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18 npoq Tov eiTiovxa—Sources and Credibility of De Stoicorum Repugnantiis 8 JOHN GLUCKER How does one ascertain that a saying ascribed to Zeno of Citium represents a genuine philosophical view of the founder of Stoicism? This is no idle question. By the time of Diogenes Laertius at the latest, most people seem no longer to have read the works of the early Stoics. Having completed the biographical section in his Life of Zeno (VII. 1-38), Diogenes proceeds to offer us, not a summary of Zeno's own philosophy, but a Stoic Koivf|. His excuse for this (VII. 38)—8ia to xotixov KxtatTiv yeveoGai if\c, aipeoecoq— is feeble. The Stoics were no Epicureans or Pythagoreans, claiming to carry on and disseminate the "true doctrines" discovered once for all by a divine founder: even Diogenes' own doxography enters, from time to time, into details about disagreements and disputes among the various Stoics. Plato was also the founder of a "school of thought." This does not prevent Diogenes from presenting us with a long summary of Plato's own dpeoKovTa (III. 67-109). When Diogenes' source supplies an account of various dycoyaC within the same school, he has no hesitation in reproducing his source's doxography with all the shades of difference (III. 86-97). It is merely that by his time, very few people were likely to have read the hundreds of scrolls written by Zeno, Cleanthes, Chrysippus and their disciples and followers—or rather, those of them still readily available. Even by the time of Cicero, the ordinary educated man—even a writer on philosophical themes like Cicero himself—did not attempt to read the original works of the early Stoics, but used summaries and doxographies. What about Plutarch? It is not my intention here to deal, yet again, with the whole issue of Plutarch's familiarity with early Stoic sources. Much has been written on it, from many different angles, often in terms of such generalities and probabilities as "Plutarch, who read so much ..." or "Plutarch must have read his Zeno—he quotes him so often" (the examples are my invention, but they are not pure fiction). I have chosen to concentrate on one piece of Plutarchean evidence which, I believe, can be treated as a test case. Here, then, is the text of De Stoicorum Repugnantiis 8: 474 Illinois Classical Studies, XIII.2 Tlpbc, xov eijiovxa '\ir\8i SiKTiv 8iKdoTi(;, Ttplv a|a.(p(o |iv0ov aKovorii;' ocvTeX-eyev 6 Zt|V(dv xoio-uTtp tivl Xoyo) xp^nevoq 'en' ajceSei^ev 6 TtpoTEpoi; eiTicov, o\)K aKovoxeov xov 5EDTepo\) X.Eyovxo<; (jt£pa<; yap exEi x6 ^t|xov)hevov), eix' ouk citieSei^ev (o|xoiov y«P wq ei 5' HTi5' -OTcriKOVGE kA.ti0£1(; f\ wjcaKotioai; exepexioev). tixoi a.nibeiE,zv f\ ovk anibzi^tv o\)k ciKo-oaxEov apa xov bevxipov kiyovioq.' xovxov bk xov Xoyov tpanriaaq ailxoi; dvxEYpctcpE |iev npbq ir\v TlXa.-c(ovoc, IloA-ixEiav, eX-ve 5e oo(pio|j.axa, koi ttiv 6ia?L£KxiKTiv cbq xomo icoiEiv 5vva|ievTiv ekeXede Jiapa^auPdvEiv zoxiq |ia0Tixd(;. Kaixoi f\ ditfiSEi^E nX.dxcov ti q-uk drefiSEi^E xd ev 5' xfi IloA-ixEia, Kax' oidiztpov fiv dvayKaiov dvxiypdcpeiv dXA.d Jtdvxtoq icEpixxov Ktti ndxaiov. x6 5' awxo xai JtEpi xSv OCCpiOndxCOV EOXIV ElTtElV.' A genuine piece of evidence for an "eccentric" Zenonian doctrine? This is the way in which our passage has been regarded by numerous distinguished scholars in the last hundred years or so. A. C. Pearson includes two parts of this chapter, as Fragments 29 (the anecdote) and 6 {eXve—xox>q |j,a0T|X(X(;) of Zeno, in his Fragments ofZeno and Cleanthes?