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Chrysippus's Dog As a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition
Chrysippus’s Dog as a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition Michael Rescorla Abstract: I critique an ancient argument for the possibility of non-linguistic deductive inference. The argument, attributed to Chrysippus, describes a dog whose behavior supposedly reflects disjunctive syllogistic reasoning. Drawing on contemporary robotics, I urge that we can equally well explain the dog’s behavior by citing probabilistic reasoning over cognitive maps. I then critique various experimentally-based arguments from scientific psychology that echo Chrysippus’s anecdotal presentation. §1. Language and thought Do non-linguistic creatures think? Debate over this question tends to calcify into two extreme doctrines. The first, espoused by Descartes, regards language as necessary for cognition. Modern proponents include Brandom (1994, pp. 145-157), Davidson (1984, pp. 155-170), McDowell (1996), and Sellars (1963, pp. 177-189). Cartesians may grant that ascribing cognitive activity to non-linguistic creatures is instrumentally useful, but they regard such ascriptions as strictly speaking false. The second extreme doctrine, espoused by Gassendi, Hume, and Locke, maintains that linguistic and non-linguistic cognition are fundamentally the same. Modern proponents include Fodor (2003), Peacocke (1997), Stalnaker (1984), and many others. Proponents may grant that non- linguistic creatures entertain a narrower range of thoughts than us, but they deny any principled difference in kind.1 2 An intermediate position holds that non-linguistic creatures display cognitive activity of a fundamentally different kind than human thought. Hobbes and Leibniz favored this intermediate position. Modern advocates include Bermudez (2003), Carruthers (2002, 2004), Dummett (1993, pp. 147-149), Malcolm (1972), and Putnam (1992, pp. 28-30). -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
The Cretans Always Liars
305 THE CRETANS ALWAYS LIARS. EvERY student of the New Testament knows the famous hexameter verse on the Cretans in the first chapter of the Epistle to Titus (Titus i. 12), and is also aware that it is from a lost work of Epimenides, the Cretan poet. The identification is a very early one in the Christian literature ; it occurs, for example, in Clement of Alexandria's Stro mateis (i. 14), with the remark that St. Paul recognizes Epimenides the Cretan as a Greek prophet, and is not ashamed to quote him. It is found again in the Euthalian apparatus of the New Testament, where, in the list of quotations (p.apTvplat) in the Pauline writings, we find the passage from Titus, described as- 'Emp.EVl8ov Kp1JTO~ Kal p.avT£wc; XP1Jup.6c;, Kal Ka.A.A.1p.axov Kvp1Jvalov 7rOI1JTOV ~ al!T~. Here we find a reference to Epimenides as having the Mantic gift, which explains why Clement of Alexandria and the Epistle to Titus call him a prophet, rather than a poet; and we have a further reference made to Callimachus the poet, as using the same testimony (p.aprvpla), who must, on this showing, have quoted from Epimenides. A MS. on Mount Athos1 has the Euthalian note in a more extended form and tells us that the verse from Titus is found in Callimachus' Hymn to Jove-a fact which had already been recognized by scholars. The Athos note is as follows :- 'Emp.EVt8ov Kp1]Toc; p.aii'T,wc; XP1JUp.6c;. K'XP1JTal OE Kal Ka.U.{p.axoc; rjj XP~U£1 lv Tcj {m' a&ov p1J(Uvn de; Tov ll{a VJL"'I!• and the verification of the reference is given by turning to Cal limachus, Hymn inJov. -
The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana. -
Oracles and Greek Mentalities: the Mantic Confirmation of Mantic Revelations
ORACLES AND GREEK MENTALITIES: THE MANTIC CONFIRMATION OF MANTIC REVELATIONS Pierre Bonnechere The average Greek had a sense of divine intervention in human affairs.1 Day-to-day worries were one thing; faced with anything else, he soon found himself lost in a forest of symbols, whose meaning he had to decode if he were to hope to act rationally. A sign is ambiguous by defini- tion, however, and always hazardous to interpret; his best strategy would be to follow the greatest concentration of symbols and potentially telling mantic clues. And if ever these signs did not accumulate naturally, there were always means of soliciting them. Hence the universal preference for composite mantic enquiries: among the Azanda in s Sudan, each oracle obtained ‘by poison’ demanded a counter-test to be credible.2 The Hittites, likewise, could verify ominous dreams with such deductive orac- ular procedures as ornithomancy and hepatoscopy.3 For the Greek world, the example of Croesus would immediately spring to mind. Wishing to invade Persia, he sought the sanction of the gods, and to test the reliability of each one, he sent to the Greek oracles as many envoys, all charged with asking the same question, at the same 1 This article is part of a vast research project, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, whose ultimate goal is to replace A. Bouché- Leclercq, Histoire de la divination dans l’Antiquité, vols. (Paris: Leroux, –). I am delighted to participate in the medley offered to Jan Bremmer, a scholar whom I have long admired and now count among my friends. -
Herakleitos (121.6Kb)
