writing is largely a result of a continuation of a Republican-era scholarship that had fixed blame on the loss of Taiwan on the military weakness and inept governance of the Qing.85 In Taiwan this was further exacerbated in the 1950s with two developments. The first was land reform carried out under the guise of American theSino- Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction. This ‘foreign assistance’ was significant in the post-war economic development of Taiwan as it gave legitimacy and cred- itability to the Kuomintang (KMT).86 Further, Denny Roy writes that this was ‘an important socioeconomic boost to a large segment of the island’s population without the bloodshed that often accompanies large-scale land redistribution’.87 It is not surprising then that for the most part Taiwan historiography, following land reform, was largely dominated by its economic development and successes.88 The second stage occurred in the late 1950s, with the arrival of the Ful- bright Scholar Exchange researchers from the United States. Amongst these scholars were anthropologists who had come to study Taiwan as a surrogate for a China that was closed. As such, rather than looking at Taiwan, they were instead looking through the island for evidence of a ‘traditional Chinese culture’.89 Introduction 15 Yet, take note. The representation of Japan in Taiwan historiography is not uniform either. On the one hand there is the post-Manchu writing of Chinese history – one where legitimacy was being given to those who overthrew the imperial dynastic order – and would later incorporate Taiwan in the post-war period. Intrinsic to such an argument is an iconoclastic narrative that Taiwan was lost because of the rigid traditionalism of the Qing. In order to bring Taiwan into framework of Chinese history, scholars such as Ting-yee Kuo attempt to represent the success of Taiwan as a product of lengthy Sinicisation.90 On the other side of this, Taiwan historiography from the late 1980s witnessed an endeavour to place greater emphasis on the Taiwanese efforts of modernisation under colonial rule. Hui-yu Caroline Ts’ai, for example, writing on modernity and the role of the baojia (保甲) system during Japanese colonial rule, argues that its continuation was a pattern of colonial compromise.91 The Japanese consent to certain practices is also argued by Chou Wan-yao, but stresses that the overall aim of the authorities was to ‘transform the old customs [and have them] conform to the demands of modern law’.92 Paul D. Barclay advocates that there is still much that can been added to the discourse and that the Japanese enterprise, like any other colonial project, was fraught with its ‘own internal contradictions and fac- tional struggles’. In other words, there was much more to the Japanese colonial period than ‘the formation of [a] progressive, national, [and] modernist self ’.93 Yet by reading between the lines, Chou stresses that by the end of the colonial period the older generation were adults at the time of colonisation and that the second, or ‘new generation’ was born not long before or after cession.94 This is particularly important as emphasis has particularly been given to this generation: Chiang Wei-shui, 蔣渭水 (b.8 February 1891), Lin Hsien-tang, 林獻堂 (b.22 October 1881), Li Ying-chang, 李應章, Tsai Pei-huo, 蔡培 (b.22 May 1889) to name a few.95 It is within the generation that preceded them that scholarly attention has been lacklustre. Yet, does the recognition of modernity in the late imperial period offer anything to the historical debate on Taiwan before Japan? Christopher Bayly on ‘Archaic’ and ‘Modern’ globalisation sees the concept of globalisation as a ‘progressive increase in the scale of social processes from a local or regional to a world level’ and within this is a realisation that ‘the village, province, nation state, or regional bloc of human communities was inadequate to capture causa- tion’.96 Although this is situated in a discussion on the transitional forms of globalisation and how global capital became so big for any single government (contextualising how even smaller and apparently isolated communities were somehow linked in), this message can quite clearly be transferred into this review of modernity in Taiwan. What is needed is a resistance to any temptation to form national and ethnic identities through historical manipulation.97 For the sake of conceptualisation (though alternative definitions could have been made) if one cherry picks sociol- ogist Anthony Giddens’s concepts of modernity in that: (1) the notion of the area as being transformed by human intervention; (2) a complex set of economic 16 Introduction institutions are established, including modes of production and a market economy; and finally, (3) a certain range of political institutions are reputably present, then the markers of modernisation in Taiwan clearly precede that of the Japanese colonial period. In the history of Taiwan this is particularly important inasmuch as luxury demand, consumerism, and a capitalist economy stimulated growth in Taiwan. It is important here to pause for a moment. In any discussion on sites of modernity it is necessary to keep in mind that this was in no way representative of the happenings across the studied region. Modernity in Taiwan was piecemeal at best. It was urban and maritime. What is more, in the late nineteenth century it occurred in interconnected sites of mixed neighbourhoods. But most importantly, it was largely situated in the minds of the urban elite. Modernity was being created by them in their image. As such, any reflection on the above concepts must be made within the framework of this community. The gentry had established themselves in modes of production that were evidently connected to an international market economy. Yet the notion of modernity also needs to denote a degree of separation from the rigid misunderstanding that modernity and West- ernisation are synonymous. Eisenstadt argues that this is best implied in terms of multiplicity. By acknowledging ‘multiple modernities’, it is possible to recog- nise a ‘belonging to wider translocal, possible changing, communities’.98 Although such historiography correctly agrees on identifying the importance played by the Japanese in the development of Taiwan, it is the emphasis on this ‘older generation’ that recognises that processes of modernisation began prior to cession. Robert Gardella, Mark Allee, and Andrew Morris all observe that pro- gress in nineteenth-century Taiwan was largely attributed to self-strengthening and the social, political, and economic policies of Liu Mingchuan, Taiwan’s first provincial governor.99 Gardella comments that the economic changes were for the most part generated locally, but it was under the governorship of Liu that was the source of the island’s modern advancement.100 Andrew Morris reiterates this by arguing that ‘Liu was the main figure in the dual processes of modernisation and centralisation under Qing authority’.101 Furthermore, Gardella stipulates that Liu’s record of technological innovation during his governorship was impressive.102 His achievements, especially,

electrically lighting the streets of Taipei, providing the necessary machinery for lumbering, coal mining, sugar refining and brick making and the development of improved communication infrastructure that composed of railway, cable and telegraph lines, a local steamship service, roads, harbours and an up-to-date postal service, were the hallmarks of modernisation in Taiwan as they were in other areas globally.103 Emma Jinhua Teng alludes to the speed in which Taiwan became a highly commercialised agricultural producer and one connected to the global market only ten years following its incorporation into the treaty-port system.104 Paul R. Katz confirms this by adding that by the end of the nineteenth century Introduction 17 the dynamic of the treaty-port system ‘brought about extensive socioeconomic changes, including the growth of new market towns and the rise of new elites’.105 Yet what is important is to take this beyond the ‘great man theory’ of Liu Ming- chuan to instead seek to tell the histoire des masses et non de vedettes, or history of the masses and not of starlets, by bringing the peoples’ history to the fore.106 Thus what is needed is a bridge between the ‘local’ and the ‘global’; a concept that Kenneth Pomeranz, in his study on inland north China, argues occurred with the integration of localities into larger structures; a process that he considers a marker of modernity.107 What is more, he argues that in order to create a modern space and a unified economy, a process of disruption of ‘older networks’ is essential when building ‘new, even larger, and often stronger ones’.108 This in turn was probably favourable to Liu Mingchuan in that there was little resistance from those who benefited from old networks. Harry Lamley refers to this in the joint efforts of officials and inhabitants in the process of city building. In the case of Hsinchu, Lamley elucidates the almost eleven-year gap between the development of the centre and the substantial construction of the city walls.109 The incorporation of markedly different hinterlands into the administrative centre that became Taipei would not have been possible without local support.110 This transformation from older networks, or proto- transnational processes, points towards a cooperation of core and peripheries into new centres.111 The starting point of this was the circulation of objects, people, and ideas across borders. As such, these ‘new centres’ were spatially dynamic and connected the local, regional, urban, maritime, and global arenas. Thus this research questions claims of periphery dependency and that the exportation of raw materials from one region in a sense locked the hinterland (namely the interior mountain districts) into an unchangeable position within the world economy. I argue that, yes it is true that the general economic intention of the treaty-port community was to exploit the island’s raw materials. However, evidence suggests that these hinterlands were more than capable of adapting to the shifting patterns and were able to incorporate themselves into these core urban centres. The location of a number of such places, or nodes, as styled by Donald DeGlopper, over the course of two centuries became centres in their own right as markets for the exchange of raw materials with manufactured goods.112 Thus, if one goes back to a period before the treaty-port era, one can see how the domestic economy, although moving to a different rhythm, was emerging as a secured market economy and this is particularly indicative of the crucial work done by Lin Yu-ju and Cho-yun Hsu.113 The treaty-port era just added to this through the establishment of extensive infrastructure that in turn enabled this domestic economy to become internationalised by providing the local traders with alternative markets, as was the case in the foundations of the three cities linked to the proverbial expression introduced by DeGlopper: ‘First Tainan, second Lukang, and third Mengjia’.114 Economic growth, as a consequence, was the result of interaction between the changing demands (the new markets) and the supply conditions (treaty-port developed infrastructure). Yet to borrow from Bayly, as ‘all economic activity 18 Introduction was and is cultural’,115 it is important to characterise modernity as not simply economic. Instead, people began, in a theoretical sense, to ‘rationalise’ their existence and shift from Adam Smith’s concept of a ‘feudal system’; one inher- ent on rank, privileges, and obligation, into a sociological structure of ‘spheres of influence’. Johanna Meskill sums this up by arguing that:

