niut ulctosLd 08 hsi nOe cesatce itiue ne h em fthe work. derivative of a must terms Press create University to the Cambridge order of in under permission or written distributed antiquity re-use The commercial cited. article, properly for is obtained Access and be unaltered Open is work an original the is This by-ncnd/4.0/ ( 2018. licence Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives Ltd, Commons Creative Publications Antiquity © h hn ( Shang The Introduction Mizoguchi Koji approach archaeological social a revisited: tombs royal Shang Xibeigang The ∗ 2 1 as nentoa eerh(..Chang (e.g. research international Keywords: h nttt fHsoyadPiooyo cdmaSnc xaae h ryltombs’ ‘royal as the it describe excavated reports Sinica excavation Academia official of (the Philology Xibeigang and the History at of Institute the obd h ob ile naubeeiec hthsalwdacaooit oinvestigate to archaeologists allowed has that evidence invaluable yielded tombs the robbed, m2000 km 0 N aut fSca utrlSuis ysuUiest,74Mt’k,NsiWr,Fkoa8909, 819-0395, Fukuoka Philology Ward, Nishi and Moto’oka, History 744 University, of Kyushu Studies, Institute Cultural & Social of Faculty api TaiwanTaipei, HPKM uhrfrcrepnec (Email: correspondence for Author 233(08:709–723 (2018): 363 92 ) hn,Ayn,Sagdnsy iegn eeey otayarchaeology mortuary cemetery, Xibeigang dynasty, Shang Anyang, , ,wihprisnncmeca eue itiuinadrpouto naymdu,provided medium, any in reproduction and distribution re-use, non-commercial permits which ),    Dnsy,a neapeo n‘al iiiain,hsatatdsignificant attracted has civilisation’, ‘early an of example an as ‘Dynasty’, )  1, Xibeigang eeeyo Anyang- of cemetery ∗ &JunkoUchida , [email protected] cdmaSnc,N.10 eto ,Aaei od agn District, Nangang Road, Academia 2, Section 130, No. Sinica, Academia Beijing 1980 Trigger ; 709 2 h ucinn ferysae nother in states early of regions. the functioning understanding the and practices for mortuary between social also relationship the Shang but late of the dynasty, of not reconstruction organisation important and the The structure are other. for analysis each only this to of of strategic relation placement results in the the tombs reveals behind the theory and decisions social applied, social allowing be cemetery here, the to of presented chronology is detailed is, the reconstruction of new practices A limited. mortuary very however, Shang Shang informing strategies last social the Xibeigang the of Understanding Yinxu, capital. the Anyang of at the cemetery tombs’ much particularly ‘royal attracted renowned research, has Dynasty archaeological Shang The  ) 2003   Yoffee ;  https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.19 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ ( iue1 Figure 2005 Hsi-Pei-Kang .Fo 1935–1937, From ). .Atog heavily Although ). abbreviated ,

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida

Figure 1. General plan of the Xibeigang cemetery, Anyang Yinxu (after Liang & Gao 1962, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974, 1976, 1996; Anyang Archaeological Team IA CASS 1987;IACASS1994).

the successive late Shang kings, their genealogical relationships and the ritual-based system of governance (e.g. Chang 1977: 282–85, 1980). Comparison of the outcomes of the investigation of the royal tombs with that of the study of so-called ‘oracle bones’ bearing scripts written in primitive has also illuminated aspects of the workings of an early state (e.g. Chang 1977: 282–85, 1980; Barnes 2015). By examining spatio-temporal evidence at cemetery sites, Mizoguchi (e.g. 1993, 2005, 2013, 2014, 2015) has developed a methodological framework for reconstructing the strategies adopted by those who planned and performed ancient mortuary practices. Through this perspective, Mizoguchi noted complex spatial relationships between the Xibeigang tombs, which strongly suggested the careful strategic placement of tombs in relation to pre-existing tombs, with the intention of making socio-political statements. Meanwhile, Uchida has studied the ‘-si’  ritual spatulas made from animal bone, excavated from the Xibeigang tombs. By correlating their stylistic changes over time to that of other artefacts from the tombs, it has become possible to date the construction of the respective tombs accurately and to reconstruct the formation process of the Xibeigang cemetery (Namba 1990, 1995a & b; see also the online supplementary material (OSM)). By combining these approaches, it is possible to investigate the socio-symbolic strategies adopted by those who constructed the tombs and designed and conducted funeral ceremonies, and to reconstruct the meanings, such as respect paid to the previously buried ‘ancestors’ in the same cemetery, designed to be generated through funeral ceremonies. It is hoped that the results will illuminate how authority and power were negotiated and reproduced through the mortuary practice of the Shang ruling figures and their factions (cf. Brumfiel & Fox 2003). © Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2018

