Judaica Olomucensia 2014 | 1 Judaica Olomoucensia 2014 І

JUDAICAJUDAICA OLOMOUCENSIAOLOMUCENSIA 20142014 | 1 І 1–2 ISSN 1805-9139

Registrační číslo: CZ.1.07/2.2.00/15.0300

Ročník II. | Č íslo 1–21 | 2014 2014 (Vycházejí dvě řádná čísla ročně)

Publikace vychází v rámci projektu Inovace studijního oboru Judaistika zvyšující možnosti mezioborových studií. OBSAH

Louise Hecht: 5 Introduction

Kerstin Mayerhofer: 22 “And they will rejoice over me forever!” The History of Israel in the Light of the Catastrophe of 70 C.E. in the Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham

Britta Wedam: 36 “Du, mein lieber Vater, sei geküßt von Deinem Dich bis zum letzten Atemzug liebenden Sohn Poldi”: Austrian-Jewish field postal letters to the family during World War I published in Dr. Bloch’s Oesterreichische Wochenschrift

Ágnes Katalin Kelemen: 56 The Exiles of the Hungarian Numerus Clausus in Italy

Lukáš Motyčka : 104 Life at the Borders: Josef Mühlberger, Jews and Judaism

Sára Valachová : 122 Basic Laws of the State of Israel: Controversies, Conflicts and Politics behind the Constitutional System of Israel

INTRODUCTION of the past century that changed the LOUISE HECHT track and patterns of Jewish history beyond recognition. Generally speaking, This double issue is not dedicated catastrophe and (Jewish) resilience can to a specific topic. The five papers be considered the overarching theme that published in this volume were selected connects all the contributions. The four according to scholarly quality, without papers concentrating on the twentieth restrictions regarding time, geographic century deal with the calamities and area and methodology. In fact, the cataclysms of modern (Jewish) history authors’ fields of expertise are quite and Jewish responses, i.e. World War I, varied and embody Jewish Studies the turmoil of the interwar period in proper, German literature, history and Central Europe, National Socialism jurisprudence; they thus exemplify and the establishment of the State of the truly interdisciplinary character Israel; Kerstin Mayerhofer’s article, on of Jewish studies and whole array of the other hand, analyses a text closely topics it encompasses. The issue is connected to the destruction of the conceptualized as a double issue, since Second Temple in 70 C.E. it includes three contributions that The destruction of the Temple did not present the findings of their authors’ mark the end of Jewish independence in master theses (Kelemen, Mayerhofer and the Land of Israel (which had actually Wedam); the theses were approved by the come to halt already 150 years earlier, National Studies Program of the Central with the Roman conquest of the European University in Budapest, the Hasmonean kingdom in 63 B.C.E.), but Jewish Studies Department at the it certainly signified one of the most University of Vienna and the German important turning points in Jewish Department of Karl-Franzens University history. Referring to this disaster, the in Graz, respectively. Four of the five Babylonian Talmud, tractate Gittin 56 articles (Kelemen, Motyčka, Valachová a-b,1 recounts the story of Yohanan ben and Wedam) focus on the twentieth Zakkai, one of the leading Tannaim in the century, thus demonstrating (young) 1 Parallel accounts can be found in Avot scholars’ efforts of coming to terms with de-Rabbi Nathan A chapter 4 and Avot the numerous disasters and catastrophes de-Rabbi Nathan B chapter 6. 26 3