By 1683 a more complex society had grown up in Taiwan […]. Officials, soldiers, and literati had a place in it alongside the traders and peasants who had formed the earliest Chinese settlement […]. While the contours of this more settled society were coming into view, Taiwan still bore all the traces of its crude beginnings […] Taiwan abounded with precisely those groups which any good Chinese ruler would approach warily – restless adventurers, cosmopolitan merchants, illegal migrants, [and] anti-dynastic malcontents.116

The interpretation of modernities in Taiwan shall form the over-arching theme of this book. That is to say that the purpose of this research is not to necessarily address specific questions regarding modernity, but rather simply demonstrate that the components of modernities in terms of institutions, values, and other patterns of social stratum were not specific to one period in the history of Taiwan. Instead it intends to explore how the nature of the ‘past’ in Taiwanese society traces continuity and transformation and, in doing so, shall at least begin to deconstruct the rigidness of what Eric Hobsbawm calls ‘the formalised social past’.117 One that does not need to exclude a certain level of thematic flexibility ‘insofar as the new wine can be poured into what are at least in form the old con- tainers’.118 This book therefore attempts to offer a partial insight into the modernising aspects of Taiwanese society in the years preceding Japanese colonisation by starting with one particular dossier and the subsequent events that transpired during that year of change; a year that clearly defined modernity in both its social and historical constructions.

The creation of an urban landscape Taipei and its satellite districts (including Dadaocheng and Tamsui) were shaped by migration, and the redevelopment of its older suburbs, with its single-storied houses that ribbon-developed along narrow streets, were being replaced by two- storied shophouses. With the interaction of inhabitants from neighbouring areas, streets were built to a larger grid system with a main thoroughfare (an interurban linkage) connecting them together. These connections were according to Steven Sangren based on a ‘culture of Chinese lineage corporations’.119 By this he means that interaction between these communities was done via a shared medium. This could be agnatic or diasporic.120 In the case of Dadaocheng this was at first diasporic, but with the Quanzhou Tongan (同安) clan losing footing in Mengjia in 1853 to the Quanzhou Sanyi (三邑) clan this led to a forced relocation of the clan into this new area. With the sharing of a domestic and international economy, different forms of corporations made up of a peculiar mix of Introduction 19 associations came into existence towards the end of the nineteenth century. Coupled with this was selective marriage. Barclay argues that the administration of indigenous areas (that became important hubs for extracting camphor and growing tea for an international market) was carried out via a tongshi (通事), which more often than not was a bicultural couple (Sinophone man/aboriginal woman).121 What is more, marriage patterns among the northern pioneering families tended not to follow patterns that were found elsewhere on the island.122 The significance of this highlights an upward turn in the economy: as more families migrated north they in turn unbalanced the marriage market (more men to women or vice versa). The increase in population and the growth of urban centres witnessed the proliferation of local notables.123 One way to measure this was in the construction of temples as public spaces. Kristofer M. Schipper observes that the 115 temples in late-nineteenth century Tainan (for a population of 10,000, hu, 戶) were constructed as ‘popular sanctu- aries’ and unlike the Confucian temple ‘were magnificent buildings, though usually not very large, they were decorated with carved beams and gilded panels, and furnished with precious tables, embroidered curtains, and bronze vessels’.124 What is particularly important is that these were communally built by neighbourhoods, guilds, and other associations. Stephan Feuchtwang takes this further by arguing that the building of temples was an emblem of the establishment of an administrative city (marked also by building of walls). When funds were sufficient, these buildings would be constructed through a government budget (as in the case of temples inside the city walls of Taipei). As the life of the city developed its own market and non-official institutions were constructed, the repair work for these temples ‘came from the pockets of nonofficials’.125

Merchants desirous of converting their wealth into status and moving into the literati class would contribute to the building of official temples. In the absence of official temples, they would sponsor the building of temples to gods or spirits included in the official cults. An example of this face- improving enterprise – an even better one than the building of temples to Kuan-ti [Guandi, 關帝] and Mat-tsu [Mazu, 媽祖], who were popular in all classes of the population – was the building of temples dedicated to both Confucius and Kuan-ti, often called Wen-wu miao [Wenwu miao, 文武廟] and often founded in conjunction with the establishment of a private school.126

This was also extended to the building of churches by Christian converts. Churches such as that on Jinan Street were constructed through donations made by Li Chunsheng.127 Public space was therefore clearly important. However, it was the synergy within such places that characterised the development of the region in urban centres. As these centres shifted from old networks into modern spaces, aspects of society also began to change. Gardella, writing on such social changes, argues that towards the late nineteenth century religious rites in towns and cities in northern Taiwan saw a popular increase in what he terms the 20 Introduction ‘lumpenproletariat Chinese folk religion’, one based on ‘boisterous and often violent festivals for lonely or hungry ghosts’ where ‘mounds of foodstuffs were lavishly displayed at these feasts in order to pacify ne’er-do-well spirits’.128 Gardella, using Robert Weller’s study on this, highlights an important socioeconomic significance: ‘Growing commercialisation, migration, and economic instability prompted northern Taiwan’s local elites to propitiate a marginal and growing “ghostly” underclass of vagrants and day labourers.’129 Thus the city, as argued by Joseph Grange, became the place where people expressed to ‘the fullest degree the perspectives on importance that their culture has bequeathed them’.130 For those in Dadaocheng that perspective was entangled, interconnected, and largely transnational with mutual influences con- voluting across boundaries. It was fuelled by an enclave of extraterritoriality – one that, according to Robert Bickers, ‘provided one way in which the border between China and Britain was blurred’.131 It became an urban environment in which its members carefully navigated, built, rebuilt, and ultimately domesticated. These types of urban settings were, as argued by François Gipouloux, ‘nodes in Asia’s commercial networks’; they were ‘junctions between the domestic market and the world market, poles of development for domestic eco- nomies and places of contact and exchange’.132

Interconnectivity: where the twain met Just as the peoples of the Middle East and South Asia, as argued by Christopher Bayly and Leila Fawaz, the urban notables of Dadaocheng ‘appropriated, adapted, or resisted the onset of European modernity’.133 What is more, changes for the most part were not momentary nor were they particularly isolated. Yet the radical changes that were brought about by the relocation of the Tongan clan to Dadaocheng in 1853 and the opening of the Tamsui treaty port in 1860 placed an enormous emphasis on external trade. With much of this trade monopolised by Western companies, this was met with fierce rivalry and competition. Under- cutting competition was a regular feature of business practice in the district. This was evident in correspondences written by John Dodd wherein it is made clear that he believed that not only had ‘tea been diluted with inferior quality leaves’ but also that the Chinese merchants in Xiamen were undermining his business by ‘flooding the market with gold and drugs’.134 Since he was forced to sell property and feared threats to his reputation from his ‘American clientele’ one cannot of course take this at face value. However, what it does provide evidence of is the degree to which the competition was fiercely contested. It is perhaps important to add that the rivalry that existed was not a simple line dividing the foreign community on one side and the local community on the other. Instead, competing businesses became increasingly entangled. They not only assisted in the growth of the market and prevented complacency and stagnation but also provided opportunities for employment, creative thinking, and technological innovation.135 If one takes the trade in tea as an example, the business of process- ing and packing according to Gardella ‘drew up to 20,000 day labourers’ thus Introduction 21 providing employment opportunities to a large section of the working class, many of which would have internally migrated north.136 Taiwan during this period was therefore, as rightfully argued by Meskill, ‘a creation of its settlers [and] not an emanation of the [Qing] state’.137 The reorganisation of trade networks correlated strongly with changing settlement patterns among the Han elite and, although the period witnessed a surge in the number of nouveau riche families, the dilution had little impact on privilege status and social ethos. Instead, what tended to change was the manner in which that status was practised. Essentially, there are three critical factors that tended to bind this new elite together and this is discussed in much more detail in further chapters.138 The centrality of this was arguably consumption. Although not the only marker of modernity in Taiwan, consumption governed the development of this entwined relationship that existed among the residents in Dadaocheng. This context became not only marked by what they made and traded but also by what they ate, wore, and used. Thus, the transit of goods was not a random affair, but rather something that was directed and governed by effective mercantile regimes that over the course of the mid-nineteenth century began to flourish and modernise. The stability of this (in the midst of a geopolitical maelstrom) was driven by the consumption of town-dwelling gentry – an adaptable middle-class urban community. As mentioned earlier, this was of course not unique to Taiwan; in Bayly’s study on Rulers, Townsmen, and Bazaars, he not only merges this economic and social stability into that which was political in India between 1780 and 1830 but also, like this research, alludes to a model of development in an earlier period:

The growth of trade and the expansion of the cultivated area in the first thirty years of the nineteenth century, usually associated with the imposition of colonial peace, did not, then, signal a simple transformation of society by the force of modern government and new export trades. They were also the consequence of the maturity of the regimes, towns and corporate institutions which emerged in the eighteenth century.139

The notion of consumption, although not central to the questions being asked here, is nonetheless important in how the community attached cultural meaning to new goods. What is more, as argued by Donald Quataert, how sociable activities (such as tea drinking and opium smoking) generate an identifiable material culture is exigent on the manner in which consumption maintains or alters social boundaries.140 It is only through a comparative history of both communities that the evolution of such social boundaries can be tested. Not only is it possible to document how certain fringes of society reacted to specific situations but also how the structures of society subsisted under specific circumstances.141 Here this is ultimately meas- ured in the resistance efforts of the notable families in northern Taiwan. It is also through this spirit of 1895 that one begins to almost see an untangling of this urban 22 Introduction community, but with a readjustment and a coming together once the north capitulated. It is clear that at all costs the British residents were not seen to resist. Even in private correspondence there was definite sympathy towards the plight of the Taiwanese but this stopped short of any real resistance to the arriving Japanese. This is something which would again be repeated in China during the War of Resistance against Japan prior to Pearl Harbor.142 In 1895, George L. MacKay, who was on furlough for much of the year, arrived back in Tamsui on 19 November 1895. That Sunday (24 November) he discusses having given the sermon to an audience that included a small Japanese delegation. What is more he mentions that he was ‘hailed with Joy by the Chinese. In Bang-kah [Mengjia] old and young in the streets welcomed me back. Japanese also welcomed us’.143 MacKay hardly mentions anything with regards to the resistance movements. The English Presbyterian mission in the south on the other hand tends to discuss more on the mission’s involvement in bringing peace rather than supporting the movement.144 It is important to note though that sympathy to the resistance movement and the Taiwan Republic not only fell short for the foreign residents but also for the general population living in the district. In spite of the ‘let there be neither delay nor mistake’ instruction that was given out in a memorandum to announce the inauguration of Taiwan’s first president, the streets were not filled with convivi- ality; its people had not arrayed themselves in their best clothes; and nor were their houses displayed with colourful flags and buntings. If anything, the day proceeded much as usual. Yet inside the yamen, the atmosphere was contrast- ingly different; the courtyard was crowded with enthusiasm, flags flew brilliantly to the backdrop of two large banners with the characters 臺灣民主國總統 (Taiwan minzhuguo zongtong, The President of the Republic of Formosa) posi- tioned above the banners, the flag of the golden tiger hunkered in submission flew in the damp breeze as an emblem of the new nation.145 It was as if they became national only in form but not in substance. But unlike the Marxist- Leninist movements of the twentieth century that Eric Hobsbawm states became national in form and substance (nationalist), the notables failed to gather popular support for their cause.146 This was, according to Benedict Anderson, a result of the fact that the imagined political aspirations that encompassed the urban notable community were inherently limited.147

The Taiwan War of 1895 During the next day, June 4th, considerable confusion prevailed. Petty officials with their families were going down river, many shops were closed and the streets were comparatively empty. During the evening, it was rumoured about the city that the president and Ex-governor Tang with his trusty friend and adviser General Tcheng [Chen Jitong, 陳季同], intended deserting their beloved Republic and joining their monarchic friends on the mainland, where if there was not political freedom, there was at least freedom from Japanese men with guns.148 Introduction 23 James W. Davidson, who had been sent to Taiwan by the New York Herald as a war correspondent to report on the transition of power from Qing imperial rule to Japanese colonial rule, witnessed first-hand the resistance movement in the north. Although favouring the Japanese (not unlike many other foreign writers in Taiwan at the time) his account alludes to something exclusive. Situated within this confusion was a sense that after only five days following the Japanese landing on Taiwan proper at Aoti (澳底) on 29 May 1895, the resistance in the north had subsided and that a number of these men-of-letters, who had graced the British Consul, Lionel Hopkins, with a petition, at the governor’s yamen on 20 April, had begun to make arrangements for their departure. With the capture of Keelung on 3 June with practically no opposition, the collapse of the Republic in the north was inevitable.149 Upon hearing the news that the Japanese had taken Keelung, for those in Dadaocheng, this was met with both anxiety and fear. Davidson reports: ‘The news of the Japanese victory in Kelung [sic] was known on the afternoon of the day of the capture, the republican officials making no attempt to deny it.’150 Yet this fear was to materialise not in the actions of the Japanese but rather the mainland troops brought to Taiwan to defend it.

His [Tang Jingsong] noble motives were soon betrayed by his troops […] who began rioting. Other troops defeated that day at Keelung tore up the railroad tracks as they made their way to the city [Taipei], and in the riot they started upon their arrival, killed and wounded 150 locals. Reports came in from all over the city of great battles between Taipei residents and these Yue troops, as well as between different Yue units.151

By 9 June, the Japanese had control over much of the north; Taipei had up to this point been a ‘site of pure mayhem’, with all of the government buildings and arsenal in flames. ‘Soldiers armed to the teeth with their booty from the arsenal, were selling Krupp mountain guns for two dollars, and Winchesters for twenty cents.’152 The arriving Japanese were instead met with a degree of relief as they ‘gradually restored a rough semblance of order in the north’.153 Taipei city, the capital of the Republic, instead of being captured by the Japanese was surren- dered in return for the restoration of order in the city and its satellite districts. The stuccos of the homes of Dadaocheng were fashioned with homemade Japanese flags and the doorways were draped in red with banners welcoming the Japanese as friends and to some extent as liberators.154 Yet situated behind this backdrop was a continued resistance in both the central and southern regions of Taiwan. The central plains consisted of ‘ten thousand fighting Hakkas’ under the leadership of Qiu Fengjia, as well as regular tuanlian (團練) militia forces.155 The loss of Taipei and the end of the Republic in the north led to robust defen- sive measures being taken in Hsinchu and Tainan.156 The central and southern areas following the departure of Tang Jingsong witnessed sustained resistance and a reorganisation of the structure of the Republic with the seat of government being transferred south to Tainan with Liu Yongfu as president. 24 Introduction Although the three resistance leaders (Tang, Qiu, and Liu) resisted the Japa- nese in very different ways, the Taiwan War of 1895 was nonetheless a disconnect from the preceding Sino-Japanese War, not least because the conflict and resistance occurred following the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki on 17 April 1895, the official handing over of the island to the Japanese by Li Jin- gfang (李經方) on 18 May, and the imperial edict ordering all civil and military staff to return to the mainland on 20 May 1895.157 Just over a week later, Tang Jingsong issued a report stating that the people of Taiwan (Taimin, 臺民) refused to be ruled by the Japanese and had decided to go independent.158 The establishment of the Republic led a number of foreign embassies in China (namely the British and German) to inquire whether there were still weapons and troops being shipped from Shanghai and Guangdong to Taiwan and whether the Qing court was supporting the resistance of the island in spite of the peace treaty. In response to this, Zhang Zhidong on 2 June proposed an immediate pro- hibition on all aid to the island.159 On the same day, Li Hongzhang received a correspondence from Gong Zhaoyuan (龔照瑗), the Qing ambassador to Britain, that:

[T]he British had received an announcement from Governor Tang with regards to the establishment of the independence of Taiwan and his new title of president of the Republic. Since the British have no intention of replying to this announcement, he assumed that no other country would follow. However, the government needed to be firm in their resolution of their position in case of further complications to the Japanese.160

