F a S T Update Madagascar Semi-Annual Risk Assessment December 2004 to May 2005

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

F a S T Update Madagascar Semi-Annual Risk Assessment December 2004 to May 2005 Early warning program F A S T Update Madagascar Semi-annual Risk Assessment December 2004 to May 2005 T S A F © swisspeace FAST Update Madagascar | December 2004 to May 2005 | Page 2 Contents Relative Government and Non-Government Conflictive Actions 3 International Cooperation and Conflict 5 Appendix: Description of indicators used 7 The FAST International Early Warning Program 8 FAST Update Subscription: www.swisspeace.org/fast/subscription_form.asp Contact FAST International: Country Expert: Phone: +27 12 346 9545 Richard Marcus Fax: +27 12 460 0997 mailto:[email protected] www.swisspeace.org/fast © swisspeace FAST Update Madagascar | December 2004 to May 2005 | Page 3 Relative Government and Non-Government Conflictive Actions Average number of reported events per month: 109 Indicator description: see appendix Risk Assessment: • In the first half of 2005 the economy continued to be characterized by the contradictions between the economic success of the liberalisation program touted by the government and the growing unease in the population at falling living standards. The rise in prices of staple goods has given new impetus to civic groups that have become disenchanted with Ravalomanana and have given new fodder to the political opposition. As a result, non- government conflict has outpaced government conflict. According to the International Monetary Fund, 2004 closed with a robust 5.7 percent real Gross Domestic Product growth rate, led by construction, export processing zones, and tourism, a sign that this may be fairly durable growth. New international markets continued to flourish, international support for President Marc Ravalomanana has continued to soar, and there have, arguably, never been more opportunities for new growth in Madagascar. However, at the same time inflation was at 27 percent. Hidden in this figure is a much more pernicious problem. Outside of the relatively small new business sector, rice and oil are far and away the two goods most impacting on the population, yet 47% of the inflation rate can be attributed solely to increases in the price of the food staple, rice and another 26 percent of the inflation rate can be attributed to increases in oil prices. All other goods in the Consumer Price Index showed only a modest 7.3 percent inflation rate. • There is little opposition from within government to Ravalomanana’s path of liberal reform. His party, Tiako-i- Madagasikara (TIM) controls 103 of the parliament’s 160 seats and another 22 seats are held by a supportive alliance. Furthermore, most of the officers of the TIM party were in President Ravalomanana’s umbrella company, Tiko. What does exist is conflict between the government and the judiciary. On February 14, 2005 the union of judges went on strike; the government reacted by cutting their salary (an action upheld by the High Court). Ravalomanana accused the judges of being corrupt. Other conflictual government actions revolve around local leaders (in Mahajanga and Toamasina) for improprietously controlling rice sales. Yet most of the current conflict comes from civic groups and opposition outside of the government. It is expressed as opposition to the government due to inflation, opposition to Ravalomanana in particular for the conflation of his personal corporate activities and his activities as president, and efforts by an increasingly radical opposition to unseat Ravalomanana. • Rice prices in Madagascar dipped briefly in January as government contracts for rice imports finally benefited local markets. March saw a further drop with the new harvest. This was, however, ephemeral and by May rice prices in some parts of the country were as high as 1320 ariary (0.60 €) per kilo (nearly equal to Madagascar’s per capita Gross National Income of 237 €/year.) Poor rainfall in February, further aggravating the situation, prompted the UN World Food Program to predict in May that the south of the country will face rice shortfalls. Near record low global rice production in early 2005 somewhat limits Madagascar’s options. • Petroleum prices in Madagascar also climbed, reaching as high as 2000 ariary (0.91 €) per liter by June 2005. This affects the cost of the transporting goods and travel to market for the rural poor. The cost of diesel has proven a