710 pntercntutv netgto fteitninadsrtg dpe ytoewho Tilley those by (cf. social- adopted a practices strategy takes and social intention cemetery centres certain the Xibeigang of conducted archaeology investigation the social-interpretative reconstructive of the Here, tombs upon perspective. royal archaeological Shang late interpretative of investigation This the and methods participants and funeral Material of orientated. positioning were participants the that direction the in indicate Arrows manipulation directed. were demonstrating gazes their strategies which to mortuary direction(s) Three 2. Figure ob ntoecss h orestre hi ak ntedcae,ltrlyshowing literally tomb deceased, pre-existing the the of on deceased ( backs the by buried their turned being mourners person the the disrespect cases, and those tomb In that paying tomb. effectively in thereby buried tomb, person pre-existing the specific both a to towards respect faced ( have case each would in funeral ramp southern the by marked being immediately built the were in purposes various and for and to referred manners been various have in Mizoguchi used would (e.g. practice symbolically memories, been internalised have preserve would to helped have would form decide Giddens the we see in which settings; mostly social from certain preserved memories handle embodied are to or that how internalised customs (i.e. or consciousness’ memories ‘practical of of repository a from ‘chosen’ h vial vdnei the in evidence available the nte.I otcss oee,i a edfcl oseiywihi which. is which specify to difficult be one from may them it however, differentiate cases, possible, where most must, In another. we and them behind intentions different neetnl,ohrtmswr osrce immediately constructed were tombs other Interestingly, ( sides four the of each to attached ramp sloping a with chamber oietf h rhelgcleiec o uhpatclcncoses ems situate must we consciousness, practical such for evidence archaeological the identify To tteXbiagcmtr,a‘oa ob scmrsdo etnua anburial main rectangular a of comprised is tomb’ ‘royal a cemetery, Xibeigang the At oteocpn ( occupant the to h nagXbiagSagryltmsrevisited tombs royal Shang Xibeigang Anyang The nfront in 1993 taeyY strategy o ftime. of flow akrPearson Parker ; ftedsgae fot fapeeitn ob(h ‘front’ (the tomb pre-existing a of ‘front’ designated the of ), ( or taeyY’ strategy h aeiltae ftoeps ueayoccasions funerary past those of traces material The utn themselves putting 711 1999 1994 )( taeyX strategy 1984 iue2 Figure 193–97). : .Sc netosadsrtge are strategies and intentions Such ). 41–45). : behind ) ) . . ntepsto fbigrespected being of position the in hs h atcptdi the in participated who Those n ’srtge aevastly have strategies Y’ and Y niut ulctosLd 2018 Ltd, Publications Antiquity © iue 1 Figures h ra’o pre-existing a of ‘rear’ the & 2 .Sm tombs Some ). iue2 Figure ).

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida

There were also tombs located as if they were pairing with one another, although there must have been a gap between their construction. Here, it can be inferred that those who conducted the funeral at the later tomb intended to portray the person that they were burying as ‘equal’ to the person buried in the earlier grave (strategy Z)(Figure 2). Such strategic placement of the later tombs was made possible by the probable presence of an ancestral shrine. An ancestral shrine structure (F1) was excavated on the tomb of Fu-Hao ,and is assumed to be the ‘shrine of Mother Xin’—the of Fu-Hao, recorded in scripts (IA CASS 1980). Markers, such as low earthen platforms, probably also indicated the location of the main burial pit and the four ramps of the pre-existing tombs. Furthermore, as the edges of at least one of the ramps of a newly built tomb often overlap slightly with those of a pre-existing tomb (Figures 1 & 2), it is probable that the strategies were very carefully designed and pre-planned. It is, however, virtually impossible to prove whether it was the kings themselves who designed or planned such strategies prior to their death, or if it was those who conducted the funerary rituals. Through examination of the available evidence, we will attempt to verify this inferential hypothesis regarding the importance of ancestors and the cultic reproduction of kingly authority (Keightley 1999).