From this, it is clear that at this juncture, the Qing government had officially relieved itself of any further involvement in the affairs of the island and that the following struggle of resistance on the island was in fact a separate and undeclared war.161 What was more, the Japanese themselves refused to admit that any resistance on the island had embroiled them in another war. Instead they were firm in their resolution that any military operation was instead a ‘mop-up’ campaign to rid the colony of ‘local brigands and insurgents’.162 The local conditions of capitulation and resistance demonstrate that the Taiwan War of 1895 was in fact a separate military conflict involving the island of Taiwan (as a quasi-republic) and the empire of Japan. It is within this context that this adds to the scholarship on the first Sino-Japanese War and a turning point in the modern history of East Asia. But why is this important? As alluded to by Marius B. Jansen et al., ‘it is not difficult to find contemporary evaluations of the importance of the war’.163 And although this was written in the late 1970s, nothing more has been added since. The war altered the dynamics of the East Asian hegemon, which on the surface, at least, created an appearance of nations and nation-building. The war brought about change in the internal structures and relationships with the East Asian region. China was fundamentally excluded as a contender for influence in the Korean Peninsula and this in turn had agreat effect on the alliances within the Qing sphere of influence giving way to new Introduction 25 forms of European and American territorial expansionism. A growing Russian influence in Korea is a good example of this.164 The war has been disseminated and used in the building of ‘national’ histories in Korea, China, Japan, and Taiwan.165 Yet what has been brushed to one side is a general response to the conflict internally, whether among the Japanese, Chinese, and/or Korean. Jansen et al. contend that in the experience of the Japanese ‘peasant conscripts’ in the war, they ‘had no doubt of their identification’; something that, according to them, was vital to the Japanese cultural disdain towards China in the twentieth century.166 What is more, accounts written by the Chinese residents who had settled in Japan both before and after the conflict provide alternative viewpoints of its impact167 as does the opportunistic journalism among Chinese-language newspapers, as argued by Tsai Weipin.168 Perhaps the most important voice to have been silenced in the scholarship on the Sino-Japanese War is the experiences of those in Korea, in particular those who were caught up in the fighting in areas such as Pungdo (25 July 1894), Cheonan (28–29 July 1894), and Pyongyang (15 November 1894).169 Another area that has seen little attention is the link between the Tonhak Rebellion and opening of war between the two.170 Although scholarship on the Tonhak Rebellion in 1894 has made links (often with Japan as the aggressor) to the Qing government having failed to inform the Japanese (as was assured in the Convention of Tientsin) of the Joseon government’s request for military aid and their subsequent deployment of nearly 3,000 soldiers to Korea as having sparked the Sino-Japanese War, more work has to be done on the everyday experience of the Koreans in response to the conflict.171 Although the war dramatically altered the balance of power in the region, it also ‘marked the beginning of the end for two traditional governments, the [Qing] dynasty of China and the Korean kingdom, and ushered in an era of rapid industrial expansion’.172 It became, as argued by S.C.M. Paine in one of a very few complete monographs on the war, ‘the staging ground for the subsequent Russo- Japanese War’ as well as the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 and the subsequent guerrilla campaign to expel the Japanese.173 One factor that perhaps in many ways unites the neglect in scholarship on the conflict among the micro-histories of the Korean and Taiwan experience is that neither were the belligerents, although their territories served either as the immediate battlefield (in the case of Korea) or as a pawn in the subsequent peace treaty (Taiwan). For Korea, the national history-building exercises of the post- Second World War period tends to view the conflict more as a ‘humiliating experience for Koreans, who could do little to prevent hostilities from breaking out on their own soil and had little to say in the outcome which sealed their destiny’.174 However, perhaps a greater factor was the subsequent events that have tended to dominate Korean historiography:

1 the murder of Queen Min (Empress Myeongseong) on the morning of 8 October 1895 by Japanese rōnin, 2 the royal refuge at the Russian legation in Seoul on 11 February 1896 and the general repeal of the Gabo Reforms, 26 Introduction 3 the loss of sovereignty by treaty with Japan in 1905, and 4 the annexation of the country in 1910.175

In the case of Taiwan historiography, as alluded to earlier, a similar circum- stance is found. The writing of national histories has unintentionally masked an important narrative. So by shifting one’s understanding of the Taiwan War of 1895 from the general discourse of the Sino-Japanese War one can better comprehend Taiwan society in the immediate aftermath of the Japanese arrival. What is more, by asking micro-historical questions on the perspective of the conflict from a local vantage point, it is possible to ask complicated questions to the typical macro- narrative that one is familiar with. One aspect of this that is pertinent here is the view of Taiwan from the European and American powers and especially those in the Tripartite Intervention (France, Germany, Russia) and considering the interconnectivity of the British residents in Dadaocheng to local society, the perspective of the British government. A study, carried out by F.Q. Quo, begins, at least, by addressing the questions of British diplomacy at the cession of Taiwan and acknowledges the questions that pertain to the importance of Taiwan in the peace negotiations as well as in the Intervention.176 Quo asks whether the British absence from the intervention was affected by its own economic interests on the island. International trade in Taiwan was almost a complete British monopoly with profitable industries such as tea, camphor, indigo, and coal. Quo contends that the question of Taiwan was never mentioned in the Peace Conference until 24 March 1895, when a meeting between Count Itō Hirobumi, the Japanese Minister Plenipotentiary, and Li Hongzhang (李鴻章), the Chinese head delegate, took place in Shunpanrō hall near Tokyo Bay. The point that Quo makes is that the strategic importance of Taiwan to Britain was largely underestimated by the British Foreign Office and that it was subsequently the members of the treaty-port community that foresaw the potential danger of Japanese colonisation of Formosa. The comments made by the authors were not necessarily anti-Japanese in sentiment but merely reflections on their concerns over their interests in the region. This is discussed in much greater detail in the following chapter. What is important here is that if one looks deeper, little, if any, support was given directly by this community to their urban notable counterparts in their bid to resist the Japanese effort, as I have alluded to earlier. A war with China was an intense experience for the industrialising Japanese. The decisive successes on both land and sea were not without adversity. Japa- nese leaders were acutely aware that real success over China would ultimately be pitted against certain interventions made by European powers.177 Of particular concern to the Japanese was the position of Great Britain. The state of Anglo- Japanese relations had thus an important bearing on Japan’s decisions during the war. However, the Japanese were uncertain about how pro-Chinese the British were. They had resented the protests made by Kimberley with regards to Korea Introduction 27 but chose not to aggravate the situation further.178 The Japanese ambassador in London, Aoki Shūzō, was confident of keeping Britain detached from China by constantly emphasising Russian southward expansion through the Korean Pen- insula and stressing the importance of the 1894 British commercial treaty.179 A major breakthrough for the Japanese came in July 1894 when a Japanese naval vessel sank the British steamship Kowshing, which had been leased by China to transport troops to Korea. The British Foreign Office’s insistence on China’s responsibility for this, despite the judgment of international legal experts, proved that the British were encouraging Japan’s position in the Far East.180 The British decision to remain ‘officially’ inactive during the Intervention can arguably be seen as a Japanese diplomatic success. Throughout the Intervention it was Russia that was most anxious to see British participation. Its contribution would have made certain that the Japanese would yield to pressure without the intervening powers having to use force. In order to encourage British contribution, Prince Lobanoff revealed to the British Minister in St Petersburg that the French had hinted to the Russians that they would oppose the Japanese request for the Pescadores (current day Penghu Islands) and that they would not object to British acquisition of certain islands in southern China as a prize for participating in the Intervention. Quo argues that it was obvious that:

If Great Britain should join the Tripartite Intervention, the reward would have been the island of Formosa, and the value of Formosa to Great Britain would therefore dictate to a great extent the British decision on whether or not to participate in the matter.181

Considering then that Britain did choose to omit itself from the Intervention, later chapters will address this issue a little closer by surveying the value of Taiwan trade to Great Britain in the years prior to annexation. What is more, it is important to reference any interest made on the island by the European powers, such as Germany and France, and whether this would have had a consequence on the British decision. Material from the Foreign Office does hint at this when Hopkins was instructed to report all German activity at Tamsui.182 Similarly, a French occupation of Taiwan and its offshore islands would be in direct conflict with British interests in the region. However, the French ambition in this area was subjected to British restraints and this was also true in the case of Penghu. The possibility of French intervention, in turn, led to the proclamation of the Republic. Attention to this overlooked part of Taiwan society is important, as the history of events should not be neglected in the larger exercises of historical writing. What this hopes to do is to provide a channel with which future research can identify, to demonstrate that the colonisation of Taiwan by Japan was not a peaceful endeavour, and that the resistance effort that continued throughout 1895 was not part of the Sino-Japanese War but rather a conflict in its own right. What is more, through a careful analysis of the resistance movement it is evident that 28 Introduction in the founding of the Taiwan Republic there existed notions of modernity, which are counter to most of the scholarship that already exists on the topic. Fur- thermore, since the individual members involved in the propagation of independence were gentry in urban areas it is important to highlight their history as one carefully entwined to a predominant British community to whom they presented their petition.

