Political Change in Madagascar: Populist Democracy Or Neopatrimonialism by Another Name?
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INSTITUTE FOR Political Change in Madagascar: Populist democracy or neopatrimonialism by another name? Richard R. Marcus SECURITY STUDIES ISS Paper 89 • August 2004 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION The paper concludes by offering a tentative answer to the question in the sub-title, considering whether Madagascar’s political space is defined by the Madagascar has gone through a momentous change country’s social movements. This is in contrast to in the nature of its democracy1 or whether it has given many African states which have been shaped by a birth to a new incarnation of neopatrimonial rule in history of domination by “big men”. In the case of which the president’s office is used more for personal Madagascar, no leader has had as much influence on gain than public benefit.2 the nature of the political system, or its dynamics, as the anti-colonial uprising of 1947, the military’s dissolution of the First Republic in 1972, the strikes of MALAGASY POLITICS BEFORE 2002 1991, or the populist support for “democracy” that Balkanised the country in 2002. Former President The colonial period Didier Ratsiraka was the single largest figure in Malagasy politics from 1975 to Madagascar became a French colony in 1992, yet the nature of his rule was 1896. Previously, the island had been defined by the events of 1972 and the President Marc largely centralised under the Merina way he came to office, just as the monarchy of the central highlands. An administration of Madagascar’s first Ravalomanana created earlier attempt by the French to govern president, Philibert Tsirinana, was the 2002 uprising that indirectly through the Merina had failed, defined by what had happened in 1947 so in 1896 the French colonial authorities and Zafy Albert’s 1993 – 96 presidency brought him to power, resorted to the model of direct rule. was defined by the events of 1991. The but this event, in turn, Merina administrative personnel were pattern appears to continue, but with an has now come to recruited, however, and came to be interesting twist: President Marc relied upon throughout the country. This Ravalomanana created the 2002 define him. resulted in a marked divide in privilege uprising that brought him to power, but between the Merina and the seventeen this event, in turn, has now come to other ethnic groups, nominally grouped define him. together as côtier-coastal people. The impact of this social divide continues to be felt today. This paper examines the formation of the Third Republic in 1992 in a historical context, and the On 28 September 1958 Madagascar held a successful events leading up to the crisis of 2002, before turning referendum to determine whether it should become a to consider the efforts of Marc Ravalomanana and the self-governing republic. A presidential election was new government since. This should provide a better held, under French auspices, on 27 April 1959 in which understanding of the institutional, social, and personal Philibert Tsiranana and his Parti Social Démocrate de factors that influence Madagascar’s political direction. Madagascar (PSD) emerged victorious. On 26 June To this end, this paper is divided into three sections: 1960, Madagascar gained full legal sovereignty from the first traces the patterns of political events to 1992 France with President Tsirinana at the helm. Its and the institutional structure that Ravalomanana has constitution created a state closely resembling the inherited; the second outlines the events of 2002 and French system in its division of legislative and executive their significance; the final section delves more deeply powers, but with a more powerful presidency. into the person of Marc Ravalomanana, his nationalistic views and their importance, his relationship with the legislature and the judiciary, and After independence his performance to date, before turning to the recent emergence of challenges to his administration. The years of Madagascar’s First Republic, from 1960 INSTITUTE FOR Marcus • page 1 Paper 89 • August 2004 SECURITY STUDIES to 1975, were tumultuous ones. Tsirinana, an ethnic the effects of capital flight. Ratsiraka called for the Tsimihety, maintained close ties with France, a stance assistance of the International Monetary Fund and, of which many Malagasy disapproved. The Merina shortly thereafter, the World Bank, and bilateral elite, which would have benefited from decreased American and European donors. The result was an competition from French companies objected to the abandonment of the economic ideals of socialism and new opportunities the president afforded côtier the retention of a strong, autocratic presidency business leaders, experiencing little advantage from resistant to competition. the political and economic changes that had taken place. Many argued that the independence was only In 1989 President Ratsiraka, by then undisputed nominal. By the end of the decade the country had autocratic leader for 14 years, had a problem. His begun to run into difficult times economically, further economy was in tatters, he had a debt