challenge as most of the country’s electricity comes from diesel burning power plants. The national water and © swisspeace FAST Update Madagascar | December 2004 to May 2005 | Page 4 electricity utility, JIRAMA, signed a management contract with the German engineering corporation Lahmeyer International in January 2005. When Lahmeyer took over a month later they discovered JIRAMA was virtually bankrupt. There was no money with which to buy more petroleum and no credit with which to acquire it. By May 2005 every city in the country began rationing electricity, with some smaller towns shutting it off altogether for days at a time. The capital, Anatananarivo, started cycling blackouts every afternoon and evening. In June 2005 JIRAMA raised electricity prices by 30 percent. • Student strikes, popular for decades in Madagascar, shut down the Toamasina campus February and the Fianarantsoa campus in March. In March university students in Toliara locked the administration in the university until their demand to meet with the Minister of Education was met. In April students in Antananarivo went on strike to protest Decree n°2005/098, cutting student benefits. While only a minority of students participated, it turned violent when the military arrived to break it up. Seventeen people were arrested and 3 injured. In contrast to the low student turnout in April, on January 17 the opposition sponsored convention of the Union Nationale des Étudiants et Scolaires (UNES) had high attendance. For their part, the SECES (the powerful national teacher’s union) called for a new constitution, and in March an (unsuccessful) general strike. • Conflicts between other civic groups and the government also grew. The terse relationship between the print media and the government took a turn for the worse in February 2005 as the Club des Journalistes Doyes (CJD) condemned the imprisonment of the director of La Gazette de la Grande Ile. Ravalomanana has been accused of allowing press freedom to subsidiaries of the Malagasy Broadcasting Corporation (which he owns and is run by his daughter) but acting with a heavy arm against other outlets. • Ravalomanana has long relied upon the new business elite for support. Tiko has close correspondents in the three largest banks (the BOA, the BFV Société Générale, and BNI-Crédit Lyonnais), in the air transport sector (Asecna), and the rice sector through Ravalomanana’s other company Magro. Tiko, originally a milk products company, continued to diversify in early 2005 with the creation of a large construction company (Compagnie de Construction Malagasy); it will work closely with the president’s engineering company, Asa Lalana Malagasy (Alma), created in 2003, and the hotel’s group acquired by Tiko. There have been other benefits to Ravalomanana’s holdings, such as a zero tax rating for Tiko and a unique exemption from rice import tariffs for Magro. • There are three primary opposition coalitions in Madagascar: the La réunion de la solidarité parlementaire pour l’unité nationale (SPDUN), the Rassemblement des Forces Nationales (RFN), and the Comité pur la Réconciliation Nationale (CRN). They all seek to oust Marc Ravalomanana, but their accusations and demands differ. The SPDUN is most concerned with what it sees as poor governance and poor management of the economy. The CRN, the most radical of the organizations and led by former President Zafy Albert, accuses Ravalomanana of dictatorial behavior and degrading social life. It calls for annulling the 2002 legislative elections and creating a transitional government and a national reconciliation. The RFN also seeks a transitional government and national reconciliation but not through taking to the streets, as called for by the CRN. These three groups came together for a national conference from 2 to 4 June. Long in planning, their hope was to create a united force against Ravalomanana. At the time of writing, however, it appears to have done more to create cleavages in the opposition. The CRN advocated the creation of a “parallel government” and a “coup project” which sent the RFN out of the conference. (Note: A parallel government strategy was the one adopted by Zafy Albert in 1991, leading to the ouster of President Didier Ratsiraka). Solofonantenaina Razoarimihaja, TIM national president, criticized the conference. The moderate opposition, led by onetime and would-be Prime Minister Norbert Ratsirahonana (AVI party) publicly denounced the conference, the idea of a transitional