The subsequent chapters chronicle the changes within a market town on an island that was transformed from a fragmented settler society to one geared towards a modern cosmopolitan environment. They are assembled thematically, alternating between the establishment of a settled settler society and a sojourning predominant British community; then brought together in a contextualised urban environment. As an entwined community, they are then chronologically depicted in a year that was to have enormous consequences for the island. The first chapter is essentially an introductory chapter to the background behind the signing of the petition; it is within this that the traditional macro- historical account is situated. Moreover, it is here that the historiography of the Sino-Japanese War and the process of how Taiwan ‘fitted’ into the metanarrative of the international position (known as the Tripartite Intervention) has been written. The chapter analyses the view of Taiwan and the ongoing conflict on the Chinese mainland and Korean Peninsula from the perspective of the specific countries involved (namely France, Germany, and Russia). The second chapter is contextual and surveys the arrival of the Chinese frontier society from the seventeenth century. In so doing it provides the basis for the general historical background of Taiwan and thus explores the history behind the Han frontier settlement and how the perceptions towards the island and its indigenous population led to the formation of factions that would later play a huge role in both the establishment of the market town of Dadaocheng as well as the narrative of the ‘men of respectability’ who presented the British Consul the petition. Chapter 3 documents the arrival of the small treaty-port communities in Taiwan and ascertains how they were structured. The chapter is divided by the role played by its individual members, whether they were missionaries, customs and consulate staff, or commercial entrepreneurs. This chapter documents a period that has often been neglected in literature on Taiwan. It links to the interactions of the treaty-port community within the local society (namely the commercial urban gentry) and how their entwined destinies came together to form the Dadaocheng oligopoly. The fourth chapter essentially explores the background to the ‘men of respectability’ that Hopkins alludes to when he was introduced to the deputation. This is particularly important in addressing issues of social mobility surrounding the establishment of the Taiwan Republic. This chapter, theoretically speaking, will define this group of men as being urban elite. Modelled on Michael Woods, but formulated in ways similar to Jon Stobart, three crucial factors bounded these men together: Introduction 29 1 access to resources that could be used to exercise power or influence, 2 network links (in the form of social or professional relations) which could be used in recruitment or the transmission of influence and patronage, and 3 discursive construction in the sense that they are socially mobilised (either by themselves or others) as being elite.183

The fifth and final chapter is essentially a return to Chapter 1, that records the events that transpired during the latter months of 1895, and thus explores the spirit that existed among the people during this year of immense change. It will start by looking at the establishment of the Taiwan Republic and how the island was divided between those who resisted and those who capitulated. Finally, it will demonstrate how the urban gentry in Dadaocheng began to settle quite quickly and once again assert themselves to the new colonial power.