first century,2 who opposed the zealots Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham, the the punishment could be reveresed by of imperialist dominance (i.e. inclusion that were eager to fight the Romans in pseudepigraphical apocalyptic text that repentance and return to the true faith. by conversion), the second achieves the Jewish Revolt (66-73 C.E.), during Kerstin Mayerhofer analyzes in her As exemplified in the story of rootedness and dominance over territory which the Temple was wrecked. Despite paper, is mainly concerned with explaining Yohanan ben Zakkai, rabbinical Judaism at the expense of exclusion of competing the zealots’ prohibition to exit the city, the events and cicumstances leading was intellectually and culturally shaped nationalities/nationalisms with (old or Yohanan ben Zakkai succeeded in leaving to the Temple’s destruction. Written in late Antiquity as a consequence of the new) claims on the land.9 the besieged Jerusalem, surrendered to in the first or second century C.E., i.e. destruction of the Second Temple, within Despite the vast array of topics and Vespasian and won the latter’s favor almost simultaneous to the events, it a setting of disempowerment. According methodological approaches expounded by predicting his military success and tried coming to terms with the eminent to Daniel and Jonathan Boyarin this in the four additional papers of this his accession to the imperial throne. In cultic and socio-economic crisis caused accounts for the specific characteristics volume, Boyarins’ concept of Diaspora return, Vespasian granted the Jewish by the destruction. The author’s concern of Judaism, respectively ‘Jewishness’.6 (respectively its negation) seems to sage a wish. Rather than requesting to consisted thus in offering a reason for The Jewishness, they propose, “disrupts run through them as a common theme. save Jerusalem and the Temple, Yohanan the desaster, which he finds in idolatry. the very categories of identity because Britta Wedam’s paper focuses on an ben Zakkai asked for “Yavneh and her In the Babylonian Talmud, on the other it is not national, not genealogical, not especially intriguing source, namely sages”. At Yavneh (near today’s Rehovot) hand, idolatry is quoted as the reason for religious, but all of these in dialectical letters that fallen Jewish soldiers of the he created a center of Jewish scholarship the destruction of the Frist Temple by the tension with one another.”7 The particular Austrian-Hungarian army had written that achieved transforming Judaism into Babylonians; whereas the annihilation Jewish discourse of ethnocentricity is to their families during World War I. a religion that survived the destruction of the Second Temple is explained as therefore appropriate for the embattled, By publishing this exchange of private of the Temple. Consequently, the legend following: “But why was the second non-hegemonic cultural identity of emotions, Dr. Bloch’s Wochenschrift aimed connected to the figure of Rabban Temple destroyed, seeing that in its a minority; moreover, rabbinical to demonstrate that Jewish soldiers did Yohanan ben Zakkai was regarded as the time they [i.e. Israel] were occupying Judaism has proved over centuries that not adhere to a parochial identity, but founding myth of rabbinic Judaism and themselves with Torah, [observance of] the “Promethean Jewish creativity was contributed their share (and sometimes as instrumental for the preservation of precepts, and the practice of charity? not antithetical, indeed was synergistic even more than average) to the Jewish religion after the fall of Jerusalem Because therein prevailed hatred without with a general cultural activity” that patriotic cause of the Austro-Hungarian and the destruction of the Second cause.”4 Rabbinical Judaism thus links constitutes the rule in modern (Central) Monarchy. Since they conceived of their Temple.3 the disaster to Jewish sectarianism that European Jewish history.8 The Boyarins Jewishness as a Diaspora identity in the While (later) rabbinical Judaism to it tried (and to a great extent succeeded) offer the concept of Diaspora as an Boyarian sense, the editor’s and the a certain extent repalced the Temple to overcome. For the author of the alternative to two powerful narratives families’ patriotic commitment for the and temple service by Torah studies, the Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham the of domination: Universalist humanism, Monarchy was perfectly compatible with motif of idolatry, however, allegorically as developed by Paul the apostle, and their Jewish identity. This can be neatly 2 On Yohanan ben Zakkai cf. Jacob Neusner, A Life of Yohanan Ben Zakkai, encompaes any human misconduct; autochthonous nationalism; while the exemplified by the fact that often the ca. 1-80 CE, Leiden, 1970 (2nd ed.). the destruction of the Temple therefore first attains love for humanity at the price same sources were used to counter anti- 3 On the later rabbinic construction of serves as an ultimate punishment for Semitic accusations of Jewish slackers; Yavneh as its founding myth cf. e.g. Daniel every sinful behavior. Since the author to his analysis, is modeled upon the sto- i.e. what could be considered an assertion Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition ry of Jeremiah and the destruction of of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia: concieved the destruction of the Second the First Temple; Tropper (s. footnote of Jewish identity (in the fight against University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), Temple as parallel to the destruction of 3), p.143-147. antisemitism) simultaneously served p.46-9, 151-201; on the intriguing ques- 5 6 Daniel Boyarin and Jonathan Boyarin, tion, why rabbinical Judaism has chosen the First Temple, he is convinced that to highlight patriotic dedication to the “Diaspora: Generational Ground of to portray one of its central figures as Jewish Identity,” in Critical Inquiry 19,4 a defector, cf. Amram Tropper, “Yohanan 4 Yoma 9b (emphasis added). 9 For an excellent interpretation of (1993), p.693-725, Ben Zakkai, Amicus Caesaris: A Jewish 5 Amram Tropper sees the same parallel in Boyarins‘ article cf. James Clifford, Hero in Rabbinic Eyes,” in JSIJ 4 (2005), the legend of Yohanan ben Zakkai’s ‘de- 7 Ibid., p.721. “Diasporas,” in Cultural Anthropology 9, p.133-149. sertion’ from Jerusalem, which according 8 Ibid., p.711, 718. 3 (1994), p.302-338, esp. 321-325. 2 37