The Reign of the Whirlwind 122 Chapter 7 Herakleitos ----------- 1. Life and book We have very little reliable information about the life of Herakleitos son of Bloson, of Ephesos. It is clear from the biographical accounts that survive, that the Alexandrian scholars could find little, even though they were not fussy about reliability. They made up anecdotes to fit some of the more striking sayings of this paradox-loving writer; and as a result, “Herakleitos the Dark” became even more obscure. We have to guess, first, at his dates. He knows something about Pythagoras and Xenophanes; and Parmenides seems to know something about him. We can hazard the conjecture that his book was written by 500 BCE (when Xenophanes had still the last quarter of his long life to live, and Pythagoras was in his last years). This would make 545 BCE a reasonable guess for his birth date. He probably died before 480.i Herakleitos belonged to the ancient royal clan of Ephesos. He is said to have deposited his book in the great temple of Artemis for which his native city was famous (22 A 1).ii We can fairly suppose that it was in his eyes the worthy trophy of a greater victory than any triumph in arms. Whether he was actually melancholic (“the weeping philosopher” as he came to be called)iii we cannot say. He was certainly both an angry man, and an intellectual aristocrat. There are some The Reign of the Whirlwind 123 “sayings” of his that were not in the book. In one plausible story, he “upbraids the Ephesians . -
THE ARGONAUTIKA He'd Gone on His Vain Quest with Peirithoos: That Couple Would Have Made Their Task's Fulfillment Far Easier for Them All
Book I Starting from you, Phoibos, the deeds ofthose old-time mortals I shall relute, who by way ofthe Black Sea's mouth and through the cobalt-dark rocks, at King Pelias 's commandment, in search of the Golden Fleece drove tight-thwarted Argo. For Pelias heard it voiced that in time thereafter a grim fate would await him, death at the prompting of the man he saw come, one-sandaled, from folk in the country: and not much later-in accordance with your word-Jason, fording on foot the Anauros's wintry waters, saved from the mud one sandal, but left the other stuck fast in the flooded estuary, pressed straight on to have his share in the sacred feast that Pelias was preparing for Poseidon his father, and the rest of the gods, though paying no heed to Pelasgian Hera. The moment Pelias saw him, he knew, and devised him a trial of most perilous seamanship, that in deep waters or away among foreign folk he might lose his homecoming. ,\row singers before 7ny time have recounted how the vessel was fashioned 4 Argos with the guidance of Athena. IW~cctIplan to do now is tell the name and farnib of each hero, describe their long voyage, all they accomplished in their wanderings: may the Muses inspire mnj sinpng! First in our record be Orpheus, whom famous Kalliope, after bedding Thracian Oikgros, bore, they tell us, 44 THE XRGONAUTIKA hard by Pimpleia's high rocky lookout: Orpheus, who's said to have charmed unshiftable upland boulders and the flow of rivers with the sound of his music. -
The University of Western Ontario Department of Philosophy Comprehensive Exam Reading List Early Modern Philosophy (1580-1800)
The University of Western Ontario Department of Philosophy Comprehensive Exam Reading List Early Modern Philosophy (1580-1800) Michael Montaigne. “Apology for Raymond Sebond.” Translated by Roger Ariew and Marjorie Grene. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2003. [164] Rene Descartes. Meditations on First Philosophy and The Second and Fourth Sets of Objections and Replies. Volume 2 of The Philosophical Writings of Descartes. Translated by John Cottingham, Robert Stoothoff, and Dugald Murdoch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. [133] Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan. Edited by Edwin Curley. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1994. Parts I and II. [239] Baruch Spinoza. The Ethics. In Baruch Spinoza: Ethics, Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect and Selected Letters. Translated by Samuel Shirley. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1992. Parts I and II. [70] Nicolas Malebranche. Search after Truth. In Nicolas Malebranche: Philosophical Selections. Edited by Steven Nadler. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1992. [144] G.W. Leibniz. “Primary Truths,” “Discourse on Metaphysics,” “The Correspondence with Arnauld” and “The Principles of Nature and Grace.” In G.W. Leibniz: Philosophical Essays. Translated by Roger Ariew and Daniel Garber. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1989. [65] John Locke. An Essay concerning Human Understanding. Edited by Kenneth Winkler. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1996. II.i-xxxiii, III.iii and vi, and IV.i-iv and xi- xvi. [217] John Locke. Two Treaties of Government. Edited by Peter Laslett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Second Treatise. [161] The British Moralists (Shaftesbury, Mandeville, Hutcheson, and Butler). The British Moralists 1650-1800. Volume 1, Hobbes – Gay. Edited by D.D. Raphael. Pp. 169- 188, 229-236, 261-299, and 325-364. [73] Pierre Bayle. -
The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion. Lectures Delivered at Oxford and In
BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIET OF Henirg m. Sage 1891 .A^^^ffM3. islm^lix.. 5931 CornelJ University Library BL 25.H621911 The higher aspects of Greek religion.Lec 3 1924 007 845 450 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007845450 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES 1911 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES THE HIGHER ASPECTS OF GREEK RELIGION LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD AND IN LONDON IN APRIL AND MAY igii BY L. R. FARNELL, D.Litt. WILDE LECTURER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON WILLIAMS AND NORGATE GARDEN, W.C. 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT 1912 CONTENTS Lecture I GENERAL FEATURES AND ORIGINS OF GREEK RELIGION Greek religion mainly a social-political system, 1. In its earliest " period a " theistic creed, that is^ a worship of personal individual deities, ethical personalities rather than mere nature forces, 2. Anthrqgomorphism its predominant bias, 2-3. Yet preserving many primitive features of " animism " or " animatism," 3-5. Its progress gradual without violent break with its distant past, 5-6. The ele- ment of magic fused with the religion but not predominant, 6-7. Hellenism and Hellenic religion a blend of two ethnic strains, one North-Aryan, the other Mediterranean, mainly Minoan-Mycenaean, 7-9. Criteria by which we can distinguish the various influences of these two, 9-1 6. The value of Homeric evidence, 18-20. Sum- mary of results, 21-24. Lecture II THE RELIGIOUS BOND AND MORALITY OF THE FAMILY The earliest type of family in Hellenic society patrilinear, 25-27. -
Historical Fiction, Brachylogy, and Plutarch's Banquet of Th E Seven
Historical fiction, brachylogy, and Plutarch’s Banquet of th e Seven Sages Autor(es): Kim, Lawrence Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra; Centro de Estudos Clássicos e Publicado por: Humanísticos URL persistente: URI:http://hdl.handle.net/10316.2/32038 DOI: DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/978-989-8281-17-3_44 Accessed : 29-Sep-2021 07:33:07 A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/termos. Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. pombalina.uc.pt digitalis.uc.pt Symposion and Philanthropia in Plutarch Manuel Troster e Paula Barata Dias (eds.) IMPRENSA DA UNIVERSIDADE DE COIMBRA COIMBRA UNIVERSITY PRESS ANNABLUME Historical Fiction, Brachylogy, and Plutarch’s Banquet of the Seven Sages HIS T ORICAL FIC T ION , BRACHYLOGY , AND PLU T ARCH ’S BAN Q UE T OF th E SEVEN SAGE S Lawrence Kim University of Texas, Austin Abstract In this paper I examine the ways in which the weaknesses and strengths of Plutarch’s Banquet of the Seven Sages are tied to Plutarch’s attempt to recreate the world of the sixth century BCE in fictional form. -
Chapter Two Democritus and the Different Limits to Divisibility
CHAPTER TWO DEMOCRITUS AND THE DIFFERENT LIMITS TO DIVISIBILITY § 0. Introduction In the previous chapter I tried to give an extensive analysis of the reasoning in and behind the first arguments in the history of philosophy in which problems of continuity and infinite divisibility emerged. The impact of these arguments must have been enormous. Designed to show that rationally speaking one was better off with an Eleatic universe without plurality and without motion, Zeno’s paradoxes were a challenge to everyone who wanted to salvage at least those two basic features of the world of common sense. On the other hand, sceptics, for whatever reason weary of common sense, could employ Zeno-style arguments to keep up the pressure. The most notable representative of the latter group is Gorgias, who in his book On not-being or On nature referred to ‘Zeno’s argument’, presumably in a demonstration that what is without body and does not have parts, is not. It is possible that this followed an earlier argument of his that whatever is one, must be without body.1 We recognize here what Aristotle calls Zeno’s principle, that what does not have bulk or size, is not. Also in the following we meet familiar Zenonian themes: Further, if it moves and shifts [as] one, what is, is divided, not being continuous, and there [it is] not something. Hence, if it moves everywhere, it is divided everywhere. But if that is the case, then everywhere it is not. For it is there deprived of being, he says, where it is divided, instead of ‘void’ using ‘being divided’.2 Gorgias is talking here about the situation that there is motion within what is. -
6 X 10. Three Lines .P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-83746-0 - Archytas of Tarentum: Pythagorean, Philosopher and Mathematician King Carl A. Huffman Excerpt More information part one Introductory essays © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-83746-0 - Archytas of Tarentum: Pythagorean, Philosopher and Mathematician King Carl A. Huffman Excerpt More information chapter i Life, writings and reception sources (The original texts and translations of the testimonia for Archytas’ life are found in Part Three, Section One) Archytas did not live the life of a philosophical recluse. He was the leader of one of the most powerful Greek city-states in the first half of the fourth century bc. Unfortunately he is similar to most important Greek intellec- tuals of the fifth and fourth centuries bc, in that we have extremely little reliable information about his activities. This dearth of information is all the more frustrating since we know that Aristoxenus wrote a biography of Archytas, not long after his death (A9). Two themes bulk large in the bits of evidence that do survive from that biography and from other evidence for Archytas’ life. First, there is Archytas’ connection to Plato, which, as we will see, was more controversial in antiquity than in most modern scholarship. The Platonic Seventh Letter, whose authenticity continues to be debated, portrays Archytas as saving Plato from likely death, when Plato was visit- ing the tyrant Dionysius II at Syracuse in 361 bc. Second, for Aristoxenus, Archytas is the paradigm of a successful leader. Elected general (strat¯egos) repeatedly, he was never defeated in battle; as a virtuous, kindly and demo- cratic ruler, he played a significant role in the great prosperity of his native Tarentum, located on the heel of southern Italy.