Notes 1 Martin Loiperdinger and Bernd Elzer, Lumière’s Arrival of the Train: Cinema’s founding myth, The Moving Image 4:1 (2004): 90. 2 Djun Kil Kim, The History of Korea, second edition (Santa Barbara, CA: Green- wood, 2014), 48–49; and Yuan Changyao 袁昌堯 and Zhang Guoren 張國仁, Riben jianshi 日本簡史 [A Brief History of Japan] (Taipei: Shulin Press, 1996), 5–6. 3 Mitani Hiroshi, Forward, in The Sino-Japanese War and the Birth of Japanese Nationalism, Saya Makito (trans., David Noble) (Tokyo: International House of Japan, 2011), x. 4 Ibid., x. 5 Robert Eskildsen, Taiwan: A periphery in search of a narrative, The Journal of Asian Studies 64:2 (2005): 281. 6 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1983), 141. 7 Harry J. Lamley, The 1895 Taiwan War of Resistance: Local Chinese efforts against a foreign power, in Taiwan: Studies in Chinese local history, ed. Leonard H.D. Gordon (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1970), 25; and Chen Hanguang 陳漢光, Yiwei zhizhan yu zhongguo shitan, 乙未之戰與中國詩壇 [The War of 1895 and the Field of Chinese Poetry], Taipei wenwu 臺北文物 9:1 (March 1960): 90. 8 Andrew Morris, The Taiwan Republic of 1895 and the Failure of the Qing Modern- izing Project, in Memories of the Future; National identity issues and the search for a new Taiwan, ed. Stéphane Corcuff (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2002), 16–17. 9 Jeremy Taylor, Colonial Takao: The making of a southern metropolis, Urban History 31:1 (2004): 48–71. 10 Murray A. Rubinstein, The Protestant Community on Modern Taiwan: Mission, seminary, and church (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1991), 18–19; Donald R. DeGlopper, Lukang: Commerce and community in a Chinese city (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995), 62. Changhua first appeared as a mission station in 1886, see: Edward Band, Working His Purpose Out: The history of the English Presbyterian mission 1847–1947 (London: Publishing Office of the PCE, 1947; reprinted Taipei, Ch’eng Wen Publishing Co., 1972), 118–120. On the church in Xindian, see: George Lesley MacKay, From Far Formosa (London: Oliphant Ander- son and Ferrier, 1896; reprinted by SMC Publishing Inc., Taipei, 2002), 154–155. 11 On domesticating the landscape see: Ronald G. Knapp, The Shaping of Taiwan’s Landscape, in Taiwan: A new history, ed. Murray Rubinstein (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 3–27. 30 Introduction 12 Edward Grey, Twenty-five Years, 1892–1916 (London: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1925), 23–4. An in-depth survey of the British response to the request can be found in: F.Q. Quo, British Diplomacy and the Cession of Formosa, 1894–95, Modern Asian Studies 2:2 (1968): 141–154. 13 Mark A. Allee, Law and Local Society in Late Imperial China: Northern Taiwan in the nineteenth century (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1994), 1. 14 Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge: Further essays in interpretive anthropology (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1983), 44. 15 James Davidson, The Island of Formosa: Past and present (London: Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., 1903; reprinted by SMC Publishing Inc., 2005), 305. 16 Harold Otness, One Thousand Westerners in Taiwan, to 1945: A bibliographical [sic] and bibliographical dictionary (Taipei: Institute of Taiwan History, Prepara- tory Office, Academia Sinica, 1998); and Morris (2002), 18. 17 Edward Band, Barclay of Formosa (Tokyo: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 100. 18 Jim Sharpe, History from Below, in New Perspectives on Historical Writing, ed. Peter Burke (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001), 27. 19 Ibid., 33. 20 Ann Laura Stoler and Fredrick Cooper, Between Metropole and Colony: Rethinking a research agenda, in Tensions of Empire: Colonial cultures in a bourgeois world, ed. Fredrick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), 1. 21 Ibid., 2; and Christopher Bayly, ‘Archaic’ and ‘Modern’ Globalization in the Eura- sian and African Arena, c.1750–1850, in Globalization in World History, ed. A.G. Hopkins (London: Pimlico, 2002), 55–58. 22 This was a transformation from a fiercely contested, entrenched elite, settler frontier society into a more united commercial environment of gentry-merchant elites; see: Morris (2002), 4–7; and Chen Chiukun, From Landlords to Local Strongmen: The transformation of local elites in mid-Ch’ing Taiwan, 1780–1862, in Taiwan: A new history, ed. Murray Rubinstein (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 133–163. 23 Murray A. Rubinstein, Mission of Faith, Burden of Witness: The Presbyterian Church in the evolution of modern Taiwan, 1865–1989, American Asian Review 9:2 (1991): 71; and Niki J.P. Alsford, (ed.), Chronicling Formosa: Setting the foundations for the Presbyterian mission, 1865–1876 (Taipei: Shung Ye Museum of For- mosan Aborigines, 2015a), 27. 24 L.C. Hopkins, (trans.,) Telegram sent by the Notables and People of the Whole of Formosa from Taipeh 16th May 1895 to the Tsungli Yamen, in Taiwan: Political and Economic Reports (hereafter TPER) Volume 5: 1894–1899, ed. Robert L. Jarman (Slough: Archives Editions Ltd., 1997), 356–357. 25 Grand Palace Museum (GPM), Qing guangxuchao zhongri jiaoshe shiliao xuanji, 清光緒朝中日交涉史料選輯 [A Collection of Historical Documents Between China and Japan during the Guanxu Emperor] (Taipei: Datong Bookstore, 1984), 409–410. 26 Thomas Paine, Common Sense (Project Gutenberg, 2008), www.gutenberg.org/ files/147/147-h/147-h.htm, accessed 27 February 2015. 27 For a more detailed discussion on the spatial expansion of the metropole through the colony, see: Arthur L. Stinchcombe, Sugar Island Slavery in the Age of Enlighten- ment: The political economy of the Caribbean world (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1995). On extraterritoriality and the legal regime for foreign sojourners in China see: Pär Kristoffer Cassel, Grounds of Judgment: Extraterritoriality and imperial power in nineteenth-century China and Japan (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2012). 28 Akhil Gupta, The Song of the Nonaligned World: Transnational identities and the reinscription of space in late capitalism, in The Anthropology of Space and Place: Locating cultures, ed. Setha M. Low and Denise Lawrence-Zúñiga (Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2003), 321. Introduction 31 29 Ibid., 321. 30 On the notion of ‘reinscription’ and ‘reterritorialisation’ see: Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari (trans., Robert Hurley et al.), Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and schizophrenia (London: The Athlone Press, 1984). 31 Anderson (1983), 6–7; and G. William Skinner, Cities and the Hierarchies of Local Systems, in The City in Late Imperial China ed. G. William Skinner (California, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977), 276. 32 Julie-Anne Boudreau, Reflections on Urbanity as an Object of Study and a Critical Epistemology, in Critical Urban Studies: New directions, ed. Jonathan S. Davies and David L. Imbroscio (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2010), 41–55. 33 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Connected Histories: Notes towards a reconfiguration of early modern Eurasia, Modern Asian Studies 31:3 (1997): 735–762; Sanjay Subrah- manyam, Explorations in Connected History: Mughals and Franks (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Explorations in Connected History: From the Tangus to the Ganges (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 34 Leonard H.D. Gordon, The Cession of Taiwan: A second look, Pacific Historical Review 45:4 (1976), 565; and Wu Micha 吳密察, yibajiuwunian Taiwan minzhuguo de chengli jingguo, 1895, 年臺灣民主國的成立經過 [The Establishment of the Taiwan Republic in 1895], Bulletin of the Department of History National Taiwan University, 8 (1981): 85. 35 Georg Simmel, The Metropolis and Mental Life, in Georg Simmel: On individuality and social reform, ed. Donald Levine (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1971), 324. 36 Leonard Blussé, Bull in a China Shop: Pieter Nuyts in China and Japan (1627–1636), in Around and About Formosa, ed. Leonard Blussé (Taipei: Ts’ao Yung-ho Founda- tion for Culture and Education, 2003), 95–96. 37 Ibid., 95. 38 Harry J. Lamley, The 1895 Taiwan Republic: A significant episode in modern Chinese history, The Journal of Asian Studies 27:4 (1968): 758. 39 On urban epistemology as a research framework see: Julie-Anne Boudreau and Dan- ielle Labbé, Les nouvelles zones urbaines à Hanoi: ruptures et continuités avec la ville, Cahiers de géographie du Québec 55:154 (2011): 131–149. 40 On research that explores beyond just the outcome of actual interaction in urban settings see: Michael D. Irwin and Holly L. Hughes, Centrality and the Structure of Urban Interaction: Measures, concepts, and applications, Social Forces 71:1 (1992): 17–51. On the interaction between state institutions and civil society, see: Julie- Anne Boudreau, Making New Political Spaces: Mobilizing spatial imaginaries, instrumentalizing spatial practices, and strategically using spatial tools, Environment and Planning A 39:11 (2007): 2593–2611. 41 David J. Madden, City Becoming World: Nancy, Lefebvre, and the global-urban imagination, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 30 (2012): 782. 42 In Saya Makito (trans., David Noble), The Sino-Japanese War and the Birth of Jap- anese Nationalism (Tokyo: International House of Japan, 2011), 32–33. 43 A 5.5-metre-high stele with the inscription: ‘The Spirits of Those Fallen in Combat or from Disease in the Taiwan and Penghu Island Campaign’ was erected in the park. See: Makito (2011), 145–46. 44 Biography of Lin Chaotung, in Johanna Menzel Meskill, A Chinese Pioneer Family: The Lins of Wu-feng, Taiwan 1729–1895 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), 232. 45 Ibid., 232. 46 Chen Chiukun (1999), 155–158. 47 Huang Fu-san 黃富三, Shijiu shiji zhi wailai tiaozhan yu taiwan xinshangye, 十九世紀之外來挑戰與臺灣新商業 [The Foreign Challenges and New Business of Nineteenth-Century Taiwan], Historical Monthly 201 (2004): 60–73. 32 Introduction 48 Band (1936), 200. 49 Elder John Lai Archives (EJLA), Kao Kau Reports MacKay’s Death (Tamsui, Formosa, 13 July 1901). 50 See: Ya-xian Xu (trans., Jo-hsuan Wang), Sounds from the Other Side: The operatic interaction between colonial Taiwan and China during the early twentieth century (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 2013) for a detailed survey on the interaction of Chinese opera among on the Taiwanese gentry. For example a list of Shanghai troupes visiting Taiwan can be found on pages 74–79. 51 The lighting of the streets of Taipei in 1888 was carried out via the Xingshi Company (xingshi gongsi, 興市公), set up by Liu Mingchuan. Using a coal- powered steamer under the supervision of a Danish technician the streets surrounding the northwest corner of the city as well the streets outside of the north gate on the southern tip of Dadaocheng (the location of the first modern railway station) were lit for the first time. The people commented that the lights were as bright as the moon, see: Taiwan Power Company (TPC), Taiwan dianli fazhanshi, 臺灣電力發展史 [The History of the Development of Electricity in Taiwan] (Taipei: Taiwan Power Company, 1989). 52 Niki J.P. Alsford, The Witnessed Account of British Resident John Dodd at Tamsui (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 2010), 312; on John Dodd’s specimens, see: Niki J.P. Alsford, A Barbarian’s House by the River Tamsui: One house and the history of its many occupants, Journal of Family History 40:2 (2015b): 161. 