Austro-Hungarian fatherland. While most articles of this volume Ágnes Katalin Kelemen’s fascinating address Jews and their religious/ study on Hungarian Jewish students in /cultural/national identity, Lukáš fascist Italy examines a diaspora within Motyčka’s paper focuses on ‘the jew’ the Diaspora. The migration of Hungarian as an allegorical trope for otherness11 Jewish students to various Central in the literary analysis of the short story European countries as a consequence “Asche” (“Ashes”) by the Sudeten German of the anti-Jewish numerus clausus writer Josef Mühlberger (1903-1985) law of 1920 in Hungary has already that depicts a homoerotic relationship received some attention of the scholarly between a Jewish and a Gentile boy in the community;10 however, the peregrination 1930s. Motyčka reassesses the common of numerus clausus refugees to Italy reception of Mühlberger, a writer has so far remained a desideratum. loosely associated with the ‘Prague Kelemen’s article analyzes the paradox of circle’ of German writers (whose most fascist Italy’s receptivity towards students prominent members were Franz Kafka haunted by the antisemitic politics of and Max Brod), as a Philosemite and Italy’s ally, Hungary, and additionally friend of Max Brod by contextualizing discusses the changing relationship the seemingly sympathetic story of Italian fascism to Jews. She thereby with similar texts of Mühlberger that exposes the whole gamut of (national) exploit the ‘communality of stigmata’ identification politics amongst the (homosexuality and Jewishness). students’ community, reaching from Sára Valachová’s contribution on Hungarian nationalism to Zionism the constitutional system of the State of and in some cases to a close bonding Israel, finally, allows us to examine the with the Italian nation and culture. relationship between Jewish Diaspora Although the group of Hungarian Jewish (identity) and the transformation of the students in Italy might be numerically Jewish value system in the State of Israel. less significant than in other Central Valachová’s scrupulously investigates European countries during the interwar the different causes and influences that period (e.g. in the ČSR, Germany and prevented Israel from adopting the Austria), Kelemen aptly highlights the Central European (or American) model numerous implications connected to the of a written constitution at the moment of phenomenon. its establishment (first of all the tensions between religious and secular groups, but as well the historically critical time 10 Cf. e.g. Victor Karády and Péter Tibor after the Holocaust), opting instead for Nagy (eds.), The numerus clausus in Hungary: Studies on the First Anti- a series of Basic Laws that were introduced Jewish Law and Academic Anti-Semitism at different times. While it is arguable in Modern Central Europe (Budapest: Pasts Inc. Centre for Historical Research, History Department of the Central 11 Cf. Boyarin & Boyarin, “Diaspora” European University, 2012). (s. footnote 6), p.700. 4 95

Austro-Hungarian fatherland. While most articles of this volume whether the Basic Laws equal a written Ágnes Katalin Kelemen’s fascinating address Jews and their religious/ constitution, the absorption of various study on Hungarian Jewish students in /cultural/national identity, Lukáš legal systems (e.g. Ottoman, British, fascist Italy examines a diaspora within Motyčka’s paper focuses on ‘the jew’ and Jewish Law) has created a legal the Diaspora. The migration of Hungarian as an allegorical trope for otherness11 patchwork which to a certain extant Jewish students to various Central in the literary analysis of the short story raises doubts in the view expounded by European countries as a consequence “Asche” (“Ashes”) by the Sudeten German the Boyarins’ that Zionism reproduces of the anti-Jewish numerus clausus writer Josef Mühlberger (1903-1985) the exclusivist syndromes of European law of 1920 in Hungary has already that depicts a homoerotic relationship nationalism.12 However, the lack of received some attention of the scholarly between a Jewish and a Gentile boy in the a single document called ‘Constitution’ community;10 however, the peregrination 1930s. Motyčka reassesses the common might in the long run tip the scales in the of numerus clausus refugees to Italy reception of Mühlberger, a writer national/istic direction. In this respect, has so far remained a desideratum. loosely associated with the ‘Prague Valachová’s assertion of a missed Kelemen’s article analyzes the paradox of circle’ of German writers (whose most opportunity at the state’s establishment fascist Italy’s receptivity towards students prominent members were Franz Kafka seems quite accurate. haunted by the antisemitic politics of and Max Brod), as a Philosemite and Italy’s ally, Hungary, and additionally friend of Max Brod by contextualizing discusses the changing relationship the seemingly sympathetic story of Italian fascism to Jews. She thereby with similar texts of Mühlberger that exposes the whole gamut of (national) exploit the ‘communality of stigmata’ identification politics amongst the (homosexuality and Jewishness). students’ community, reaching from Sára Valachová’s contribution on Hungarian nationalism to Zionism the constitutional system of the State of and in some cases to a close bonding Israel, finally, allows us to examine the with the Italian nation and culture. relationship between Jewish Diaspora Although the group of Hungarian Jewish (identity) and the transformation of the students in Italy might be numerically Jewish value system in the State of Israel. less significant than in other Central Valachová’s scrupulously investigates European countries during the interwar the different causes and influences that period (e.g. in the ČSR, Germany and prevented Israel from adopting the Austria), Kelemen aptly highlights the Central European (or American) model numerous implications connected to the of a written constitution at the moment of phenomenon. its establishment (first of all the tensions between religious and secular groups, but as well the historically critical time 10 Cf. e.g. Victor Karády and Péter Tibor after the Holocaust), opting instead for Nagy (eds.), The numerus clausus in Hungary: Studies on the First Anti- a series of Basic Laws that were introduced Jewish Law and Academic Anti-Semitism at different times. While it is arguable in Modern Central Europe (Budapest: Pasts Inc. Centre for Historical Research, History Department of the Central 11 Cf. Boyarin & Boyarin, “Diaspora” 12 Cf. Boyarin & Boyarin, “Diaspora” European University, 2012). (s. footnote 6), p.700. (s. footnote 6)., p.701. 10