government, the national reconciliation movement, or any efforts towards violence. Other moderate party leaders, including Manandafy Rakotonirina (MFM) and Moxe Ramandimbilahatra (TEZA) followed suit. • In February 2005 the IMF and the World Bank instructed the government to pay military salaries out to the Ministry of Finance rather than the Ministry of Defense. There were significant irregularities. The action has served to erode military support for Ravalomanana. • President Ravalomanana’s honeymoon is decidedly over. Opposition appears to be rooted in different factions of society and is manifest in different ways from the political to the quasi-tribalist (see “Madagascar Fourth Quarter, 2004”). His base of support in rural areas should be questioned deeply. However, as
Recommended publications
  • Sommet De Maputo II : Un Atout Et Trois Jokers Mardi, 25 Août 2009 02:21 - Mis À Jour Samedi, 12 Septembre 2009 07:26
    Sommet de Maputo II : un atout et trois jokers Mardi, 25 Août 2009 02:21 - Mis à jour Samedi, 12 Septembre 2009 07:26 En haut : Blanche Richard et Nadine Ramaroson, en bas Manandafy Rakotonirina, Ihanta Randriamandranto et Raharinaivo Andrianatoandro Si les mouvances Zafy Albert et Didier Ratsiraka n’ont pas tellement jugé utile de recourir à de nouveaux membres (sauf Tabera Randriamanantsoa pour la mouvance Zafy), les deux principaux protagonistes de cette crise 2009, en l’occurrence Marc Ravalomanana et Andry Rajoelina, eux, ont jugé de s’entourer d’une artillerie lourde. Mais, à bien y voir, il s’agit de trois jokers pour le premier et d’un atout pour le second. Andry et Mialy Rajoelina dans le salon d'honneur de l'aéroport d'Ivato, le 24 août 2009 Concernant la mouvance Ravalomanana, notons Rapelanoro Rabenja, Ravatomanga, Rakotoarivelo Mamy, Révérend Ndriamanampy dit Satrobory, Fetison Rakoto Andrianirina, Yves Aimé Rakotoarison et Raharinaivo Andrianatoandro (porte-parole du Tim), Manandafy Rakotonirina (« Pm » nommé par téléphone par Ravalomanana) ainsi que Ihanta Randriamandranto (leader des femmes légalistes). Si le premier s’était terré quelque part, avant 1 / 6 Sommet de Maputo II : un atout et trois jokers Mardi, 25 Août 2009 02:21 - Mis à jour Samedi, 12 Septembre 2009 07:26 la signature de Maputo I, les deux derniers, eux, ont été libérés sur parole et méritent certainement un changement d’air. Quoi de mieux que celui du Mozambique ? Une mouvance ne se limite pas à une personne ou un parti. Ici, des chefs de parti membres de la mouvance Andry Rajoelina.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar's 2009 Political Crisis
    Madagascar’s 2009 Political Crisis Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs October 7, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40448 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Madagascar’s 2009 Political Crisis Summary Political tensions on the Indian Ocean island of Madagascar between President Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina, the former mayor of the capital city, escalated in early 2009, culminating in the President’s forced removal from office. In preceding weeks, over 135 people had been killed in riots and demonstrations. Under intensifying pressure from mutinous soldiers and large crowds of protestors, Ravalomanana handed power to the military on March 17, 2009. The military then transferred authority to Rajoelina, who has declared a transitional government. Rajoelina’s “inauguration” as president of the transitional authority was followed by days of protests by thousands of supporters of Ravalomanana. Several subsequent demonstrations have led to violent clashes with security forces. Negotiations in August between the parties led to the signing of an agreement in Mozambique to establish an inclusive, transitional government, but Rajoelina subsequently appointed a new government seen to be primarily composed of his own supporters. Southern African leaders and Madagascar’s opposition parties rejected the proposed government, and negotiations in Mozambique resumed. On October 6, the parties announced that they had reached agreement on posts in the new government, which will be led by Andry Rajoelina until new elections are held. Ravalomanana reportedly agreed to the arrangement on the condition that Rajoelina would not vie for the presidency in those elections. The agreement must now be implemented, and some observers question whether members of Rajoelina’s former administration will adhere to the new arrangement.