- On the anecdote, he comments: "The argument is couched in the syllogistic form which Zeno especially affected: see Introd. p. 33"^—where the specimens of syllogism he adduces are very different from the disjunctive argument in our passage. What matters, however, is that Pearson takes this chapter of Plutarch seriously as a piece of Zenonian doctrine. So does von Amim, who has the anecdote as SVF I. 78 (Zeno, Rhetorica), the sentence concerning Plato as I. 259 (Zeno, Ethica), and the sentence on sophisms as I. 50 (Zeno, Logica). Nicola Festa regards the anecdote as the only surviving fragment of Zeno's lost work "EXeyxoi 8tjo.'' Alfons Weische takes it to be an argument against Arcesilaus' practice in utramque partem dispuiandi} Both are quoted by the late Harold Cherniss in a note to his edition of the text—true, without comments, but with an obvious acceptance of our passage as genuine evidence for a Zenonian doctrine.* To crown it all, we have the clear statement of Professor Daniel Babut in his great work on Plutarch and the Stoics: ' Text: Pohlenz-Westman. I have omitted the apparatus, since there are no readings relevant to the argument. ^The Fragments of Zeno and Cleanlhes, with introduction and explanatory notes ... by A. C. Pearson . (London 1891) 80-81; 60-61. ^ Ibid. p. 60. ''Nicola Festa, I frammenti degli Sloici antichi, vol. I (Bari 1932) 1 15-16. ' Alfons Weische, Cicero unddie neue Akademie (Munster 1961) 77-78. * Plutarch's Moralia, vol. Xffl, part H, ed. by Harold Chemiss (Loeb Classical Library 1976) 429, note a. See his Introduction, 373-74. —. John Glucker 475 En revanche, De Stoic, rep. p. 1034 E (7) [misprint for 8-J. G.], de port^e beaucoup moins gSnerale, et oil Plutarque semble reproduire presque litt^ralment le raisonnement par lequel Z6non ddmontrait qu'il est inutile dans un proces—ou en debat philosophique—de preter I'oreille aux deux parties ou d'dcouter le point de vue de I'adversaire, doit etre consid6r6 comme une veritable citation, bien que Plutarque n'ait pas pris la peine ou n'ait pas pu indiquer de quel livre elle provenait, et bien qu'U ne pr^tende pas la reproduire mot a mot7 Doit etre considere comme une veritable citation. After all this, one finds it surprising that this piece of "Zenonian doctrine" has not yet found its way into the standard histories of Greek Philosophy or of the Stoa.* But hold. If the argument in our anecdote were to be regarded as representing a genuine philosophical position of Zeno, it would land him, not merely in the contradictions indicated by Plutarch. It would also imply a wholesale rejection of the task of dialectic as described by Zeno himself in SVF I. 48^9—both independent of Plutarch. It would also imply that such Chrysippean fragments as SVF II. 127-29 (all taken from Ch. 10 of Stoic. Rep.) constitute a complete departure from a doctrine of the founder of the school and a total rejection of that doctrine. Let us now consider the form of the anecdote in our chapter. It is a story about Zeno answering with a counter-argument (dvTeA.e7ev), a literary quotation. Whether the hexametric line [iTiSe Siktiv SiKdo-jiq kxX. is Pseudo-PhocyUdes' or Hesiod,^'' it is not very likely that the ancient poet would have been introduced by Zeno as 6 eiticov, and that Zeno would quote him simply to contradict him. Zeno is not Socrates of the "aporetic dialogues." When Zeno wishes to quote poetry—even to alter its order or its sense—other expressions are used: owExe(; te npoEcpEpETo . zohc, . Ex)pi7ii6o\) oziyip-oc,(jyL VII. 22); lovc, 0* 'HoioSo-o ot{%o-0(; ^ExaypdepEiv ouTco (ib. 25); (pTjol to ek tfi^ Ni6pri<;(ib. 28). No. It is far more likely that what we have here is not a quotation from one of Zeno's own works, in which the ancient hexameter is brought in only to be confuted, but an anecdote about Zeno. Someone, on some occasion, quoted this line of poetry against Zeno. Zeno countered him with his disjunctive argument showing, by the way, in the very act of refuting him that he had listened to the other side: but on this later. What we have here looks far more like the sort of literary anecdote called by ancient rhetoricians xpdcu. A number of rhetorical manuals from ' Daniel Babul, Plutarque et le Sloicisme (Paris 1969) 222-23. 