“AND THEY WILL The Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham (ApcAbr) is a pseudepigraphical REJOICE OVER ME apocalyptic text from the 1st or 2nd century FOREVER!” THE HISTORY C.E. It offers an interesting insight into the history of the people of Israel of that OF ISRAEL IN THE LIGHT time and a unique approach to the events OF THE CATASTROPHE OF surrounding the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E. The destruction of the 70 C.E. IN THE SLAVONIC Temple marked a significant watershed APOCALYPSE OF which brought a great cultic and socio- ABRAHAM economic crisis for the people of that time. In ApcAbr, this crucial topic is KERSTIN closely connected to the motif of idolatry allegorically representing any human MAYERHOFER misconduct. The destruction of the Temple functions both as an ultimate punishment for sinful behavior and a warning for the people to adhere to the author’s call to repentance and return to true faith. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 11

1. INTRODUCTION destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E. and its consequences for the Jewish “And they will rejoice over me forever!” people of those days. In doing so, the text — this is what God proclaims for has often been compared with classical Abraham’s descendents to happen years apocalypses such as 4 Ezra or 2 Baruch. after him. The quote stems from the so The Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham — called Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham, henceforth ApcAbr — holds a special a pseudepigraphon based on a Hebrew position in many aspects though. Both Bible text which is preserved until Jewish and Christian scholars have today in various Slavonic1 manuscripts. often neglected the text mostly due to its The original text dates back to the1st complex tradition. ApcAbr is preserved or 2nd century C.E. and deals with the and transmitted in various manuscripts of Slavic origin dating from the 13th 1 The terms Slavonic, Slavic and Church Slavonic are problematic. Sometimes century onwards. From all extant the three terms can mean the same, manuscript, only six can be counted as sometimes it is necessary to differentiate between Slavonic/Slavic as a spoken almost complete and autonomous. The language and Church Slavonic as liter- most important version is transmitted ary language only. In the context of the in an East Slavonic collective volume Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham, the au- th thor of the paper chose to use the term from the second half of the 14 century Slavonic as opposed to Church Slavonic called Siľvestrovskij Sbornik. It is both to underline that there is not only one Church Slavonic version of the text but the oldest and only coherent version of a variety of versions stemming from dif- ApcAbr.2 ferent geographical regions thereby encompassing different regional language 2 On the various manuscript traditions of features. The use of Church Slavonic in ApcAbr cf. Émile Turdeanu, Apocryphes the various Slavic polities resulted in slaves et roumains de l’ancien testa- the adjustment of Church Slavonic to the ment (Leiden: Brill, 1981), pp.153–180. local vernacular. Even though the differ- There are two main editions which are ent versions of ApcAbr can still be con- based on the two most important manu- sidered as Church Slavonic, there are dif- scripts of AbcAbr from the Siľvestrovskij ferent Slavonic/Slavic recensions ApcAbr Sbornik and the Paleja tolkovaja from bears witness of (e.g. Bulgarian, Serbian Volokalamsk. The first one is a facsimile and Russian recensions). The usage of edition which was published in 1891 by the term Slavonic thus seemed more ap- Novickij and Markov; cf. P. P. Novickij and propriate than the more commonly used A. Markov, eds. Otkrovenie Avraama (St. term Church Slavonic. Petersburg: Obščestvo ljubitelej drevnej 12