    [Show full text]
  • P6 TA-PROV(2009)0392 Madagascar
    P6_TA-PROV(2009)0392 Madagascar European Parliament resolution of 7 May 2009 on the situation in Madagascar The European Parliament, – having regard to the declarations issued by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union on 17 and 20 March 2009, – having regard to the military takeovers in recent months in Mauritania and Guinea-Conakry and the sanctions subsequently imposed by the international community, – having regard to the inaugural consultative meeting of the International Contact Group on Madagascar which took place in Addis Ababa on 30 April 2009, – having regard to Rule 115(5) of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas, following two months of bitter struggle, an army-backed coup d'état was carried out in Madagascar by Mr Andry Rajoelina, an ex-mayor of the Malagasy capital (Antananarivo), on 17 March 2009, B. whereas a self-proclaimed High Authority of Transition, chaired by Mr Andry Rajoelina, suspended the National Assembly and the Senate and, under pressure from the rebels, the democratically-elected President, Mr Marc Ravalomanana, was forced to leave Madagascar, C. whereas Mr Rajoelina, who had been elected mayor of Antananarivo in December 2007, was forcibly removed by the former government in February 2009, D. whereas public anger was exacerbated by a plan by the former government to lease one million acres of land in the south of the country to a South Korean firm for intensive farming, E. whereas this unconstitutional change of government is yet another serious setback in the democratisation process under way on the African continent, reinforcing concern about the resurgence of the scourge of coups d'état in Africa, as expressed at the 12th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union held in Addis Ababa from 1 to 4 February 2009, F.
    [Show full text]
  • Power Struggles and Conflict Recurrence: an Examination Of
    POWERS fRUUGLES AND CONFLICT RECURRENCE: AN EXAMINATION OF POIXI !CAL COMPETITION IN MADAGASCAR By Sawyer Lee Blazek Submitted to the Faculty of the School oflnternational Service of American Umvers1ty Ill Partwl Fulfillment of the Requ~rcments Cor the Degree of rvla::,ter or Arts In InterncltJOnal Poht1c:-, Cha.r:~-­ Dr. Boa:z Atzilt / ~" '• - -~"'" ;.-:> <'~~·~-""' > -~ ------- --- >-y-- ;,;;..~--- ..,....-- ~:~ Dr. Kwaku Nuamah / w ~A__ ~---------- ---- Dean of the Sehoul of InternatiOnal Service -~_l __ ~ :2<J J I Date ~y 2011 American Umvers1ty Washmgton, D.C. 20016 AMERICAN UMVERSITY UBRMY I q12 \ ' UMI Number: 1504737 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI ___.Dissertation Publishing..___ UMI 1504737 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Pro uesr ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml48106-1346 (()COPYRIGHT by Sawyer Lee Blazek 2011 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED POWER STRUGGLES AND CONFLICT RECURRENCE: AN EXAMINATION OF POLITICAL COMPETITION JN MADAGASCAR BY SAWYER LEE BLAZEK ABSTRACT This study examines the extent to which political power struggles have an effect on the recunence of conflict in a state. l create a model to examine the process of a political power struggle for the legitimate control of a state to measure the impact of particular events on an actor's political support.
    [Show full text]
  • Dirk Kohnert (1)
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Are Non-state Actors Better Innovators? The Ambiguous Role of Non-state Actors in the Transition Process: The Case of Benin and Madagascar Kohnert, Dirk Institute of African Affairs, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies 2 June 2004 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/977/ MPRA Paper No. 977, posted 01 Dec 2006 UTC VAD-Conference, Discussion Paper; Hannover 2004 - 1 – Dirk Kohnert (1) Are non-state actors better innovators? The ambiguous role of non-state actors in the transition process The case of Benin and Madagascar Abstract The focusing on new rules and institutional innovations by the international donor community corresponds to current academic analyses on “weak” or “failing states” in Africa and elsewhere. However, the concentration on externally induced institutional innovations and on the formal sector of the society tackles only half of the problem. Frequently it even undermines indigenous development capacities. Innovators in the informal sector and the agency of the civil society, embedded in the local socio-cultural setting, but closely linked to transnational social spaces, do often