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Navigating the Neighbourhood NAVIGATING THE NEIGHBOURHOOD How youths deal with displacement and life in a deprived neighbourhood Cover and page layout: Jesse Nortier Maps, figures and tables: Kirsten Visser, Florian Sichling isbn 978-90-393-6263-1 nur 900 © K. Visser, Utrecht 2014 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. NAVIGATING THE NEIGHBOURHOOD How youths deal with displacement and life in a deprived neighbourhood NAVIGEREN DOOR DE BUURT Hoe jongeren omgaan met gedwongen verhuizing en het leven in een achterstandsbuurt (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof.dr. G.J. van der Zwaan, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op vrijdag 19 december 2014 des middags te 12.45 uur door Kirsten Visser geboren op 23 maart 1986 te Noordoostpolder Promotor Prof. dr. R. van Kempen Copromotor Dr. G.S. Bolt This thesis was accomplished with financial support from the Nicis Institute (now part of Platform31) and the focus area ‘Coordinating Societal Change’ of the Utrecht University. Acknowledgements The lives of youths are dependent on a combination of a wide range of factors – the neighbourhood they grow up in, the schools they go to, the friends they make, their parents, their siblings and other important people they meet. Each of the youths I interviewed mentioned people who had helped them to move forward in life. I am no different from these youths. Several people in my life helped me to get where I am now. This is where I should like to thank them. First of all, I am greatly indebted to the youths in Utrecht, Rotterdam and Chicago and the parents in Rotterdam who took the time to answer the survey, take pictures of their neighbourhood and talk about their personal lives during, often long, interviews. Without them, this book would not exist. Furthermore, I particularly wish to thank my promotor – Ronald van Kempen – and my co-promotor, Gideon Bolt. Thank you both for your confidence in me, from Master’s student to postdoc. I have always enjoyed our meetings. You provided me with a lot of critical and encouraging feedback and stimulated me to look across borders, both of disciplines and of countries. I am very happy that we will continue to work together for (at least) the coming few months. I am further grateful to my current and former colleagues at the Department of Human Geography and Planning for fruitful discussions and for comments on my papers and presentations. Special thanks go to my roommates, Bianca and Jaap. Bianca, I enjoyed having you as my colleague, and sharing our research experiences while drinking a coffee in Gutenberg. I am happy that you want to be my paranymph. Jaap, my colleague on the project on neighbourhood effects on youths, even though there was a quantitative–qualitative divide, I valued discussing our ideas on neighbourhood effects. Further thanks go to Jelle, for helping me to find my way in the world of organizing a defence and publishing a dissertation, and to Jesse, for designing this book. Moreover, my thanks go to Diede Zwanenberg and Anita Kokx for doing most of the fieldwork that provided the basis for Chapters 2 and 3 of this book. I should also like to express my gratitude to Robert Chaskin and Florian Sichling, who allowed me to do my research in Chicago. The fieldwork in Rogers Park was a great and interesting experience. Many thanks for helping me to get through the whole IRB process, for introducing me to Rogers Park, and for the critical and stimulating feedback on the paper. I would not have finished my PhD without the support of my family. Pieta and Tjalling, mem en heit, despite growing up far away from big cities like Rotterdam and Chicago, you always stimulated my curiosity and encouraged me to visit other places. Thank you for your love and support. Reinou and Tessa, thank you for being the best and most fun sisters in the world. Reinou, I am grateful that you too want to be my paranymph (together with the little nifje). Beppe Lolkje, even though it was sometimes difficult to explain what exactly I was doing, you always showed interest. I am happy that you will be there at my defence. Many thanks also go to my friends Trijntje and Lenneke, for the dinners, drinks and the urban geography-related and not-so urban geography-related talks, and Judith for all the La Chouffes we had together. Last, but not least, Richard: you made me the happiest girl in the world when you came to visit me in Chicago. Since then you have always supported and encouraged me. Thank you for your love. Index 1. INTRODUCTION 11 1.1 Background 12 1.2 Neighbourhood effects on youths 14 1.3 The knowledge gaps addressed in this thesis 17 1.3.1 Youths’ perceptions of forced residential mobility 18 1.3.2 The negotiation of the neighbourhood 19 1.3.3 The role of parents 21 1.4 Research approach 23 1.4.1 Defining ‘youths’ 24 1.4.2 Doing research with youths 25 1.4.3 Methods 26 1.5 Outline of this thesis 29 2. URBAN RESTRUCTURING AND FORCED RELOCATIONS: HOUSING OPPORTUNITIES FOR YOUTHS? 