Analysis: reconstructing the chronology of the Xibeigang cemetery Previous attempts to reconstruct the chronology of the Xibeigang royal tombs have relied mainly on the examination of partial overlaps between some of the tombs (e.g. Li 1959; Kane 1975; Anonymous 1977;Chang1980: 117–19; Yang 1981, 1991). The tombs were heavily robbed and most of the datable artefacts (such as bronze items) that could be attributed to specific phases of the typo-chronological sequence were lost (Liang & Gao 1962, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974, 1976, 1996;cf.Namba1990;IACASS1994). Such overlaps, however, are present only between tombs 1001 and 1550 (the latter was con- structed later than the former), between 1001, 1004 and 1002 (constructed in that order), and between 1500 and 1217 (the latter constructed later than the former) (Figure 1). Nei- ther 1003 nor 1400 display such overlapping (Figure 1). Thus, the previous interpretations failed to locate tombs 1003 and 1400 convincingly in the Xibeigang sequence (see Table 1). Since the 1950s, a relative chronology has been developed using Anyang pottery vessels, and is informed by the classification of bronzes and other items. The result of this is the four-phase Anyang Yinxu chronology (IA CASS 1994). Yinxu tomb 5 (the tomb of Fu- Hao, a wife of the twenty-second Shang ruler -Ding) in the palace complex at Xiaotun  Village had not been robbed, and yielded a grave assemblage typical of the second phase of the chronological scheme (IA CASS 1980). Amongst the large tombs of the Xibeigang cemetery, 1443 and 50WGM1 are thought to pre-date the first phase, and, importantly, are probably contemporaneous with Shangcheng , located immediately north-east of Yinxu, and dating from the Middle Shang period (Tang 1999). Tombs 1550, 1400 and 1004 are contemporaneous with the Fu-Hao tomb, and hence date to the second phase. These are the only tombs that can be convincingly situated in the Yinxu chronological system. Study of the ritual bone ‘Gu-si’ spatulas decorated with carved symbolic motifs has, however, enabled Uchida to construct a chronological system that allows the temporal © Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2018

712 ag fmtf avdi eif h etr apo ob15 ustesuhr apof ramp southern overall the cuts the 1550 tomb in of ramp ( tomb western 1001 The each relief. tomb sequence in the of carved in motifs oldest position of the range is relative tombs 1001 tomb the different that shows determine ( the analysis This to from Xibeigang. excavated us of chronology specimen enabled each hence of has Examination types. well-defined design whole the comprising units design of number large initially the Carving: 2) leg and rib cattle the of shape original the preserve specimens earliest the Morphology: 1) )Teoiia oecettnst elf nokdi h ale pcmn u is but specimens earlier the in unworked left be to tends crest bone original The which of 4) each OSM), the in S1 Figure (see traditions main two into fall motifs Design: 3) (Namba 27778III?IV III/IV III III II II II 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 7 6 5 8 4 3 2 7 6 4 5 3 – 2 1217 1500 1002 1003 1004 1400 1550 19––?Huan-bei Steady determined. be to cemetery ( spatulas Xibeigang these ? of the attributes following at the in tombs recognised be royal can change the 1 diachronic all of positions – – ∗∗ – ∗ 1 – – – 1001 50WGM1 1443 ( Li 1129 of number Tomb tombs royal the of Uchida) & Mizoguchi and Yang & Yang (Li, Xibeigang. dates the Comparing 1. Table iue3 Figure agadYn ( Yang and Yang e h S n ag( Yang and OSM the See hs rda n otnoscagsalwrta oesaua ob lsie into classified be to spatulas bone ritual allow changes continuous and gradual These rdal erae.Crigi ntal nrle u rdal hne oflte modes flatter to changes gradually but ( relief motifs in incised initially with is Carving decreases. gradually section. in cross straighter in smaller, gradually curved sides. and and long concave size plate-like, with in and section, large rectangular cross are become They they formed. time are Over they which from bones nraigywre vrtm;tetpi atndadcrandsg oisaeincised are motifs design certain and flattened ( is it top in the time; carving over worked the increasingly of terms in simplification and employed. economisation design of and technique process distinct a shows 1990 iue3 Figure ) h ptlsfo hstm nld ag ane pcmn,wt wide a with specimens, painted large include tomb this from spatulas The b). iue1 Figure 1977 , 1995a eiv hst etetm fWu-Ding. of tomb the be to this believe ) a). 1991 ,tu ugsigta 01pedts15.Tesaua rmtomb from spatulas The 1550. pre-dates 1001 that suggesting thus ), & 1959 h nagXbiagSagryltmsrevisited tombs royal Shang Xibeigang Anyang The ). iue3 Figure b e loteOSM): the also see ; ) ). ag&Yang & Yang ( 1977 ∗ 713 ) iouh & Mizoguchi Uchida − − 1I niut ulctosLd 2018 Ltd, Publications Antiquity © 1I 2Huan-bei hn-hn phase Shang-cheng hn-hn phase Shang-cheng chronology Yinxu iue3 Figure ∗∗ )

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida

Figure 3. ‘Gu-si’  and its typo-chronological sequence. A) Parts and names used in the text (213mm in length, and 65mm in width; after Umehara 1940: fig. 82); B) specimens from respective tombs, presented in chronological order (Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica).