53 Lin Yu-ju 林玉茹, The Trade System of Port Cities in Mid-Nineteenth Century Taiwan, Crossroads 4 (2011): 139. 54 Michel Tuchsherer, Trade and Port Cities in the Red Sea-Gulf of Aden Region in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century, in Modernity & Culture: From the Mediterra- nean to the Indian Ocean, ed. Leila Tarazi Fawaz and C.A. Bayly (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2002), 29. 55 Jeremy Taylor, The Bund: Littoral space of empire in the treaty ports of East Asia, Social History 27:2 (2002): 133. 56 Ibid., 134. Taylor correctly acknowledges the sizable permanent community that did eventually establish itself on many of the ports. On the foreign community as ‘a settler society’ see: chapter 3 (Britons in China: A Settler Society) in, Robert Bickers, Britain in China (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 67–115. 57 Robert Bickers, Empire Made Me: An Englishman adrift in Shanghai (London: Allen Lane, 2003), 4. 58 Susan Schoenbauer Thurin, Victorian Travelers & the Opening of China, 1842–1907 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1999), 2. 59 Fa-ti Fan discusses this as being a bilateral engagement where local ‘cultural agents’ would collect information from port-side foreign communities and would introduce into their own societies that which they thought important, but in turn would often contribute to Western research on natural history, see: Fa-ti Fan, British Naturalists in Qing China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 12. 60 Frances Wood, No Dogs & Not Many Chinese: Treaty port life in China 1843–1943 (London: John Murray Publishers Ltd., 1998), 210. 61 Lynn Pan, Tracing it Home: Journeys around a Chinese family (London: Secker & Warburg, 1992), 43. 62 C.E. Darwent, Shanghai: A handbook for travellers and residents (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd., 1904), 106–107. Earlier travel guides from the 1870s/80s equally introduced Shanghai as the embodiment of modernity, see: Ge Yuanxu 葛元煦, Huyou zaji, 滬游雜記 (Taipei: Guangwen shuju 廣文書局, 1968). 63 Mao Dun, Midnight (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1957), 13. 64 In Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: The flowering of a new urban culture in China, 1930–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 140. Introduction 33 65 Junichirō Tanizaki (trans., Thomas J. Harper and Edward G. Seindensticker), In Praise of Shadows (London: Vintage Books, 2001), 10. 66 Madeline C. Zilfi, Goods in the Mahalle: Distributional encounters in eighteenth- century Istanbul, in Consumption Studies and the History of the Ottoman Empire, 1550–1922: An introduction, ed. Donald Quataert, (New York, NY: State University of New York Press, 2000), 290. 67 Hsin-huang Michael Hsiao, The Middle Classes in Taiwan: Origins, formations, and significance, in Taiwan: A newly industrialized state ed. Hsing-huang Michael Hsiao et al. (Taipei: Department of Sociology National Taiwan University, 1989), 158. 68 Robert M. Marsh, How Important is Social Class Identification in Taiwan?The Soci- ological Quarterly 44:1 (2003): 37. 69 Ricardo López and Barbara Weinstein, Introduction: We Shall be All: Toward a transnational history of the middle class, in The Making of the Middle Class: Toward a transnational history, ed. Ricardo López and Barbara Weinstein (London: Duke University Press, 2012), 4. 70 Kenneth McPherson, Port Cities as Nodal Points of Change: The Indian Ocean, 1890s–1920s, in Modernity & Culture: From the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean, ed. Leila Tarazi Fawaz and C.A. Bayly (New York, NY: Columbia Univer- sity Press, 2002), 75. 71 Ibid., 75. 72 Rhoads Murphy, The Treaty Ports and China’s Modernization, in The Chinese City Between Two Worlds, ed. Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner (Stanford, CA: Stan- ford University Press, 1974), 17. 73 Yen-P’ing Hao, The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China: Bridge between East and West (Harvard, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), 89; also Wood (1998), 253–257. 74 Robin Ostle, Alexandria: A Mediterranean cosmopolitan center of cultural production, in Modernity & Culture: From the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean, ed. Leila Tarazi Fawaz and C.A. Bayly (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2002), 316. 75 Taiwan Historica (TH), Chongxiu Taiwansheng tongzhi, 重修臺灣省通志 [A Re- edition to the History of the Taiwan Province] (Nantou: Taiwan Historica, 1998), 477. Among the Taiwanese include: Xu Nanying, 許南英, who worked as an assist- ant to Liu Yongfu during the Taiwan War of 1895; Chen Wangzeng, 陳望曾, who passed the jinshi examination in 1874; and Xiao Fengyuan, 蕭逢源, also a jinshi from Tainan; he moved his family to Zhejiang in 1895, see: Lin Weizhou 林偉洲 et al., Taiwan lishi renwu xiaozhuan: minqing ji riju shiqi, 臺灣歷史人物小傳:明清暨日據時期 [Biography of Historical Figures of Taiwan: Ming Dynasty, Qing Dynasty and the Japanese Period] (Taipei: National Central Library, 2003), 748. 76 Ann Heylen, Japanese Models, Chinese Culture and the Dilemma of Taiwanese Language Reform (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2012), 21–22. 77 Today Lin Kegong is memorialised as being the first Taiwanese artist to complete an entire art training in Europe. On Lin Kegong, see: Lai Mingzhu 賴明珠, Jianlian, xuanmiao, Lin Kegong 簡練,玄邈,林克恭 [Concise, Abstruse, Lin Kegong] (Taipei: Ministry of Culture, 2011). 78 Tai-chun Kuo and Ramon H. Myers, Taiwan’s Economic Transformation: Leadership, Property Rights and Institutional Change 1949–1965 (London: Routledge, 2012), 16–19; Liu Ts’ui-jung 劉翠溶, Han Migration and the Settlement of Taiwan: The onset of environmental change, in Sediments of Time: Environment and society in Chinese history, ed. Mark Elvin and Liu Ts’ui-jung (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1998), 196; Li Mingzhu 李明珠 (ed.), Taiwanshi shiyijiang 臺灣史十一講 [Eleven Lectures on Taiwan History] (Taipei: National Museum of History, 2006). 79 John Darwin, After Tamerlane: The rise & fall of global empires, 1400–2000 (London: Penguin Group, 2008), 14. 34 Introduction 80 Samuel P. Ho, Economic Development of Taiwan, 1860–1970 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 3. 81 Ibid., 25. Samuel P. Ho has to some extent retracted this claim in a more recent chapter by writing that, although in 1895 Taiwan had a ‘modest modern sector’, it was transformed from a fragmented economy into an integrated market system under Japanese colonial rule. Samuel P. Ho, Colonialism and Development: Korea, Taiwan and Kwantung, in The Pacific in the Age of Early Industrialization, ed. Kenneth L. Pomeranz (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2009), 273–325. 82 Bruce Cumings, Parallax Visions: Making sense of American-East Asian relations at the end of the century (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999), 71. 83 Gustav Ranis, Industrial Development, in Economic Growth and Structural Change in Taiwan: The post-war experience of the Republic of China, ed. Walter Galenson (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1979), 208–211. John Garver in the introduction to Taiwan’s Democracy: Economic and political challenges, also accentuates Taiwan’s economic position during the Japanese colonial period as being agriculturally driven but with a strong foreign trade orientation (a position also adopted by Ann Booth in the same volume). And although Japan had built a ‘fairly strong phys- ical and institutional infrastructure’, the expansion of modern manufacturing was modest. John W. Garver, Introduction: Taiwan’s democratic consolidation, in Tai- wan’s Democracy: Economic and political challenges, ed. Robert Ash, John W. Garver, and Penelope B. Prime (London: Routledge, 2011), 1; and Ann Booth, Is the Taiwan Model of Growth, Human Resource Development and Equity Sustainable in the Twenty-First Century? in Taiwan’s Democracy: Economic and political challenges, ed. Robert Ash, John W. Garver, and Penelope B. Prime (London: Routledge, 2011), 101. 84 Linda K. Menton et al., The Rise of Modern Japan (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003), 56. 85 See: Leo Ou-fan Lee, Literary Trends: The quest for modernity, 1895–1927, in An Intellectual History of Modern China, ed. Merle Goldman and Leo Ou-fan Lee (Cambridge: CUP, 2002), 142. 86 Shih-shan Henry Tsai, The Peasant Movement and Land Reform in Taiwan, 1924–1951 (Portland, ME: Merwin Asia, 2015), 212–213. 87 Denny Roy, Taiwan: A political history (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 100. 88 Notable examples include: Steven Harrell, Ploughshare Village: Culture and context in Taiwan (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1982), and Hill Gates, Chinese Working Class Lives: Getting by in Taiwan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987). 89 Keelung Hong and Stephen O. Murray, Looking through Taiwan: American anthropologists’ collusion with ethnic domination (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 4. 90 Ting-yee Kuo, Early States of Sinicization of Taiwan, 230–1683, in Taiwan in Modern Times, ed. Paul K.T. Shih (New York, NY: St John’s University, 1973), 21–31; and Ting-yee Kuo, The Internal Development and Modernization of Taiwan, 1683–1891, in Taiwan in Modern Times, ed. Paul K.T. Shih (New York, NY: St John’s University, 1973), 171–241. Also, Chang Lung-chih, Re-imagining Com- munity from Different Shores, in Contested Views of a Common Past: Revisions of history in contemporary East Asia, ed., S. Richter (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2008), 143; and Ann Heylen, From Local to National History: Forces in the institutionalization of a Taiwanese historiography, China Perspectives 37 (2001): 39–51. 91 The baojia system was essentially a community-based (liturgical in the Weberian sense) civic-controlled system. Each bao, 保, were given authority to maintain order, collect tax, and organise civic projects, see: Hui-yu Caroline Ts’ai, Engineer- ing the Social or Engaging ‘Everyday Modernity?’ Interwar Taiwan Reconsidered, Introduction 35 in Becoming Taiwan: From colonialism to democracy ed. Ann Heylen and Scott Sommers (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2010), 83–84; and Susan Mann, Local Merchant and the Chinese Bureaucracy, 1750–1950 (Stanford, CA: Stanford Uni- versity Press, 1987), 13. 92 Chou Wan-yao, A New Illustrated History of Taiwan (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 2015), 205. 93 Paul D. Barclay, Tangled up in Red: Textiles, trading posts, and the emergence of indigenous modernity in Japanese Taiwan, in Japanese Taiwan: Colonial rule and its contested legacy, ed. Andrew D. Morris (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 53. 94 Chou (2015), 203. 95 For a notable example, see: Tsai (2015). 96 Bayly (2002), 47. 97 In 2006 two essays published in the Journal of Modern History challenge the idea of national or nation-centred histories, See: Raymond Grew, Expanding Worlds of World History, and Michael Lang, Globalization and its History, Journal of Modern History 78 (2006): 878–931. For Taiwan, see: Chang (2008). 98 S.N. Eisenstadt, Multiple Modernities, Daedalus 129:1 (2000): 4. 99 It must also be said, that Ting-yee Kuo in his chapter on modernity in Shih’s Taiwan in Modern Times does make reference to the importance of the three Taiwan ‘self- strengtheners’, Shen Baozhen, Ding Richang, and Liu Mingchuan, Kuo (1973), 171–241. 100 Robert Gardella, From Treaty Ports to Provincial Status, 1860–1894, in Taiwan: A new history, ed. Murray Rubinstein (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 165; Allee (1994), 67; and Morris (2002), 3–25. 101 Morris (2002), 5. 102 Gardella (1999), 191. 