39 2.1 Introduction 40 2.2 Deprived areas, forced moves and young people: theoretical notions 42 2.2.1 Forced moving and housing choices 44 2.2.2 Effects of forced relocation on young people 46 2.3 The policy of urban restructuring in the Netherlands 48 2.3.1 The allocation system 49 2.4 Research design 50 2.4.1 Research city 50 2.4.2 Research group 51 2.4.3 Data, measurements and methods 51 2.5 Results 53 2.5.1 The characteristics of movers and stayers 53 2.5.2 Where did they move to? Dwellings 54 2.5.3 The evaluation of the old and new dwelling 58 2.5.4 Where did they move to? Neighbourhoods 59 2.5.5 The evaluation of the old and the new neighbourhood 61 2.6 Conclusion 64 3. OUT OF PLACE? THE EFFECTS OF DEMOLITION ON YOUTHS’ SOCIAL CONTACTS AND LEISURE ACTIVITIES 73 3.1 Introduction 74 3.2 The formation and maintenance of friendships: the role of the neighbourhood 75 7 3.3 Displacement: the loss of foci of activity 77 3.4 Dealing with displacement 78 3.5 Research design 78 3.5.1 Research site 78 3.5.2 Research group 79 3.5.3 Data, measurements and methods 80 3.6 Results 83 3.6.1 The localness of networks before the move 83 3.6.2 The effect of displacement on friendships and leisure activities 84 3.6.3 The flexibility of youths 87 3.6.4 Long-term effects 89 3.7 Conclusion 90 4. ‘COME AND LIVE HERE AND YOU’LL EXPERIENCE IT’: YOUTHS TALK ABOUT THEIR DEPRIVED NEIGHBOURHOOD 97 4.1 Introduction 98 4.2 Interpreting the neighbourhood 99 4.3 Place attachment 101 4.3.1 Place attachment in deprived areas 102 4.4 Research design 103 4.5 Results 105 4.5.1 ‘What I dislike about my neighbourhood’ 105 4.5.2 ‘What I like about my neighbourhood’ – the neighbourhood as a source of instrumental and affective meaning 108 4.6 Conclusion and discussion 115 5. ‘WE’RE COOL AND WE’RE JUST HANGING OUT, BUT THEY CAN LOOK AT IT DIFFERENTLY’: THE CONSTRUCTION OF YOUTHS’ SOCIO-SPATIAL BOUNDARIES IN A LOW-INCOME, MULTI-ETHNIC NEIGHBOURHOOD 123 5.1 Introduction 124 5.2 Relational production of space, boundary making and resistance 125 5.3 Research design 128 5.4 Results 130 5.4.1 Me and the authorities 130 5.4.2 Me and the others 135 5.4.3 Girls and boys 138 5.5 Conclusion and discussion 141 6. HOT TIMES, HOT PLACES. YOUTHS’ RISK PERCEPTIONS AND RISK MANAGEMENT IN TWO LOW-INCOME MULTI-ETHNIC NEIGHBOURHOODS 149 8 6.1 Introduction 150 6.2 Neighbourhood effects, neighbourhood risk and risk management strategies 152 6.3 Context and methods 153 6.3.1 Neighbourhood selection 154 6.3.2 Selection of respondents and methods 155 6.3.3 The neighbourhoods 158 6.4 Youths’ perceptions: similarities and differences between the two areas 161 6.5 Territoriality, spatial restrictions and risk management 165 6.5.1 Strategically navigating public space 165 6.5.2 Drawing socio-spatial boundaries 168 6.6 Conclusion and discussion 171 7. BETWEEN TRUST AND FEAR. THE DIVERSITY OF PARENTING PRACTICES IN A LOW-INCOME, MULTI-ETHNIC NEIGHBOURHOOD 181 7.1 Introduction 182 7.2 Parenting in a deprived neighbourhood 183 7.3 Methods 185 7.4 Parents’ perception of the neighbourhood and parenting strategies 187 7.4.1 Protective parents 187 7.4.2 ‘Similarity seekers’ 190 7.4.3 Coping parents 192 7.4.4 ‘Invisible’ parents 195 7.5 Negotiation within the family 197 7.6 Conclusion and discussion 201 8. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION 207 8.1 The effects of forced residential mobility 208 8.2 Negotiating the neighbourhood 210 8.2.1 Neighbourhood perceptions 210 8.2.2 Power relations in public space 212 8.3 The role of parents 213 8.4 Discussion 215 8.4.1 Subjectivity and the social construction of risk and opportunity 215 8.4.2 Reciprocal relations between youths and their neighbourhood 217 8.5 Avenues for future research 218 8.6 Policy recommendations 220 NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING 227 CURRICULUM VITAE 243 9 10 1 INTRODUCTION Youths, neighbourhood effects and displacement 11 1.1 Background ‘Children in Rotterdam and The Hague are worst off’ reads the title of a newspaper article about the results of the annual ‘Kids count’ study in the Netherlands (Pietersen, 2014; Steketee et al., 2014).
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