1550 still include large painted specimens, but the design motifs are in shallower relief (Figure 3b). The eastern and southern ramps of tomb 1004 cut the northern and western ramps (respectively) of tomb 1001 (Figure 1). Large painted spatulas are absent from tomb 1004, and the design motifs of the spatulas from this tomb are less sophisticated and flatter in their execution than that of tomb 1550 (Figure 3b). Tomb 1004 was therefore probably constructed after tomb 1550. Tomb 1003 was probably constructed after tomb 1004, as the spatulas are flatter in cross section, the main design elements are in shallower relief and the background to the design fields is left unfilled (Figure 3b). These changes imply a further simplification of design. Tomb 1002 was probably constructed after tomb 1003, as the main motif of the background to the design fields (spirals) begins to be replaced by parallel lines (Figure 3b). In tomb 1500 the spiral motifs have been completely replaced by sets of parallel lines, suggesting that it was constructed after 1002. The northern ramp of tomb 1217 overlaps the southern ramp of tomb 1500, and the spatulas from this tomb have incised line designs with no relief elements (Figure 3b). Combined, this evidence suggests that tomb 1217 is later than both tombs 1002 and 1500, © Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2018

714 ags( Yang’s ihtefu hsso h ix hoooia cee(e loteOSM). the also (see scheme chronological Yinxu the of phases four the with h ot n ot ie ftemi uilpt( to pit attached burial ramps two main only the have of cemetery, sides the south of and half north eastern the the in located kings), Shang ideo lse fohrryltmssget hti ak h n fteueo the of use the of end the marks sequence cemetery it the create that a thus the suggests as inferences in These tombs location cemetery. location royal royal this its a other and of as of 1576 location evidence use cluster tomb This the a of phase. of of nature I unfinished middle beginning The period, Yinxu the individuals. Shang the mark high-ranking Middle to for tombs dating the these items to that bronze dating suggests yielded artefacts 50WGM1 jade tomb yielded while 1443 Tomb artefacts. datable loteOSM). the also rsetu) dsepcflo en epce)adZ(arn)srtge.Additionally, strategies. (pairing) Z (cf. and previously respected) buried being been or had (disrespectful who Y those (respectful), to relationship spatial Mizoguchi certain a in individual ( date 1400 tomb from excavated (Namba vessels phase bronze II Yinxu The the 1004. to and 1550 tombs of construction eslfo ob10 aefo h aeYnuI hs (Namba Gu phase a II and Yinxu halberd late bronze a the that from added date be 1004 1400 also tomb tomb should that from It indicates vessel 1550. further chronologically This 1550 tomb OSM). traits tomb after the display from also constructed however, vessels (see was 1400, 1550 the tomb tomb and from from phase those Those I than phase. later Yinxu II late Yinxu the the to to date date 1001 tomb from vessels the follows: as tomb unfinished of exception the (with sequence cemetery whole the 1576). of end the at it placing h hsn fteXbiagryltms( tombs royal Xibeigang the of phasing The implications their and strategies Social A. Interpretation iue4 Figure al 1 Table ob 19 43ad5WM wihmyrpeetteryltmso he Middle three of tombs royal the represent may (which 50WGM1 and 1443 1129, Tombs hs bevtospitt h olwn euneo obconstruction: tomb of sequence following the to point observations These ( 1400 tomb that suggests evidence available The hsivsiainalw st eosrc h hoooyo h iegn oa tombs royal Xibeigang the of chronology the reconstruct to us allows investigation This 1443 1977 ,sgetn htsca esgswr xrse ylctn h uilo an of burial the locating by expressed were messages social that suggesting ), 1001 umrssteaayi n ruet n oprsL’ ( Li’s compares and argument, and analysis the summarises 2005 → → eune ihor.Tepstoso h epcietmsaeas compared also are tombs respective the of positions The ours. with sequences ) 1001 → 1500 50WGM1 .Sc cntutdrltosis nld h rvosymnindX mentioned previously the include relationships’ ‘constructed Such ). 1550 → → h nagXbiagSagryltmsrevisited tombs royal Shang Xibeigang Anyang The 1550 → 1217 → 1400 → 1990 1001 → 1004 → , 1576 1995a → 1004 → 1550 1003 & 715 iue1 Figure → b → ;IACASS 1003 → iue1 Figure 1400 olwdarltvl ope pattern complex relatively a followed ) 1002 → → iue1 Figure 1002 1994 → .Tm 19ddntyedany yield not did 1129 Tomb ). 1004 niut ulctosLd 2018 Ltd, Publications Antiquity © 1500 e loteOM,whereas OSM), the also see ; → a ul ewe the between built was ) → 1500 → 1990 1003 1959 1217 → , 1995a → n agand Yang and ) 1217 1002 & b ;see

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida

Figure 4. Chronology of the Xibeigang cemetery. X, Y, Z and respective arrows: mortuary strategies and intended references (see too, Figure 2).

© Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2018

716 ucso o h cuato 04 lhuhtedcae f10 eogdt different a and to of, belonged equal 1003 the of deceased as the deceased although the 1004, position lineage. of to occupant intended the 1003 to, of successor mourners the that suggest 1980 rcebn cit aeatmtdt en hs gop’ ti ufiin eet identify to here sufficient is it ‘groups’, these define to as the attempted them of studies have previous scripts Although recognised. bone be oracle can lineages or groups between competition omdacutr u 03was 1003 but cluster, a formed 01 n iutnosyt eosrt h ihrsca ttspsto fteindividual the of of that ( status/position to 1004 social successor in higher genealogical buried the the demonstrate as to occupant mourners simultaneously the the and situate of 1001, to intention therefore, strategic was, The 1004 1001. tomb to of occupant its of proximity genealogical the ( Y strategy as so deceased ( X strategy of example in buried ancestors paying with, of 50WGM1. connection intention and deceased’s the 1443 the with tombs view. emphasising here effectively platform—within located and low initially to, was very cemetery respect a royal the or that shrine suggests ancestral This an by represented 1443—probably anetac ntesuhr ie ugsigta 01 50ad10 eebiti a in built were 1400 X and to south 1550 mourners the 1001, the to that caused suggesting slightly naturally that side, placed position southern were the 1400 ( on and entrance tombs 1550 main pre-existing 1001, two tombs those that of note to important is eebit ob 43ad5WM eearayetn ( extant already were 50WGM1 and (see 1443 tombs built, the were throughout event funerary each in faction(s) such by sequence. adopted strategies the on focuses obe to nietcllniuia xs( axis longitudinal identical an ( cluster 4 f10—neapeo taeyZ. strategy of example 1400—an of osrce ob10 re olct h eesdi nequivalent an in deceased the locate ( to tried 1400 1004 as tomb constructed position latitudinal same the thereby 1400, of ramp southern the of mourners front the in compelling immediately situated was 84M260 Tomb respect paid be 43ad10 ( 1400 and made 1443 also were ( mourners the 1001 1550, of of case the In 50WGM1. ) tcnb ocue httms10,10 n 27fre itntsub- distinct a formed 1217 and 1500 1003, tombs that concluded be can It f). ob10 a osrce otenrhws f10,a fdlbrtl lcn the placing deliberately if as 1001, of north-west the to constructed was 1004 as Tomb so positioned was zone eastern the in 1400 tomb that noted be also should It hntms10 n 50i h etr oeadtm 40i h atr zone eastern the in 1400 tomb and zone western the in 1550 and 1001 tombs When ssgetd ob10 a osrce fe 04adbfr 02( 1002 before and 1004 after constructed was 1003 tomb suggested, As iue1 Figure 5–9 o h ocp f‘atos,seBufil&Fox & Brumfiel see ‘factions’, of concept the for 158–89; : paired iue1 Figure factions iue4 Figure iue4 Figure i o il n aal reat,i soitdfo h olwn td.It study. following the from omitted is it artefacts, datable any yield not did ) srtg )wt 04( 1004 with Z) (strategy ytoebre n10 n 50a xml fsrtg ( Y strategy of example 1550—an and 1001 in buried those by ob adrespect paid be to ae pnknafiitos nldn ohgnieadfitv seChang (see fictive and genuine both including affiliations, kin upon based iue4 Figure ,ntol eas ftermta rxmt,btas hog sharing through also but proximity, mutual their of because only not ), iue 1 Figures ) hssrtg spriual la nterltosi ewe tombs between relationship the in clear particularly is strategy This c). ) ob10 a lopae ihteceritnino displaying of intention clear the with placed also was 1004 Tomb e). iue4 Figure h nagXbiagSagryltmsrevisited tombs royal Shang Xibeigang Anyang The ) neetnl,temi uilpto 04wsstae talmost at situated was 1004 of pit burial main the Interestingly, e). & opyrsetto respect pay to 4 ) atcpn ttefnrlo 40wudhv a tomb had have would 1400 of funeral the at participant a d): d). iue1 Figure not iue 1 Figures yteocpnso 01ad15—neapeof example 1550—an and 1001 of occupants the by ul ob ato t( it of part a be to built .Tm 03wssmlrypae si designed if as placed similarly was 1003 Tomb ). iue4 Figure iue4 Figure 717 h niiulbre ihn10;ti san is this 1400; within buried individual the & 4 ) ob 01 50 04ad1002 and 1004 1550, 1001, Tombs f). ) hssget httemunr who mourners the that suggests This e). –) aho h he ob a their had tombs three the of Each b–d). opyrsetto respect pay to iue1 Figure niut ulctosLd 2018 Ltd, Publications Antiquity © iue4 Figure opyrsetto respect pay to 2003 h eesdo 43and 1443 of deceased the arn position pairing .Tecretanalysis current The ). .Teeobservations These ). –) stm 1129 tomb As a–d). h deceased the iue 1 Figures iue4 Figure othat to d). & to