'I find no mention of it, for example, in any edition of Zeller, Ueberweg-Praechter, or Pohlenz. ' Diehl, Anlh. Lyr? 2, p. 98, v. 87—cited in double square brackets. See his apparatus of testimonia to this line. "'Fr.338Merkelbach-WesL — 476 lUinois Classical Studies, XIII.2 late antiquity deal at some length with xpeia as a rhetorical device.'^ Their treatment of this sub-literary form is almost entirely the same, with many sentences and passages repeated virtually word for word (except for the more lengthy discussion of Theon, which is probably his own extension of what he had found in his source). The question of their common source (Hermogenes?) should be investigated elsewhere.'^ For our purpose, it would be enough to quote at random a definition of xpeia offered by one of these late rhetoricians: Xpeia eaxi Xoyoc, fi Ttpa^i; evaxoxoq koV ovvto^o^, t'iq xi jtpoacoicov dopion-cvov e'xoDoa xtjv ava<popdv, Jtpoi; eitavopGwciv xivo(; xcov Ev xo) Pico jtapaXa|xPavonevTi." It may also be of some use for our passage of Plutarch to note that one of these rhetoricians realized that not each and every xpeia has to be serious and to contain a moral: eoxi bk xapiev-ci^eoBai ttiv xpeiav evtoxe \n\5kv E%ovoav PiKxpeXeq.^'' For the rest—as one could expect from handbooks of rhetoric for the instruction of beginners—TtpoyuM-vdoiiaTa much of their discussion is devoted to such exercises as turning a xpe^a from one grammatical case to another; and their standard division of xpeicci is into XoyiKaC, jipaKxiKai, (iiKiaC—a "literary," rather than a "philological" classification.
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  • Chapter Vii., the Pythagoreans

    Chapter Vii., the Pythagoreans

    CHAPTER VII., THE PYTHAGOREANS 138. ThePythagoreanSchool 139. Philolaus 140. PlatoandthePythagoreans 141. The"FragmentsofPhilolaus" 142. TheProblem 143. AristotleontheNumbers 144. TheElementsofNumbers 145. TheNumbersSpatial 146. TheNumbersasMagnitudes 147. TheNumbersandtheElements 148. TheDodecahedron 149. TheSoula"Harmony" 150. TheCentralFire 151. TheAntichthon 152. TheHarmonyoftheSpheres 153. ThingsLikenessesof Numbers 138.ThePythagoreanSchool AFTER losing their supremacy in the Achaiancities, the Pythagoreans concentratedthemselves at Rhegion; but the school foundedthere did not maintainitself for long, andonly Archytas stayed behindinItaly. Philolaos andLysis, the latter of whom hadescapedas a young manfrom the massacre of Kroton, had already found their way to Thebes.1 We know from Plato that Philolaos was there towards the close of the fifthcentury, andLysis was afterwards the teacher of Epameinondas.2 Some of the Pythagoreans, however, were able to return to Italy later. Philolaos certainly did so, and Plato implies that he hadleft Thebes some time before 399 B.C., the year Sokrates was put todeath. Inthe fourthcentury, the chief seat of the school is the Doriancity of Taras, and we findthe Pythagoreans heading the opposition to Dionysios of Syracuse. It is to this period that the activity of Archytas belongs. He was the friendof Plato, andalmost realisedthe ideal of the philosopher king. He ruled Taras for years, andAristoxenos tells us that he was never defeatedinthe fieldof battle.3 He was also the inventor of mathematical mechanics. At the same time, Pythagoreanism hadtaken root inthe East. Lysis remainedat Thebes, where Simmias andKebes hadheardPhilolaos, while the remnant of the 206 Pythagoreanschool of Rhegionsettledat Phleious. Aristoxenos was personally acquaintedwiththe last generation of this school, and mentioned by name Xenophilos the Chalkidian from Thrace, with Phanton, Echekrates, Diokles, and Polymnastos of Phleious.