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Chrysippus's Dog As a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition
Chrysippus’s Dog as a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition Michael Rescorla Abstract: I critique an ancient argument for the possibility of non-linguistic deductive inference. The argument, attributed to Chrysippus, describes a dog whose behavior supposedly reflects disjunctive syllogistic reasoning. Drawing on contemporary robotics, I urge that we can equally well explain the dog’s behavior by citing probabilistic reasoning over cognitive maps. I then critique various experimentally-based arguments from scientific psychology that echo Chrysippus’s anecdotal presentation. §1. Language and thought Do non-linguistic creatures think? Debate over this question tends to calcify into two extreme doctrines. The first, espoused by Descartes, regards language as necessary for cognition. Modern proponents include Brandom (1994, pp. 145-157), Davidson (1984, pp. 155-170), McDowell (1996), and Sellars (1963, pp. 177-189). Cartesians may grant that ascribing cognitive activity to non-linguistic creatures is instrumentally useful, but they regard such ascriptions as strictly speaking false. The second extreme doctrine, espoused by Gassendi, Hume, and Locke, maintains that linguistic and non-linguistic cognition are fundamentally the same. Modern proponents include Fodor (2003), Peacocke (1997), Stalnaker (1984), and many others. Proponents may grant that non- linguistic creatures entertain a narrower range of thoughts than us, but they deny any principled difference in kind.1 2 An intermediate position holds that non-linguistic creatures display cognitive activity of a fundamentally different kind than human thought. Hobbes and Leibniz favored this intermediate position. Modern advocates include Bermudez (2003), Carruthers (2002, 2004), Dummett (1993, pp. 147-149), Malcolm (1972), and Putnam (1992, pp. 28-30). -
Commentary on Englert Martha Nussbaum I Admire Englert's
Commentary on Englert Martha Nussbaum I admire Englert's paper. I find its major conclusions entirely convincing: (1) the analysis of the difference between Epicurean and Stoic attitudes to suicide; (2) the account of the original Stoic position; (3) the argument that Seneca is an orthodox Stoic about suicide; and (4) the very interesting claims about the role of dif- ferent sorts of freedom in Seneca's arguments. Although I am persuaded by his analysis, I am inclined to be somewhat more critical of the Stoic position than he seems inclined to be: for I think that in a crucial way it is internally incoherent. In what follows, therefore, I want to focus on a problem in the Stoic account itself, with respect to the ambivalence the suicide theory reveals toward the importance of externals. I shall do this by focusing on one line of argument leading to suicide, in Seneca's De Ira.l 1. The Stoics famously hold that only virtue is worth choosing for its own sake. And virtue all by itself suffices for a complete- ly fulfilled and fulfilling human life, that is, for eudaimonia. Virtue is something unaffected by external contingency—both, apparently, as to its acquisition and as to its maintenance once acquired? Items that are not fully under the control of the 1. My interpretation of this work is developed at greater length in Nussbaum 1994. My general account of Stoic virtue theory and its relationship to the call for the extirpation of passion is in chapter 10, my detailed analysis of the argu- ments about anger in the De Ira in chapter 11. -
The Hymn of Cleanthes Greek Text Translated Into English