All of the Slavic manuscripts are of a Hebrew original which had been based on a South Slavic prototext from doubted by many scholars before.4 the 10th century which was translated While the Hebrew original has been from a Greek Vorlage most probably proven by now, the geographical origin in the region of today’s Macedonia or and the authorship of ApcAbr are still Serbia. The Greek Vorlage is no longer in doubt. Some researchers have posted extant. The text and its language make the theory of an Essene origin of ApcAbr. quite clear that the Greek text was not This theory is problematic though the original. The atypical coordination because there is no definite proof for of the sentences, the naïve repetitions either an Essene origin or a non-Essene of the same phrases and the names origin. The contents of the text speak given to the mentioned idols can only be rather for an author who is not from the explained by assuming a Hebrew original Essene milieu. ApcAbr’s strong call for for the extant Slavonic versions.3 In return from heathen practices and its 2004, Alexander Kulik closely examined exhortatory yet motivating appeals which the text and helped to fix the theory are intertwined in its eschatological hopes calls for geographical localization pis’mennosti, 1891). The editio princeps of the text in Palestine, most likely within was composed by Nikolaj Tichonravov and spitting distance of Jerusalem. Both published in 1893 in Moscow; cf. Nikolaj S. Tichonravov, Pamjatniki otrečen- the destruction of the Temple and the noj russkoj literatury I. (St. Petersburg: socio-economic crisis stemming from it Obščestvennaja poľza, 1868). This edition is far away from being accurate yet cannot have been as big of a threat for critical. A revision of Tichonravov’s editio the Essenes’ identity and constitutional princeps was compiled by the author of integrity as they had already abandoned this article in her MA thesis in Slavonic studies; cf. Kerstin Mayerhofer, Die the Temple and found atonement in Slavische Abrahamsapokalypse und ihre a new form of divine service some time Überlieferung (MA Thesis; University of 5 Vienna, 2012), pp.52–79. before. It cannot be denied though that 3 This assumption was first made by George H. Box in 1918. Cf. George H. Box and Joseph 4 Kulik gives a multitude of linguistic I. Landsman, eds, The Apocalypse of examples from the Slavonic text that Abraham (Translation of Early Documents can only be explained by assuming Series I: Palestinian Jewish Texts; London: a Hebrew original. Not only the lexi- Society for Promoting Christian cal basis of the text is entirely Hebrew, Knowledge, 1918), p.7. Various research- also there are many semantic and syn- ers have followed Box’s example and tactic calques that make a Hebrew promoted a Hebrew Original. Cf. Ryszard rather than a Greek original obvious. Cf. Rubinkiewicz, L’Apocalypse d’Abraham Alexander Kulik, Retroverting Slavonic (en slave): Edition critique du texte, in- Pseudepigrapha: toward the Original troduction, traduction et commentaire of the Apocalypse of Abraham (Atlanta, (2 volumes; PhD Thesis; Rome: Pontificio Ga.: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004). Istituto Biblico Roma, 1977); Belkis For an extended summary of Kulik’s tech- Philonenko-Sayar and Marc Philonenko, nique and some more linguistic exam- ‘Die Apokalypse Abrahams’, in Jüdische ples cf. also Kerstin Mayerhofer, Die Schriften aus hellenistisch-römischer Slavische Abrahamsapokalypse und ihre Zeit 5/5 ed. by Hermann Lichtenberger et Überlieferung. al. (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 5 Cf. Jacob Neusner, ‘Emergent Rabbinic 1982), pp.415–462. Judaism in a Time of Crisis,’ Judaism 21/3 KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 13