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida

The construction of tomb 1002 followed that of 1003, which was further followed by 1500 (Figure 4g–h). What makes 1002 particularly remarkable is that it was situated as if the occupant was to be paired with 1550 (strategy Z); a considerable length of time must have passed between the construction of 1550 and 1002 (Figures 1 & 4g). In their longitudinal axes and size of their main burial pits, the tombs were identical and their front ramps were much shorter than those of 1001 and 1004. They also were much shorter than those of 1500 and 1217 (Figure 1). Regardless, the mourners of 1002 did not try to ‘outdo’ the funeral of 1003; they showed their respect to (strategy X), and the close genealogical relationship with, the individual buried in 1004 (Figure 4g). The chronology of the ritual bone spatulas confirms that tomb 1500 post-dates tomb 1002 (Figure 4h). Tomb 1500 was given the northernmost position of the entire Xibeigang cemetery, effectively placing its deceased to be respected by all of those buried in the preceding graves—the execution of strategy Y on a grand scale (Figure 4h). Tomb 1217 post-dates tomb 1500 (Figure 4i), and was also situated so as to express its respect to (strategy X), and genealogical succession from, 1500. The northern ramp of 1217 also overlaps the southern ramp of 1500 (Figure 4i). Interestingly, however, 1217 had longer ramps and its burial pit was of similar shape to those of 1001 and 1400, the two oldest royal tombs of Xibeigang (Figure 1). This suggests that the mourners of 1217 intended to portray the deceased not only as having a close genealogical tie with 1500, but also as reviving the old tradition by emulating the shape of the main burial pits of 1001 and 1400. This may accrue more significance if we consider that tomb 1576, which post-dates tomb 1217 (Figure 4j), was abandoned, unfinished. It is tempting to argue that the mourners of the occupant of 1217 felt that continuation of the lineage (or lineages) of the elite was in danger. Accordingly, they tried to revitalise their faction(s) and their genealogical continuity by emulating or reviving the manner and style in which the founders of the lineage, or lineages (i.e. the ancestors buried in 1001 and 1400), were buried. Despite their highly symbolic effort, the lineage (or lineages) did indeed come to an end.

B. Comparing the outcome to historical sources The dynastic genealogy of the late Shang kings ruling from the capital at Yin  (Anyang) is documented in the well-known Shiji  and Zhúshu¯ Jìnián  (the ). It is thought that Wu-Ding () moved the capital to Yinxu at around 1250 BC (Xia Shang Zhou Chronology Project Team 2000). Ten successive kings then ruled the domain before the last Shang king, Di-Xin (), was killed and Shang rule was ended by the in 1046 BC (Xia Shang Zhou Chronology Project Team 2000). The kings documented in Shiji and in the oracle bone scripts coincide fairly well, although some of the reigns recorded in Shiji (written some 800 years later) are too long to be feasible. The Shiji entries that coincide with descriptions in the oracle bone scripts, however, can be trusted. Importantly, King Lin-Xin’s () enthronement is in doubt because his name does not appear in the oracle bone records, although the Shiji includes him. If Lin-Xin is removed from the dynastic genealogy, the number of the royal tombs and that of the kings recorded in these documents match perfectly (Figure 5): © Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2018