UC-NRLF 557 C29 ^ 033 TDt. 3 + 1921 3• MAIN ^ ft (9 -- " EXTS FOR STUDENTS, No. 26 THE YMN OF CLEANTHES GREEK TEXT TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH WITH BRIEF INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY E. H. BLAKENEY, M.A. ce 6d. net. HELPS FOR STUDENTS OF HISTORY. 1. EPISCOPAL REGISTERS OF ENGLAND AND WALES. By R. C. Fowler, B.A., F.S.A. 6d. net. 2. MUNICIPAL RECORDS. By F. J. C. Hearnsuaw, M.A. Gd. net. 3. MEDIEVAL RECKONINGS OF TIME. ' By Reginald L. Poole, LL.D., Litt.D. 6d. net. % 4. THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE. By Charles Johnson. 6d. net. 5. THE CARE OF DOCUMENTS. By Charles Johnson. 6d.net. 6. THE LOGIC OF HISTORY. By C. G. Cramp. 8d.net. 7. DOCUMENTS IN THE PUBUC RECORD OFFICE, DUBLIN. By B. H. Murray, Litt.D. 8d. net. 8. THE FRENCH WARS OF RELIGION. By Arthur A. TiUey» M.A. 6d. net. By Sir A. W. WARD, Litt.D., F.B.A. 9. THE PERIOD OF CONGRESSES, I. Introductory. 8d.net. 10. THE PERIOD OF CONGRESSES, II. Vienna and the Second Peace of Paris. Is. net. 11. THE PERIOD OF CONGRESSES, IH. Aix-la-ChapeUe to Verona. Is. net. (Nos. 9, 10, and 11 in one volume, cloth, 3s. Gd. net.) 12. SECURITIES OF PEACE. A Retrospect (1848-1914). Paper, 2s. ; cloth, 3s. net. 13. THE FRENCH RENAISSANCE. By Arthur A. TiUey, M.A* 8d. net. 14. HINTS ON THE STUDY OF ENGUSH ECONOMIC HISTORY. By W. Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A., F.S.A. 8d. net. 1 5. PARISH HISTORY AND RECORDS. -
KEIMPE ALGRA 155-184.Qxd
Ο Ζήνων ο Κιτιέας και η Στωική κοσμολογία: μερικές σημειώσεις και δυο συγκεκριμένες περιπτώσεις. KEIMPE ALGRA Η έκταση και η φύση της συμβολής του Ζήνωνα στη Στωική φυσική και κοσμολογία είναι δύσκολο να θεμελιωθούν. Η ανακοίνωση αυτή μελετά μερικά από τα σχετικά προβλήματα. Η χρήση της ονομαστικής ετικέτας "Ζήνων" από τις αρχαίες μας πηγές δε θα πρέπει πάντα να αξιολογείται επιφανειακά, και η απόδοση καθώς και η διευθέτηση του υλικού του Hans Von Arnim στο Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta (SVF) δε θα πρέπει να γίνεται αποδεκτή χωρίς κριτική, για λόγους που περιγράφονται σ’ αυτή την εργασία. Παρέχονται δύο συγκεκριμένες περιπτώσεις αποσπασμάτων, οι οποίες, με μια πιο προσεκτική ματιά, δε θα πρέπει να αποδοθούν στο Ζήνωνα. Τελικά, υποστηρίζεται ότι ο Ζήνων δεν ήταν παραγωγικός συγγραφέας σε θέματα φυσικής, και ότι έτυχε στους διαδόχους του ( σε μερικούς από αυτούς) – πιο συγκεκριμένα στον Σφαίρο, στον Κλεάνθη και στον Χρύσιππο – να επεξεργαστούν περαιτέρω και να συγκροτήσουν λεπτομερειακά την φυσική κοσμοεικόνα της Στωικής σχολής. Αυτό σημαίνει πως υπάρχουν περιθώρια ανάπτυξης της φυσικής και της κοσμολογίας στα πλαίσια του αρχαίου Στωικισμού, και πως, συνακόλουθα, είναι ζωτικής σημασίας να διακρίνουμε πιο ξεκάθαρα, απ’ ότι συνήθως, τι πρέπει με ασφάλεια να αποδοθεί στο Ζήνωνα και ότι τέτοιου είδους "κοινά στωικά" δόγματα πρέπεί μόνο πιθανά, ή μερικά, να ανιχνευτούν σ΄αυτόν. Zeno of Citium and Stoic Cosmology: some notes and two case studies KEIMPE ALGRA 1 Zeno of Citium, as indeed the early Stoics in general, conceived of philosophy as consisting of three interrelated parts: logic, physics and ethics.1 But although Zeno’s foundational work covered all three areas, he appears to have had his preferences. -
Democritus C
Democritus c. 460 BC-c. 370 BC (Also known as Democritus of Abdera) Greek philosopher. home to the philosopher Protagoras. There are several indications, both external and internal to his writings, The following entry provides criticism of Democritus’s that Democritus may have held office in Abdera and life and works. For additional information about Democ- that he was a wealthy and respected citizen. It is also ritus, see CMLC, Volume 47. known that he traveled widely in the ancient world, visit- ing not only Athens but Egypt, Persia, the Red Sea, pos- sibly Ethiopia, and even India. Scholars also agree that he INTRODUCTION lived a very long life of between 90 and 109 years. Democritus of Abdera, a contemporary of Socrates, stands Democritus is said to have been a pupil of Leucippus, an out among early Greek philosophers because he offered important figure in the early history of philosophy about both a comprehensive physical account of the universe and whom little is known. Aristotle and others credit Leucippus anaturalisticaccountofhumanhistoryandculture. with devising the theory of atomism, and it is commonly Although none of his works has survived in its entirety, believed that Democritus expanded the theory under his descriptions of his views and many direct quotations from tutelage. However, some scholars have suggested that his writings were preserved by later sources, beginning Leucippus was not an actual person but merely a character with the works of Aristotle and extending to the fifth- in a dialogue written by Democritus that was subsequently century AD Florigelium (Anthology) of Joannes Stobaeus. lost. A similar strategy was employed by the philosopher While Plato ignored Democritus’s work, largely because he Parmenides, who used the character of a goddess to elu- disagreed with his teachings, Aristotle acknowledged De- cidate his views in his didactic poem, On Nature. -