the author is familiar with theological can’t be proven either. In short, all that concepts such as dualism, eschatology can be said abouth the geographical and and predestination which can be found in sociological background of ApcAbr is that various texts from the Dead Sea which are it is located in Palestine and the author is generally associated with the Essenes.6 not associated with the priestly class. Since even the priesthood is evaluated With regard to its contents, ApcAbr in a most negative way, it is quite clear provides an expansion of the covenant that the author of ApcAbr cannot have narrative based on Gen 15. It can be come from the priestly class either. seen as a prehistory for Gen 11:26 to Various scholars have also suggested 25:10 and adds some philosophical an Ebionite, early Christian, Gnostic ideas to the original narrative. The or Bogumil author,7 but these theories text can be divided into two coherent parts — a haggadic “prehistory”8 (ch. (1972), 313–327 (pp.318–320). 1–8) and a second part which is purely 6 The assumption of an Essene origin of ApcAbr is highly speculative due to the apocalyptic (ch. 9–32).9 Both parts are speculative character of the history of “organically connected”10 even though the Essenes itself. What we know about the Essenes is mostly based on the assumptions have been made about the reports of Josephus (Bell.Jud. 8,1.119– two parts being written separately and 8,13.161), Philo of Alexandria (Quod omnis connected later on. The structure of probus liber sit 12,75–87) and Pliny the Elder (Naturalis Historia 5.73); all three a narrative of five thematic sections in of them however are not original but which two triads of verses are arranged are re-works of numerous older sources. However, various texts from the Dead around a central unity make the theory of Sea show a certain similarity to what two separate parts of the text unlikely.11 Philo, Josephus and Pliny describe as the Essene way of life and system of be- to the text’s focus on good versus evil lief. This has led multiple scholars to the and the absence of the concept of bod- identification of the Qumran community ily resurrection at the end of times. Cf. with the Essenes. Concepts such as di- Rubinkiewicz, „Apocalypse of Abraham,“ vine predestination as well as a dualism in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha of good and bad and individual eschatol- 1 ed. by James H. Charlsworth (London: ogy as described by Philo and Josephus Darton, Longman & Todd, 1983–1985), are attested in the War Scroll (1QM), the pp. 681–705, (p.685). The Bogomil theory Rule of the Congregation (1QSa) and has been refuted by Turdeanu following other sources from Qumran. Still, a def- a thorough interpretation of the con- inite system of belief clearly associable cepts and topics in ApcAbr formerly be- with the Essenes cannot be deduced lieved to bare the signature of a Bogomil from the texts. Predestination (in form author. Cf. Turdeanu (see note 2), pp.1–28. of the principle of free will), dualism and 8 Kulik (see note 4), p.9. eschatology are religious concepts which reflect times of social and religious dis- 9 The chapter numbering follows Kulik. tress and are famous with many other 10 Box (see note 3), p.3. Jewish texts from different times. The 11 Cf. Ryszard Rubinkiewicz, ‘La vision de same seems to be the case with ApcAbr. l’histoire dans l’Apocalypse d’Abraham’, 7 Box’s theory about the tradition of in volume 2 of Aufstieg und Niedergang ApcAbr from the Essenes to various der Römischen Welt: Geschichte und Gnostic groups via the Ebionites has long Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren been outdated. Cf. Box (see note 3), p.11. Forschung ed. by Hildegard Temporini Rubinkiewicz on the other hand suggests and Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: De Gruyter, a Bogomil author for ApcAbr according 1979), pp.137–151 (pp.144–145). 14

The first section of ApcAbr (ch. 1–6:8) theosophical questions — concerning describes young Abraham’s life in his creation, the purpose of evil, free will father’s house and his coping with his and predetermination. In his last vision, father’s and brother’s idolatry. Abraham Abraham finally sees the destruction is convinced that idols are vain and that of the Second Temple as the ultimate only God has power over man and earth. consequence for human misbehavior His effort to convert his father and (ch. 27:1–12). persuade him to let go of his idolatrous Back on earth, at the beginning of practices fails and Terah meets his death the fifth and last section of the book (ch. in his burning house. 30–32), Abraham has another vision. The second section (ch. 9–12:2) starts He sees revolt between the righteous after the burning of Terah’s house from and the heathens following the which Abraham is saved miraculously. destruction of the Temple. There is no He then meets the angel Yahoel who definite outcome of the revolt shown to announces that Abraham has been Abraham but God predicts ten plagues chosen by God to travel to the heavens. to fall upon mankind at the end of days. Yahoel will accompany Abraham on his Then, the righteous will be rewarded “otherworldly journey” which will start for their deeds whereas the heathen from the mountain of Horeb whereto he opressors will be destroyed.12 now leads Abraham. The topics which are discussed The third section (ch. 12:3–15:4) is in ApcAbr are manifold but can be slightly different from the other four subsumed in two main categories. sections not only structurally. It describes First, there is the “tension between the preparation of Abraham’s rapture 12 The dichotomy righteous vs. heathen is into heaven thereby forming the narrative not a particular feature of apocalyptic transition from prehistory to apocalypse. texts even if they deal with eschato- Abraham is to prepare a sacrifice for God logical motifs and topics. That ApcAbr focuses so much on the comparison be- and is tried by the fallen angel Azazel. tween good/righteous and evil/heathen Abraham holds tight to his belief in God can be regarded both as a special form of perception of the political and social and is later rewarded for his fidelity by situation in Second Temple Jerusalem being brought to the first heaven. but also as a form of dualism that is also The fourth section (ch. 15:5–29:22) famous with the Qumran community and reflected in some of their texts (eg. describes the events in heaven and 1QM). This dichotomy is illustrated by Abraham’s dialogue with God. Abraham a harsh contrast between right (where has a different vision in each of the the righteous come from) and left (where the heathen oppressors come from) seven heavens he travels through. First, and thus draws back to the old univer- he is shown the heavenly elements and sal tradition in which the left side is associated with bad luck, weakness and beings that inhabit the lower spheres. amiss. Cf. Kerstin Mayerhofer, “Und sie Regaining his strength, Abraham then werden sich in Ewigkeit über mich fre- starts questioning God and poses some uen!” Die Geschichte Israels im Lichte der Katastrophe von 70 n.Z. in der Slavischen of the most important and classical Abrahamsapokalypse (MA Thesis, University of Vienna, 2013), pp. 55–56. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 15