crisis stemming eroding the president’s support base. The political from a donor bailout of his experiment in state- sphere degenerated steadily until a student-led owned enterprise, and his most significant partner, the general strike shut down much of the country in Soviet Union, was on the brink of collapse. For the 1972. On 13 May, government troops opened fire on first time his opponents were publicly challenging his student demonstrators, killing at least a dozen and legitimacy, and his authority was waning. wounding scores more. The president declared a state of emergency and dissolved the parliament but, By 1991 Ratsiraka had become so weak that unable to maintain control of a disintegrating country, opposition leader Zafy Albert was able to lead an turned over power to General Gabriel Ramanantsoa 80,000-strong civil servants’ strike in Antananarivo. In on 18 May 1972. August, 400,000 people marched on the city centre, and Malagasy economic life came to a sudden halt as General Ramanantsoa, a patrician Merina bureaucrat, banking, trading, and governance sectors ceased to was able to placate the aristocracy, but was not able to function. The government was unable to stem the stave off economic hardship or appease an angry crisis and in the wake of Ratsiraka’s loss of control Zafy populace. On 5 February 1975 he turned over power to Albert set up a shadow government proclaiming Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava, a Merina commoner. himself prime minister and the Haute Authorité, a Ratsimandrava was assassinated five days later and political body of the 16 parties in the opposition power was handed to the oligarchic National Military coalition the Hery Velona (Living Forces), the National Directorate. To date many Malagasy consider the 1972 Assembly. Many embassies, including the United – 75 period to be the real independence revolution, but States and France, started sending official although there are similarities to be found with other correspondence to both “governments.” While this revolutionary experiences, the fundamental social and was done on the pretext of remaining neutral, it had institutional change experienced by France, Russia, and the effect of legitimising Zafy’s efforts. The surprisingly others during revolutionary periods were not present in rapid and successful challenge from this parallel Madagascar. Indeed, the continued role of an oligarchic legislature forced President Ratsiraka to the bargaining military directorate, and the lack of fundamental table. On 31 October 1991 he signed the Panorama institutional change, would suggest that the period of Convention allowing for a government transition. The 1972 – 1975 is better characterised as a slow coup. terms of the Convention left Ratsiraka as president, but removed most of his powers. The Haute Authorité On 15 June 1975 Lieutenant-Commander Didier effectively became the legislature. A constitutional Ratsiraka, a Betsimisiraka from the Toamasina coast, convention was held in March 1992 and the new was installed by the military directorate as head of constitution was approved by 70 percent of the state and president of the Supreme Revolutionary population in a referendum on 19 August, creating Council (SRC). A referendum on Ratsiraka’s elevation Madagascar’s Third Republic. Multiparty presidential and his call for a new socialist government was held elections were held on 10 February 1993 and Zafy on 21 December 1975, giving birth to the Second Albert emerged victorious with 66.74 percent of the Republic. Ratsiraka quickly assumed the mantle of vote to Ratsiraka’s 33.26 percent. He was sworn in on Leninist “scientific socialism”, in which a strong- 27 March 1993. The Hery Velona parties subsequently armed administration leads the social revolution. won a clear majority in the 16 June 1993 legislative According to his “Red Book”, Charter of the Malagasy elections. Madagascar had become a “democracy.” Socialist Revolution, his “revolution” called for benefiting the poor and decentralising administrative functions – away from his Merina competitors in the The lack of institutionalisation capital. In March 1977 Ratsiraka’s AREMA party won a commanding 90 percent of seats in the country’s Madagascar’s institutional structure is based on its 1992 first local elections. Shortages of basic goods started constitution, and the delegation of powers roughly the same year, even as he constructed ‘white follows the French system.3 The prime minister was elephant’ manufacturing facilities throughout the appointed by the National Assembly and responsible provinces and nationalised private industries. for domestic affairs. The president was the head of state and responsible for all issues pertaining to By 1979 the country was bankrupt and suffering from international relations, primary executive relations, and INSTITUTE FOR Marcus • page 2 Paper 89 • August 2004 SECURITY STUDIES the maintenance of sovereignty. What was to become democracy became one in which the president could important was not the original design so much as the exert a great deal of power not only over executive institutional changes over time and, more importantly, matters, but legislative matters as well.