A History of Cynicism
A HISTORY OF CYNICISM Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com A HISTORY OF CYNICISM From Diogenes to the 6th Century A.D. by DONALD R. DUDLEY F,llow of St. John's College, Cambrid1e Htmy Fellow at Yale University firl mll METHUEN & CO. LTD. LONDON 36 Essex Street, Strand, W.C.2 Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com First published in 1937 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com PREFACE THE research of which this book is the outcome was mainly carried out at St. John's College, Cambridge, Yale University, and Edinburgh University. In the help so generously given to my work I have been no less fortunate than in the scenes in which it was pursued. I am much indebted for criticism and advice to Professor M. Rostovtseff and Professor E. R. Goodonough of Yale, to Professor A. E. Taylor of Edinburgh, to Professor F. M. Cornford of Cambridge, to Professor J. L. Stocks of Liverpool, and to Dr. W. H. Semple of Reading. I should also like to thank the electors of the Henry Fund for enabling me to visit the United States, and the College Council of St. John's for electing me to a Research Fellowship. Finally, to• the unfailing interest, advice and encouragement of Mr. M. P. Charlesworth of St. John's I owe an especial debt which I can hardly hope to repay. These acknowledgements do not exhaust the list of my obligations ; but I hope that other kindnesses have been acknowledged either in the text or privately. -
The University of Western Ontario Department of Philosophy Comprehensive Exam Reading List Early Modern Philosophy (1580-1800)
The University of Western Ontario Department of Philosophy Comprehensive Exam Reading List Early Modern Philosophy (1580-1800) Michael Montaigne. “Apology for Raymond Sebond.” Translated by Roger Ariew and Marjorie Grene. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2003. [164] Rene Descartes. Meditations on First Philosophy and The Second and Fourth Sets of Objections and Replies. Volume 2 of The Philosophical Writings of Descartes. Translated by John Cottingham, Robert Stoothoff, and Dugald Murdoch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. [133] Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan. Edited by Edwin Curley. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1994. Parts I and II. [239] Baruch Spinoza. The Ethics. In Baruch Spinoza: Ethics, Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect and Selected Letters. Translated by Samuel Shirley. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1992. Parts I and II. [70] Nicolas Malebranche. Search after Truth. In Nicolas Malebranche: Philosophical Selections. Edited by Steven Nadler. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1992. [144] G.W. Leibniz. “Primary Truths,” “Discourse on Metaphysics,” “The Correspondence with Arnauld” and “The Principles of Nature and Grace.” In G.W. Leibniz: Philosophical Essays. Translated by Roger Ariew and Daniel Garber. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1989. [65] John Locke. An Essay concerning Human Understanding. Edited by Kenneth Winkler. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1996. II.i-xxxiii, III.iii and vi, and IV.i-iv and xi- xvi. [217] John Locke. Two Treaties of Government. Edited by Peter Laslett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Second Treatise. [161] The British Moralists (Shaftesbury, Mandeville, Hutcheson, and Butler). The British Moralists 1650-1800. Volume 1, Hobbes – Gay. Edited by D.D. Raphael. Pp. 169- 188, 229-236, 261-299, and 325-364. [73] Pierre Bayle. -
Alexander of Aphrodisias on Fate, Providence and Nature