Israel’s status as God’s people and its have thus sinned before God. Abraham, fate at the hands of the Gentiles”13 the who manages to stand up against his author of the text is dealing with. This father’s ungodly practices, can escape tension is shown first in Abraham as both the crisis and the punishment. pars pro toto for God’s chosen people He Being offered a journey through the later even enters an intimate covenant heavens, Abraham is even given the with (ApcAbr 22:2). On the other hand, possibility to lead his descendants back the story of Abraham’s descendants is onto the right path. At the end of the shown as a story of oppression, violence text, there is salvation of the righteous and mistreatment against both the and punishment of the heathen. Also, people and its cult (ApcAbr 27:1–2). thematically, Israel’s repentance and Seeing his seed’s future, Abraham is return to their father’s religion, turning filled with indignation and challenges their back on idolatry, helps to release God’s relationship with His chosen the abovementioned tension between people. The question of why God could a chosen and an oppressed people. have permitted such an awful state 2. THE DESTRUCTION of affairs for His people to happen is apparent (ApcAbr 26:1). God explains OF THE SECOND to Abraham that the dilemma of TEMPLE WITHIN THE Israel’s suffering is dependent upon JEWISH APOCALYPTIC their practice or rejection of idolatry. LITERATURE Even though God has allowed the crisis The destruction of the Second Temple to happen, Israel itself is to blame for it in 70 C.E. is an important event not (AprAbr 24:1–26:7). only for Israel’s history but also for its This seems a rather unsatisfying cultural identity. Following it, Israel answer not only for Abraham. Hereby, has plunged into a crisis not only in a second major topic unfolds which fact but also from a socio-economic, is crucial for understanding the political and theological point of view. theosophical concern of ApcAbr. Without any doubt, the destruction of Israel’s ignorance of God’s laws can be the Second Temple and the following seen first and foremost in its idolatrous events can be considered as one of the practices. God punishes this ignorance greatest crises in the overall history of by imposing a great and difficult crisis on Judaism. Dealing with the crisis and His chosen people. But not only Terah — evaluating the events has been crucial as is shown in the first part of the book — for a wholly new understanding of the also Adam, Eve and Cain have practiced theological‑ideological system of values idolatry (ApcAbr 23:1–13; 24:5) and and Israel’s concept of faith.14

13 George W. F. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature 14 As has been indicated above, not all the between the Bible and the Mishna: groups of Jews have responded to the ca- A Historical and Literary Introduction tastrophe of the destruction in the same (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, way. While people in Palestine and espe- 2006), p.287. cially Jerusalem must have experienced 16