outperform the state's development efforts and international aid. African culture is not inherently good or bad, but under certain conditions its propensity to change and to influence perceptions of power and values can induce important improvements in well-being. Even seemingly static cultural factors as custom, tradition or ethnicity, often said to be barriers to economic growth in Africa, have been invented or adapted to changing requirements of societies. Rather than blaming the failure of development efforts in Africa over the past decades on cultural barriers or traditional minded actors, we should investigate the propensity of African societies to create indigenous innovations, notably within the realm of the informal sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Histoire Politique De Madagascar
    HISTOIRE POLITIQUE DE MADAGASCAR DE L’ANNEXION FRANCAISE AU DEBUT DU VINGT-ET-UNIEME SIECLE 1895 - 2002 1 Quelques commentaires d’historien Hubert DESCHAMPS Professeur à la Sorbonne, ancien administrateur colonial à Madagascar dans les années 30 Caractéristiques de la vie politique de Madagascar ; dans la préface de « Madagascar, cinquante ans de vie politique : de Ralaimongo à Tsiranana » Alain Spacensky, dépôt légal 2ème trimestre 1970. Pour la ma multiplicité et la confusion des partis, Hubert Deschamps avança trois raisons : · Les 18 tribus : J’ai autrefois critiqué ce terme et montré qu’il s’agissait de peuples et même, plus précisément, d’anciens ensembles historiques, rassemblant chacun des clans d’origines diverses. Il n’en est pas moins vrai que cette division a joué dans l’histoire de l’île un rôle essentiel. Les conquêtes Merina au dix-neuvième siècle ne l’ont pas fait disparaître ; elles ont institué dans les autres tribus, et à degrés divers, un régime colonial. Des répressions atroces, comme celles dont le peuple Antaisaka a été victime sous Ranavalona 1ère, ont laissé des rancœurs. Le secrétaire de la Reine, Raombana, dans son journal secret, en exprima son indignation ; il aurait voulu, au contraire, une politique d’apprivoisement pour créer effectivement à la longue une nation malgache. Andrianampoinimerina, tout en conquérant, avait su amorcer une telle politique. Radama II tenta d’y revenir ; elle fut étranglée avec lui. De là des oppositions entre Merina et Côtiers, que reflètent partis et politique après 1945. · La christianisation : la lutte d’influence entre protestants et catholiques, sans revêtir la virulence du dix-neuvième siècle, se prolonge sous des formes diverses, et notamment par des partis plus ou moins engagés.
    [Show full text]
  • Les Comportements Electoraux Des Electeurs De La Ville De Toamasina Lors Des Cons Lors Des Consultations De Ultations De 1989, 1
    UNIVERSITE DE TOAMASINA FACULTE DES LETTRES ET SCIENCES HUMAINES ************* DEPARTEMENT D’HISTOIRE *********** MEMOIRE DE MAITRISE LES COMPORTEMENTS ELECTORAUX DES ELECTEURS DE LA VILLE DE TOAMASINA LORS DES CONSCONSULTATIONSULTATIONS DE 1989, 1992, 1996, 2001 ET DE 2006. Présenté et soutenu publiquement par ROCHEL Date de soutenance 20 Avril 2011 Sous la direction du Professeur Solofo RANDRIANJA Université de Toamasina Année Universitaire : 2009-2010 REMERCIEMENTS Avant tout, je tiens à remercier le Seigneur tout puissant pour sa bonté car il m’a permis de réaliser ce mémoire de Maitrise . Ce travail de recherche n’aurait pu être mené à bon terme, sans la collaboration de nombreuses personnes. Ainsi, nous tenons à remercier particulièrement : Le Professeur Solofo RANDRIANJA, notre directeur de recherche, pour avoir accepté d’accompagner ce travail. Mesdames et Messieurs les Professeurs Enseignants chercheurs du Département Histoire et du Département Géographie de l’Université de Toamasina, qui nous ont donné les formations nécessaires durant notre cursus universitaire. Tous les Responsables au sein du Département Histoire de l’Université de Toamasina, qui nous ont toujours apportés une assistance inestimable. Tous les responsables du District de Toamasina I (Adjoint Jean- Baptiste), de l’Arrondissement de Morarano, d’Ankirihiry, d’Anjoma, de Tanambao V et d’Ambodimanga – Commune Urbaine de Toamasina, pour leurs aides précieuses, durant la phase de collecte des données. Enfin, j’adresse également mes remerciements et ma profonde
    [Show full text]
  • 1 ~I~~ a - ~I8 ~I~~I E 1~I~ E I I I I I MADAGASCAR I a Pre-Election Assessment Report I I March 30, 1992 I I