Supplement to Acta Philosophica FORUM Volume 3 (2017)7–18 Alexander of Aphrodisias on Fate, Providence and Nature David Torrijos-Castrillejo Universidad Eclesiástica San Dámaso [email protected] DOI: 10.17421/2498-9746-03-01 Abstract To study the inuence of divinity on cosmos, Alexander uses the notions of ‘fate’ and ‘providence,’ which were common in the philos- ophy of his time. In this way, he provides an Aristotelian interpreta- tion of the problems related to such concepts. In the context of this discussion, he oers a description of ‘nature’ dierent from the one that he usually regards as the standard Aristotelian notion of nature, i.e. the intrinsic principle of motion and rest. The new coined concept is a ‘cosmic’ nature that can be identied with both ‘fate’ and ‘divine power,’ which are the immediate eect of providence upon the world. In the paper it is exposed how the conception of providence defended by Alexander means a rejection of the divine care of the particulars, since the divinities are only provident for species. Several texts be- longing to the Middle Platonic philosophers will convince us that such thinkers (and not directly Aristotle) are the origin of the thesis that will be understood as the conventional Aristotelian position, namely that divinity only orders species but not individuals. contents 1 Alexander on Nature as Divine Power or Fate ........... 8 2 Middle Platonic Roots of the Alexandrian Notion of Fate and Providence ............................. 11 3 Conclusions ............................ 14 Notes ................................. 15 7 david torrijos-castrillejo Alexander of Aphrodisias, the commentator of Aristotle par excellence, tries to answer to the scientic questions arisen in his time using the contribu- tions of the philosophy of the head of the Peripatetic school. -
Velázquez's Democritus
Velázquez’s Democritus: Global Disillusion and the Critical Hermeneutics of a Smile javier berzal de dios Western Washington University Velázquez’s Democritus (ca. 1630) presents a unique encounter: not only are there few depictions in which the Greek philosopher appears with a sphere that shows an actual map, but Velázquez used a court jester as a model for Democritus, thus placing the philosopher within a courtly space. When we study the painting in relation to the literary interests of the Spanish Golden Age and its socio-political circumstances, we can see the figure of Democritus as far from just another instantiation of a conven- tional trope. The philosopher’s smile and his crepuscular globe entrap the viewer in a semiotic game with pedagogical and ethical goals. While the scholarship on the painting has dwelt extensively on the identification of the figure, this essay moves beyond the superficial aspects of subject identity in order to explore how the painting articulates and requests a profoundly philosophical engagement. I thus exa- mine Democritus in relation to contemporary literary and philosophical themes, many of which were present in Velázquez’s own personal library: the period’s understanding of the philosopher, cartographic spheres, and treatises on laughter. Considered in this manner, Velázquez’s figure is not responding to the folly of humanity in general, as is commonly the case in representations of the philosopher, but is rather presented through a courtly prism in which conquest, geography, and politics are inescapably interrelated. Velázquez’s Democritus emphasizes the philosophical and moral qualities of a learned and decorous laughter, which performs a critical and ethical role framed by Spain’s political difficulties. -
Chapter Two Democritus and the Different Limits to Divisibility
CHAPTER TWO DEMOCRITUS AND THE DIFFERENT LIMITS TO DIVISIBILITY § 0. Introduction In the previous chapter I tried to give an extensive analysis of the reasoning in and behind the first arguments in the history of philosophy in which problems of continuity and infinite divisibility emerged. The impact of these arguments must have been enormous. Designed to show that rationally speaking one was better off with an Eleatic universe without plurality and without motion, Zeno’s paradoxes were a challenge to everyone who wanted to salvage at least those two basic features of the world of common sense. On the other hand, sceptics, for whatever reason weary of common sense, could employ Zeno-style arguments to keep up the pressure. The most notable representative of the latter group is Gorgias, who in his book On not-being or On nature referred to ‘Zeno’s argument’, presumably in a demonstration that what is without body and does not have parts, is not. It is possible that this