103 Samuel C. Chu, Liu Ming-ch’uan and Modernization of Taiwan, The Journal of Asian Studies 23:1 (1963): 52; William M. Speidel, The Administrative and Fiscal Reforms of Liu Ming-ch’uan in Taiwan, 1884–1891: Foundation for self- strengthening, The Journal of Asian Studies 35:3 (1976): 442; and Gardella (1999), 191. 104 Emma Jinhua Teng, Taiwan’s Imagined Geography: Chinese colonial travel writing and pictures, 1683–1895 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 207. 105 Paul R. Katz, When Valleys Turned Red: The Ta-pa-ni incident in colonial Taiwan (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005b), 26. 106 See: E.P. Thompson, History from Below, Times Literary Supplement (7 April 1966), 279–280. 107 Kenneth Pomeranz, The Making of a Hinterland: State, society, and economy in inland north China, 1853–1937 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993), 1. 108 Ibid., 1. 109 Harry J. Lamley, The Formation of Cities: Initiative and motivation in building three walled cities in Taiwan, in The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (California, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977), 156. In Tao-chang Chiang’s paper on Walled Cities and Towns, he argues that the construction of walls in towns and cities throughout Taiwan were symbols of Chinese success in the domestication of the frontier, Tao-chang Chiang, Walled Cities and Towns in Taiwan, in China’s Island Frontier: Studies in the historical geography of Taiwan, ed. Ronald G. Knapp (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press, 1980), 127. 110 G. William Skinner argues that these almost ‘interurban’ linkages were vital in the shaping of cities throughout the region, see: Skinner (1977), 276. On the development of Taipei, see: Joseph R. Allen, Taipei: City of displacement (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2012), 72–75. 111 For a good comparison, see: Sebastian Conrad, Double Marginalization: A plea for a transnational perspective on German history, in Comparative and Transnational 36 Introduction History: Central European approaches and new perspectives, ed. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt and Jürgen Kocker (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009), 52–77. 112 Donald R. DeGlopper, Social Structure in a Nineteenth-Century Taiwanese Port City, in The City in Late Imperial China ed. G. William Skinner (California, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977), 634; and Donald R. DeGlopper, Lu-kang: A city and its trading system, in China’s Island Frontier: Studies in the historical geography of Taiwan, ed. Ronald G. Knapp (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press, 1980), 146. 113 Lin Yu-ju (2011), 137–168; Cho-yun Hsu, The Chinese Settlement of the I-lan Plain, in China’s Island Frontier: Studies in the historical geography of Taiwan, ed. Ronald G. Knapp (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press, 1980), 69–86. 114 DeGlopper (1977), 634. 115 Bayly (2002), 55. 116 Meskill (1979), 24–25. 117 Eric Hobsbawm, Introduction: Inventing tradition, in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 2. 118 Eric Hobsbawm, On History (Kettering: Abacus, 2009), 15. 119 Steven Sangren, Traditional Chinese Corporations: Beyond kinship, The Journal of Asian Studies 43:3 (1984): 391. 120 John R. Shepherd, The Island Frontier of the Ch’ing, 1684–1780, in Taiwan: A new history, ed. Murray Rubinstein (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 128. 121 Paul D. Barclay, Cultural Brokerage and Interethnic Marriage in Colonial Taiwan: Japanese subalterns and their aborigine wives, 1895–1930, The Journal of Asian Studies 64:2 (2005): 325. 122 Chuang Ying-Chang and Arthur P. Wolf, Marriage in Taiwan, 1881–1905: An example of regional diversity, The Journal of Asian Studies 54:2 (1995): 782. 123 Chen Chiukun (1999), 159. 124 Kristofer M. Schipper, Neighbourhood Cult Associations in Traditional Tainan, in The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (California, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977), 652. 125 Stephan Feuchtwang, School-Temple and City God, in The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (California, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977), 583. 126 Ibid., 584. 127 Alsford (2010), 313. 128 Gardella (1999), 177. 129 Ibid., 177. For Weller’s study see: Robert P. Weller, Unities and Diversities in Chinese Religion (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1987), 74–81; also Robert P. Weller, Bandits, Beggars, and Ghosts: The failure of state control over religious interpretation in Taiwan, American Ethnologist 12:1 (1985): 46–61. 130 Joseph Grange, The City: An urban cosmology (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999), xv. 131 Robert Bickers, Chinabound: Crossing borders in treaty port China, History in Focus: Migration 11 (2006), accessed 6 February 2015, www.history.ac.uk/ihr/ Focus/Migration/articles/bickers.html. 132 François Gipouloux, The Asian Mediterranean: Port cities and trading networks in China, Japan and Southeast Asia, 13th–21st century (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 2011), 144. On the non-corporate interaction on the Taiwanese at a local and regional level see: Lawrence W. Crissman, The Structure of Local and Regional Systems, in The Anthropology of Taiwanese Society, ed. Emily Martin Ahern and Hill Gates (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1997), 89–124. 133 Christopher Bayly and Leila Fawaz, Introduction: The connected world of empires, in Modernity & Culture: From the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean, ed. Leila Tarazi Fawaz and C.A. Bayly (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2002), 1. Introduction 37 134 Alsford (2010), 15. 135 This argument is also put forward (though for a later period) by both Douglas B. Fuller and Murray A. Rubinstein in that multinational corporations in Taiwan can play an assertive role in economic development in a conglomeration of state support, local engagement, and transnational technology communities. All of which can point ‘to informal conduits of knowledge […] that can help facilitate technological [transfer]’, see: Douglas B. Fuller and Murray A. Rubinstein (eds.), Technology Transfer between the US, China and Taiwan (London: Routledge, 2013), 2. 136 Gardella (1999), 178. 137 Meskill (1979), 257. 138 Jon Stobart, Who were the Urban Gentry? Social elites in an English provincial town, c.1680–1760, Continuity and Change 26:1 (2011): 90. 139 Christopher Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen, and Bazaars: North Indian society in the age of British expansion 1770–1870 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983), 197. 140 Donald Quataert (ed.), Consumption Studies and the History of the Ottoman Empire, 1550–1922: An introduction (New York, NY: State University of New York Press, 2000), 5. 141 Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Comparative History – A contested method, Historisk Tid- skrift 4 (2007): 705. 142 See: Rana Mitter, China’s War with Japan, 1937–1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2013). 143 George Lesley MacKay, MacKay’s Diaries: Original English version, 1871–1901 (Taipei: The Relic Committee of the Northern Synod of the Taiwan Presbyterian Church, 2007), 1048. 144 Band (1936), 92–97. 145 Davidson (2005), 282. 146 Eric Hobsbawm, Some Reflections on ‘The Break-up of Britain’, New Left Review 105 (1977): 13. 147 Anderson (1983), 6–7. 148 Davidson (2005), 300. 149 Morris (2002), 17. 150 Davidson (2005), 299. 151 Morris (2002), 17. 152 Ibid., 17. 153 Hosea B. Morse, A Short Lived Republic (Formosa, May 24th to June 3rd, 1895), The New China Review 1 (1919): 37. 154 Huang Zhaotang (trans., Liao Weizhi 廖為智) Taiwan minzhuguo zhi yanjiu, 臺灣民主國之研究 [Research into the Republic of Formosa] (Taipei: Council on Formosan Studies, 1993), 171. 155 Foreign Office (FO) 228/1200, Reporting Occurrences at Tamsui up to 10th May (Tamsui, 10 May 1895): 136; and Lamley (1970), 42–43. 156 Lamley (1970), 37. 157 Lamley (1968), 747. 158 GPM, 411–12. 159 GPM, 418. 160 GPM, 418. 161 Lamley (1970), 24. 162 Ibid., 24. 163 Marius B. Jansen, et al., The Historiography of the Sino-Japanese War, The Inter- national History Review 1:2 (1979): 191. 164 Takeshi Hamashita, Tribute and Treaties: Maritime Asia and treaty port networks in the era of negotiation 1800–1900, in The Resurgence of East Asia: 500, 150 and 50 year perspective, eds. Gionvanni Arrighi et al., (London: Routledge, 2003), 24. 165 Jansen et al. (1979), 192. 38 Introduction 166 Ibid., 193. The Japanese were also, according to Junnan Lai, able to manipulate the language of ‘civilisation’ as an ‘ideological window dressing’ to ‘brand China as a “barbarous” nation that violated international law and norms, not only to the West but also justify the conflict domestically’, Junnan Lai, Sovereignty and ‘Civiliza- tion’: International law and East Asia in the nineteenth century, Modern China 40 (2014): 282. 167 A good example of this is the thirteen Chinese students who went to study in Japan in 1896, see: Gracia Liu-Farrer, Labour Migration from China to Japan (Oxon: Routledge, 2011), 18. An interesting alternative could be a view of the conflict through Japanese children’s eyes as alluded to by Saya Makito in her discussion on Japanese children mocking Chinese resident merchants in the Tamachi neighbourhood of central Tokyo, see: Makito (2011), 121–122. 168 Tsai Weipin, The First Casualty: Truth, lies and commercial opportunism in Chinese newspapers during the First Sino-Japanese War, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 24:1 (2014): 145–163. 169 Bruce A. Elleman, Modern Chinese Warfare, 1795–1989 (London: Routledge, 2001), 98–104. 170 Elleman argues that the Tonghak rebellion (termed insurrection) was one of two pre- cipitates, the other being the assassination of Kim Ok-kyun in Shanghai and the apparent displaying of the corpse as a ‘warning to the pro-Japanese faction in Korea’, see: Elleman (2001), 94. 171 Ki-baik Lee (trans., Edward W. Wagner), A New History of Korea (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 285–287; and Key Ray Chong, The Tonghak Rebellion: Harbinger of Korean nationalism, Journal of Korean Studies 1:1 (1969): 86. More recent scholarship includes: Carl Young, Embracing Modernity: Organisa- tional and ritual reform in Ch’ŏndogyo, 1905–1910, Asian Studies Review 29 (2005): 47. 172 Jansen et al. (1979), 214. 173 S.C.M. Paine, The Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895: Perceptions, power, and primacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 6. 174 Jansen et al. (1979), 215. 175 Jansen et al. (1979), 215; and Paine (2003), 316. More specifically on Sino-Japanese rivalry within the Korean Peninsula, see: Urs Matthias Zachman, China and Japan in the Late Meiji Period (London: Routledge, 2009), 15–17. 176 Quo (1968), 141. 177 Ian H. Nish, The Anglo-Japanese Alliance: The diplomacy of two island empires, 1894–1907 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1966), 23. 178 Ibid., 24. 179 Ian H. Nish, Aoki Shūzō, 1844–1914 Brief Encounter [London, 1894], in Japanese Envoys in Britain 1862–1964: A century of diplomatic exchange, ed. Ian Nish (Folk- stone: Global Oriental Ltd., 2007), 73–74. 180 Douglas Howland, The Sinking of the S.S. Kowshing: International law, diplomacy, and the Sino-Japanese War, Modern Asian Studies 42:4 (2008): 673–703. 181 Quo (1968), 145. 182 See: FO 228/1200, O’Conor to Hopkins (Peking 21 April 1895): 3. 183 Michael Woods, Rethinking Elites: Networks, space, and local politics, Environment and Planning 30 (1998): 2101–2119; Stobart (2011): 89–112. 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