    Date Printed: 11/06/2008 JTS Box Number: IFES 7 Tab Number: 11 Document Title: A Pre-Election Assessment Report, March 30. 1992 Document Date: 1992 Document Country: Madagascar IFES IO: ROl729 -~111~~~1 3 B 1 ~I~~ A - ~I8 ~I~~I E 1 ~I~ E I I I I I MADAGASCAR I A Pre-Election Assessment Report I I March 30, 1992 I I I ! DONOTREMOVEFROM L_~F~~!!E~OUR=E_ CE~TER~ /' I I I I I • I I INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS I I I //:/ES International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1620 I STREET. NW.• SUlTE611 • WASHINGTON. D.C.20006. (202/828-8507. FAX (202/452-0804 I ~ (2021 785-1672 I I I I I MADAGASCAR: A PRE-ELECTION ASSESSMENT REPORT I March 30 ,1992 I I I by William S. Kuhn III Professor Louis Massicotte I Professor Bernard Owen I I This Report was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development. Any person or organization is welcome to quote information from this report if it is attributed I to IFES. I 80ARDOF F. Clifton VJhite Patricia Hutar James M. Cannon David Jones Randal C. Teague I DIRECTORS Chairman Secretary Counsel Richard M. Scammon Joseph Napolitan Chanes Manaa John C. White Richard W. Soudrieue Vice Chairman Treasurer Robert C. Walker Director I I TABLE OF CONTENTS I EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. .. 1 CHAPTER I: AN OUTLINE OF THE ASSESSMENT TEAM'S ACTIVITIES ..... 3 I CHAPTER II: BACKGROUND TO DEMOCRATIZATION ................ 6 A. Geography, Climate, Environment . .. 6 B. Population and Culture . .. 6 I C.
    [Show full text]
  • Jalons Pour Une Économie Politique De La Trajectoire Malgache : Une Perspective De Long Terme Mireille Razafindrakoto, François Roubaud, Jean-Michel Wachsberger
    Jalons pour une économie politique de la trajectoire malgache : une perspective de long terme Mireille Razafindrakoto, François Roubaud, Jean-Michel Wachsberger To cite this version: Mireille Razafindrakoto, François Roubaud, Jean-Michel Wachsberger. Jalons pour une économie politique de la trajectoire malgache : une perspective de long terme. 2017. hal-01653648 HAL Id: hal-01653648 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01653648 Preprint submitted on 1 Dec 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. UMR 225 IRD - Paris-Dauphine DOCUMENT DE TRAVAIL DT/2014-21 Jalons pour une économie politique de la trajectoire malgache : une perspective de long terme Mireille RAZAFINDRAKOTO François ROUBAUD Jean-Michel WACHSBERGER UMR DIAL 225 Place du Maréchal de Lattre de Tassigny 75775 • Paris Cedex 16 •Tél. (33) 01 44 05 45 42 • Fax (33) 01 44 05 45 45 • 4, rue d’Enghien • 75010 Paris • Tél. (33) 01 53 24 14 50 • Fax (33) 01 53 24 14 51 E-mail : [email protected] • Site : www.dial.prd.fr JALONS POUR UNE ECONOMIE POLITIQUE DE LA TRAJECTOIRE MALGACHE : UNE
    [Show full text]
  • Political Change in Madagascar: Populist Democracy Or Neopatrimonialism by Another Name?
    INSTITUTE FOR Political Change in Madagascar: Populist democracy or neopatrimonialism by another name? Richard R. Marcus SECURITY STUDIES ISS Paper 89 • August 2004 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION The paper concludes by offering a tentative answer to the question in the sub-title, considering whether Madagascar’s political space is defined by the Madagascar has gone through a momentous change country’s social movements. This is in contrast to in the nature of its democracy1 or whether it has given many African states which have been shaped by a birth to a new incarnation of neopatrimonial rule in history of domination by “big men”. In the case of which the president’s office is used more for personal Madagascar, no leader has had as much influence on gain than public benefit.2 the nature of the political system, or its dynamics, as the anti-colonial uprising of 1947, the military’s dissolution of the First Republic in 1972, the strikes of MALAGASY POLITICS BEFORE 2002 1991, or the populist support for “democracy” that Balkanised the country in 2002. Former President The colonial period Didier Ratsiraka was the single largest figure in Malagasy politics from 1975 to Madagascar became a French colony in 1992, yet the nature of his rule was 1896. Previously, the island had been defined by the events of 1972 and the President Marc largely centralised under the Merina way he came to office, just as the monarchy of the central highlands. An administration of Madagascar’s first Ravalomanana created earlier attempt by the French to govern president, Philibert Tsirinana, was the 2002 uprising that indirectly through the Merina had failed, defined by what had happened in 1947 so in 1896 the French colonial authorities and Zafy Albert’s 1993 – 96 presidency brought him to power, resorted to the model of direct rule.