718 iue5 aeSag‘ig’ hi eelg codn oSiiadrlvn rcebns n hi trbtdtombs. attributed their and bones, oracle relevant and Shiji to according genealogy their ‘kings’, Shang Late 5. Figure = ti ieyrcgie httenme flt hn ig onie ihtenn large nine the with Chang coincides (e.g. kings cemetery Shang Xibeigang late the of number at the excavated that tombs recognised widely is It ( Wu-Yi trbt ovnigyec obt n atclrkn.A ob8M6 (see 84M260 tomb to As difficult king. it particular made any has to chronology tomb precise each a convincingly of lack attribute the however, mentioned, previously As hc ile h aosS-uW ( Si-Mu-Wu famous the yielded which loteOM.Ti vdneidctsta uDn poal uidi ob1400) (see tomb Tomb phase the in As phase. II Zu-Ji. buried II Yinxu and (probably Xiao-Yi the Yinxu Kings Wu-Ding to buried the that and dates of ceremonies indicates funeral it, stage evidence the from organised earliest This excavated the OSM). items the to bronze also dates the 1550 to CASS tomb according (IA 1400, and phase phase, II Yinxu I the Yinxu tomb of Her stage Xiaotun. earliest at the complex 1980 characterises palace the that in assemblage Wu-Ding), the of yielded (wife Fu-Hao of tomb the from )teocpn ftm 40( 1400 tomb of occupant the X) CASS uidi ob10.Itiunl,tm 620i lcds sto as so placed is 86M260 tomb Intriguingly, 1400. tomb in buried 1977 1001 uGn ( Zu-Geng 2) ob10—h nerdtm fXa-idtst h nlsaeo the of stage final the to Xiao-Yi—dates of tomb inferred 1001—the Tomb 228). : 4,telwu ieo igW-ig tcnb nerdta h ighmefwas himself king the that inferred be can it Wu-Ding, King of wife lawful the 14), : 1987  =  ioY ( Xiao-Yi ) ) ding  →  1217 esl sms rbbytebra lc fB-u( Bi-Wu of place burial the probably most is vessel, )  →  h nagXbiagSagryltmsrevisited tombs royal Shang Xibeigang Anyang The 1003 = ) e-uDn ( Wen-Wu-Ding → = 1550 uJa( Zu-Jia iue4 Figure =  uj ( Zu-ji   ) ute vdnefrti trbto comes attribution this for evidence Further d).    719  )  or →    ) 1002 )(  → iue5 Figure  1400 = nagAcaooia emIA Team Archaeological Anyang : 1980 egDn ( Geng-Ding niut ulctosLd 2018 Ltd, Publications Antiquity © = ;alsosee 1–9 Yang 110–19, : uDn ( Wu-Ding a epc to respect pay  iue 1 Figures     :Yang&Yang Shiji )  → 1986 ) & iue1 Figure → (strategy osnot does 1500 4 ). 52). : 1004 = ),

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida record the latter’s enthronement, it is speculated that he died young while still a prince. The oracle bone scripts, however, record various commemorative rituals routinely performed at his tomb. These observations allow us to attribute tombs 1001 and 1550 to Xiao-Yi and Zu-Ji, respectively (Figures 4b–d). This enables the tombs in the reconstructed sequence to be matched to the kings one by one: 1004 (Zu-Geng) → 1003 (Zu-Jia) → 1002 (Geng- Ding) → 1500 (Wu-Yi) → 1217 (Wen-Wu-Ding) (see Figures 4e–i & 5). According to the Shiji, Wu-Ding (1400) was the son of Xiao-Yi (1001), and Zu-Ji (1550), Zu-Geng (1004) and Zu-Jia (1003) were the sons of Wu-Ding. Geng-Ding (1002) was the son of Zu-jia (1003). Wu-Yi (1500) was the son of Geng-Ding, and Wen-Wu-Ding (1217) was the son of Wu-Yi (Figure 5). This shows that Wu-Ding’s sons were successively enthroned, effectively making Wu-Ding the founder of a new dynasty. He also founded the Yin capital. This might explain the location of tomb 1400, situated apart from tombs 1001 and 1550 (Figures 1 & 4d); Wu-Ding himself, or his mourners, intended his spatial location to express his role as dynastic founder, worthy of a distinguished position. This would also explain why tombs 1001, 1550 and 1004 form a cluster (Figures 1 & 4e). The occupant of 1004 (Zu-Geng), and those who buried him, would have attempted to give him equal status to Wu-Ding, by positioning his tomb in a pairing position with 1400 (Figure 4e), while simultaneously placing him as rightful successor to the predecessors of Wu-Ding (i.e. Xiao-Yi in tomb 1001, and Zu-Ji in 1550). Following strategy Z, Zu-Geng and Zu-Jia were buried side by side in tombs 1004 and 1003: a fitting treatment for kingly brothers (Figures 1, 4f&5). Following this, Geng-Ding (tomb 1002), the son of Zu-Jia, was buried via strategy X, paying respect to his uncle, King Zu-Geng (1004) (Figures 1 & 4g). That he was not buried in a position paying respect to his father suggests that the decision was a highly strategic one and might have related to competition between the faction(s) supporting the line of tombs of 1001, 1550, 1004 and 1002, and the faction(s) supporting the line of 1003, 1500 and 1217. Geng-Ding’s (1002) son Wu-Yi (1500) was buried in a position that effectively received respect from all the previous kings (strategy Y) except Wu-Ding (1400) (Figures 1 & 4h). This suggests that he or his followers may have attempted to position him highest in the entire genealogical hierarchy represented at the cemetery. Interestingly, from Wu-Yi onwards, unilineal male succession is recorded in Shiji until the end of the dynasty (Figure 5), suggesting that Wu-Yi attempted to renew kingly authority and power. It is interesting to note that Wen-Wu-Ding (tomb 1217), or his faction, chose not only to construct the largest tomb in terms of ramp length, but also to make the main burial pit identical in form to those of tombs 1001 and 1400—the latter most probably the tomb of Wu-Ding, founder of the late (Figures 1 & 4i). Wu-Yi’s and Wen-Wu- Ding’s reigns were characterised by the revival of old ritual traditions, which Dong Zuo-bin describes as the ‘Old School’ (Tung 1956) formerly practised by Wu-Ding, also described as “the Wen Wu Ting ‘revival’ of Wu Ting institutions” (Chang 1980: 187). (It must be noted, however, that this proposal by Dong Zuo-bin is currently under scrutiny.) That this took place immediately before the demise of the Shang dynasty suggests that Wen-Wu-Ding attempted to revitalise power and authority by connecting himself to the founding ancestor, Wu-Ding, in response to the dynastic decline. © Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2018