followed an earlier argument of his that whatever is one, must be without body.1 We recognize here what Aristotle calls Zeno’s principle, that what does not have bulk or size, is not. Also in the following we meet familiar Zenonian themes: Further, if it moves and shifts [as] one, what is, is divided, not being continuous, and there [it is] not something. Hence, if it moves everywhere, it is divided everywhere. But if that is the case, then everywhere it is not. For it is there deprived of being, he says, where it is divided, instead of ‘void’ using ‘being divided’.2 Gorgias is talking here about the situation that there is motion within what is. -
6 X 10. Three Lines .P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-83746-0 - Archytas of Tarentum: Pythagorean, Philosopher and Mathematician King Carl A. Huffman Excerpt More information part one Introductory essays © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-83746-0 - Archytas of Tarentum: Pythagorean, Philosopher and Mathematician King Carl A. Huffman Excerpt More information chapter i Life, writings and reception sources (The original texts and translations of the testimonia for Archytas’ life are found in Part Three, Section One) Archytas did not live the life of a philosophical recluse. He was the leader of one of the most powerful Greek city-states in the first half of the fourth century bc. Unfortunately he is similar to most important Greek intellec- tuals of the fifth and fourth centuries bc, in that we have extremely little reliable information about his activities. This dearth of information is all the more frustrating since we know that Aristoxenus wrote a biography of Archytas, not long after his death (A9). Two themes bulk large in the bits of evidence that do survive from that biography and from other evidence for Archytas’ life. First, there is Archytas’ connection to Plato, which, as we will see, was more controversial in antiquity than in most modern scholarship. The Platonic Seventh Letter, whose authenticity continues to be debated, portrays Archytas as saving Plato from likely death, when Plato was visit- ing the tyrant Dionysius II at Syracuse in 361 bc. Second, for Aristoxenus, Archytas is the paradigm of a successful leader. Elected general (strat¯egos) repeatedly, he was never defeated in battle; as a virtuous, kindly and demo- cratic ruler, he played a significant role in the great prosperity of his native Tarentum, located on the heel of southern Italy. -
Anaximander's Ἄπειρον
1 Pulished in: Ancient Philosophy Volume 39, Issue 1, Spring 2019 Anaximander’s ἄπειρον: from the Life-world to the Cosmic Event Horizon Norman Sieroka Pages 1-22 https://doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil2019391 1 Current affiliation of author (July 2020): Theoretische Philosophie, Universität Bremen www.uni-bremen.de/theophil/sieroka Abstract Scholars have claimed repeatedly that Anaximander’s notion of the ἄπειρον marks the first metaphysical concept, or even the first theoretical entity, in Western thought. The present paper scrutinizes this claim. Characterizing natural phenomena as ἄπειρος— that is, as being inexhaustible or untraversable by standard human means—was common in daily practice, especially when referring to landmasses and seas but also when referring to vast numbers of countable objects. I will deny the assumption that Anaximander’s notion started off as being a theoretical answer to a specific philosophical question. That said, the aforementioned everyday notion of ἄπειρος could still lead to the development of theoretical concepts. Based on the observations Anaximander did with seasonal sundials, the inexhaustible landmasses and seas just mentioned became depicted on his world map by means of concentric circles. These circles then marked the bounds of experience and, by being fixed and finite, suggested the possibility of traversing beyond what is directly experienced. Evaluating claims from recent Anaximander scholarship, the paper ends with a brief comparison with concepts from modern physics which play an analogous role of demarcating the bounds of experience. Anaximander’s ἄπειρον: from the Life-world to the Cosmic Event Horizon Norman Sieroka Interest in Anaximander (c. 610-c. 547 BC) has increased in recent years.