    [Show full text]
  • P6 TA(2009)0392 Madagascar
    P6_TA(2009)0392 Madagascar European Parliament resolution of 7 May 2009 on the situation in Madagascar The European Parliament, – having regard to the declarations issued by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union on 17 and 20 March 2009, – having regard to the military takeovers in recent months in Mauritania and Guinea-Conakry and the sanctions subsequently imposed by the international community, – having regard to the inaugural consultative meeting of the International Contact Group on Madagascar which took place in Addis Ababa on 30 April 2009, – having regard to Rule 115(5) of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas, following two months of bitter struggle, an army-backed coup d'état was carried out in Madagascar by Mr Andry Rajoelina, an ex-mayor of the Malagasy capital (Antananarivo), on 17 March 2009, B. whereas a self-proclaimed High Authority of Transition, chaired by Mr Andry Rajoelina, suspended the National Assembly and the Senate and, under pressure from the rebels, the democratically-elected President, Mr Marc Ravalomanana, was forced to leave Madagascar, C. whereas Mr Rajoelina, who had been elected mayor of Antananarivo in December 2007, was forcibly removed by the former government in February 2009, D. whereas public anger was exacerbated by a plan by the former government to lease one million acres of land in the south of the country to a South Korean firm for intensive farming, E. whereas this unconstitutional change of government is yet another serious setback in the democratisation process under way on the African continent, reinforcing concern about the resurgence of the scourge of coups d'état in Africa, as expressed at the 12th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union held in Addis Ababa from 1 to 4 February 2009, F.
    [Show full text]
  • Appui Au Processus De Democratisation a Madagascar
    APPUI AU PROCESSUS DE DEMOCRATISATION A MADAGASCAR RAPPORT de la Mission d'expertise de la Commission Internationale de Juristes Madagascar 15-29 Mars 1992 International Commission of Jurists 26 Chemin de Joinville 1216 Cointrin/Genève Suisse AVANT-PROPOS Pendant la période du 15 au 29 mars 1992, La Commission Internationale de Juristes (CIJ) a effectué une mission à Madagascar pour définir le cadre d 1 un appui potentiel de la CEE au processus de démocratisation de ce pays . La mission était composée de Maître Robert Dossou, membre de la Commission Internationale de Juristes, ancien Bâtonnier de l'ordre des avocats du Bénin et professeur de droit à 1' université nationale du Bénin, du professeur Albert Bourgi, maître de conférences à l'université de Reims et de Monsieur Assane Fall Diop, Journaliste. La CIJ tient à remercier toutes les autorités, les représentant d'ONG et la presse Malgache qui ont bien voulu recevoir les membres de la mission. Le présent rapport n'engage nullement la communauté européenne et les vues exprimées sont celles de la CIJ. Adama Dieng Secrétaire Général La mission a séjourné à MADAGASCAR du 15 au 29 MARS 1992. Elle a démarré ses travaux dès le 15 Mars d'une part par un entretien avec Monsieur Dieter Walter SCHMIDT, Délégué de la Commission des Communautés Européennes à Madagascar d'autre part par l'étude du dossier d'information préparé par la délégation de la CCE. Le Lundi 16 Mars, accompagnée de Monsieur SCHMIDT elle rendit une visite de courtoisie respectivement à Messieurs les Ministres des Affaires Etrangères, et de l'intérieur, à Monsieur le Premier Ministre, à Monsieur le Président de la République, à Messieurs les Coprésidents du CRES, à Monsieur le Président de la Haute Cour Constitutionnelle entouré de plusieurs Hauts Conseillers , à Monsieur le Président de la Haute Autorité de l'Etat, aux responsables du FFKM (Conseil des Eglises Chrétiennes).
    [Show full text]