720 iiiain,icuigtoeo gp,MsptmaadteIds(..Trigger (e.g. Indus early the other and with Mesopotamia comparison Egypt, for of material archaeological important those Shang and the offers including as late tombs and well civilisations, the as Xibeigang, royal settlements, of of urban the large tombs richness and royal constructed The vessels ritual to ceremonies. who bronze sophisticated us funeral mourners includes allowed record of the has traces of cemetery material decisions Xibeigang left strategic the the of reconstruction recreate chronological detailed The remarks Concluding ftefis oa ob(01 ntewsenzn,tms14 n 0G1(probably 50WGM1 Hu and at 1443 residing tombs kings zone, Shang western Middle the the in to (1001) belonging tomb royal first the of sntssanbe h ob were (Chang ( tombs period zones the Shang sustainable: the in not practised and is been groups, already Mu had and system Zhao 1982 a The the such cemetery. from Xibeigang that the alternately inferred of with kings Chang zones coincided enthroned eastern they and system that to western argued Zhou the (later and subsequent in latter, Ding tombs the assigned large Chang the to Mu). of seven groups: the number and become the group, descent to former (later royal the Yi to the two and kings represented period), four Zhou names, the in kings’ Zhao of the become part a as used n nte n tepe omiti n nac hi oe n authority. and power thereby their period, enhance with and Shang competed maintain themselves, the to organised attempted of class and ruling archaeology another Shang the one the which to in approach ways the this Falkenhausen illuminating von to applied (e.g. contributed has institutions that study its practices present of social transformation the and pursued maintenance groups the and improved of significantly individuals be our groups how can that and examining society demonstrated a by individuals have of studies of characteristics case organisational practices Shang of the of number social the understanding A of the scales. institutions into various and at insight membership organisation detailed varying social offers the and study detail, to in us allows richness very That tsgicn htterslso rhelgclivsiaincicd ihtoeo expert of those with find coincide we investigation Ultimately, records. archaeological historical zone. ground, the of eastern burial of results the royal analysis the in new conducted that the be significant as to it designated were continued had contrast, Wu-Ding rituals by that ancestor successors, zone while their western and When the to the sons Wu-Ding’s sought zone. in as also of zone, western and placed tombs eastern dynasty the The the new in ancestors. in burial, the the his ground of glorify kings; Shang founder burial Middle the the effectively new both of was successor the as legitimate and commemorated founded 1550), was dynasty, (tomb he new Zu-Ji died, Wu-Ding a and organised 1001) of probably (tomb head who by Xiao-Yi the Wu-Ding, indicated of burials. as rituals and rituals mortuary pits for location the sacrificial a of became sequence and continuous ground, the burial ancestral the as designated 1999 hn ( Chang h,te,i hr la pta iiinbtenteezns eoeteconstruction the Before zones? these between division spatial clear a there is then, Why, .Orcrnlgclrcntuto fteXbiagcmtr eel hthsmodel his that reveals cemetery Xibeigang the of reconstruction chronological Our ). a led enbiti h atr oe h atr oewshnealready hence was zone eastern The zone. eastern the in built been already had ) iue4 Figure 1980 )(Chang 7,187–88, 176, : h nagXbiagSagryltmsrevisited tombs royal Shang Xibeigang Anyang The 1982 ). 1982 not 2–6 yohssdta Dn’ad‘i,repeatedly ‘Yi’, and ‘Ding’ that hypothesised 121–26) : osrce lentl nteesenadwestern and eastern the in alternately constructed 721 ɑ biSh nbei niut ulctosLd 2018 Ltd, Publications Antiquity © ɑ n ɡ chen ɡ    2006  2003 Tang ; .The ). ).

Research Koji Mizoguchi & Junko Uchida

Acknowledgements We thank Gina Barnes and Lothar von Falkenhausen for their extensive, insightful and encouraging comments. We also wish to thank Yu-yun Lin and -hua Xie for allowing us to study and make detailed notes and sketches of the artefacts used for the chronological reformulation undertaken in this paper. This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI grant JP17K03211.

Supplementary material To view supplementary material for this article, please visit https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy. 2018.19

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Research