Not only ApcAbr but many other in ApcAbr. The contents can either be Jewish texts before have dealt with the purely historical, cosmic-eschatological event. The genre that has most often or individual-eschatological. ApcAbr been chosen for evaluating theological can be considered as both historical and sociological crises is the genre of and political‑eschatological in content apocalyptic literature. Apocalypses which is a rare combination. The form an integer part of the Jewish description of historical events within literary canon. Their development as an apocalyptic text is not primary a genre can be dated back to a period of though and serves almost entirely only roughly 500 years between 250 B.C.E as a basis for a later eschatological and 250 C.E. The definition and the evaluation. What unifies most of the morphology of the apocalyptic genre apocalyptic text is a strong interest in is diffuse and there is a variety of motifs of loss, sorrow, mourning, social, subgenres.15 Mostly, the texts describe economical, personal or national crisis an otherworldly journey as is the case and fear. This explains why most of the apocalyptic texts stem from a historical the loss of the Temple as a serious social 16 and religious issue, others were indiffer- time of political or national imbalance. ent. Jewish groups such as the Essenes, the Pharisees, the Egyptian Jewish com- 16 The suggestion of Vielhauer and Strecker munity and communities in the Diaspora that all the apocalypses were “written in general had rejected the Temple long out of distresses” is only true if dis- before 70 C.E., had never even seen it or tress is understood in broader sense. had even built up their own sanctuary, (Philipp Vielhauer and Georg Strecker, both physically (as eg. in Leontopolis) ‘Apocalypses and Related Subjects: and spiritually (as with the Qumran Introduction,’ in New Testament community). All of them had adapted to Apocrypha 2: Writing Related to the a cultic life without its earthly central Apostles, Apocalypse and Related Subjects place of worship in Jerusalem. Therefore, ed. by Wilhelm Schneemelcher and R. Mcl. the political, socio-economical and reli- Wilson (Louisville: Westminster, 1991), gious importance of the events of 70 C.E. pp.542–602 (p.558).) An underlying crisis cannot be taken for granted for the Jews reflected in the text cannot be proven in their entirety. Cf. Neusner, ‘Emergent for all the apocalyptic books, such as eg. Rabbinic Judaism in a Time of Crisis’ The Book of the Watchers (1 En 1–36). Even (see note 5), 314; 318–327. Still, for the though the texts share certain character- purpose of this article, “Israel” is used istics, we cannot speak of apocalypticism as a technical term encompassing the as a monolithic phenomenon. Rather, it Jewish groups who had remained in the very varied and there are certain texts land and the city of Jerusalem and were responding to real or perceived social sit- indeed affected by the destruction of uations and crises but some texts are not. the Temple in one way or another. Their The Sitz im Leben of the genre of apoc- “concept of faith” refers to the old sys- alypses is not very easy to define. The tem of belief with the Temple as its cultic same goes for reception history of apoc- center of worship, sacrifice, pilgrimage alypticism as a genre. If any, we can only and atonement. define the reception for a single text but 15 For an extensive definition of the this too sometimes is problematic due to apocalyptic genre cf. John J. Collins, the tradition history of many of the apoc- ‘Introduction: Towards the Morphology of alyptic texts since many have only been a Genre’, in Apocalypse: The Morphology preserved in some form of later transla- of a Genre ed. by John J. Collins (Semeia tion. This is the case not only with ApcAbr 14; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1979), but also with other important apocalyptic pp.1–19. texts such as 1 Enoch, 2 Enoch, 2 Baruch KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 17

Both the destruction of the First and and destructions, they were still so the Second Temple have touched Israel shattering that they were reflected in on many levels — personally, socially, various, mostly apocalyptic texts. The psychologically and spiritually. Within loss of the Temple and the city thus apocalyptic texts, both authors and began to function as a “master symbol”18 readers could articulate or find “a new for the continuity of God’s protection view of the world that made sense of the of His chosen people, His presence disturbing nature of reality.”17 and the prosperity of Israel. In The Temple has always served as applying this master symbol, especially a key motif in Jewish writings, both in apocalyptic texts tend to find a solution reality and as a symbol. Almost all of the for the theological-sociological crisis Torah material focusing on religious stemming from the destruction of the law, rights and cultural purity also Temple. Diasporan Jews as well as other refers to or deals with the Temple and groups who were already distant from the sacrificial cult. This comes as no the Temple both geographically and surprise, as the ritual, moral and legal spiritually had already had to face the practices as they are written down in question of renewing the Jewish cultic the books of Leviticus, Numbers and life without the Temple. Now, also the Deutornomy had developped in direct Jews remaining in Jerusalem and/or relation to the Temple within priestly making their pilgrimages to the Temple circles. The Babylonians, Seleucids for atonement had to deal with the same and other oppressors who got hold of issue.19 The religious ideas and structures Jerusalem in different times, rocked that were formed in the Diaspora were and weakened the Temple state but now consolidated also for the rest of it was not until the Roman invasion the Jewish community. By “recounting, that its religious system of autonomy examining and evaluating”20 previous came to an end. The destruction of the events, a basis for a new understanding Second Temple in 70 C.E. and the fall of of the present reality was created. What Jerusalem signified both an ideological and social catastrophe for the Jewish 18 Ibid. p.8. people. Even if the events of 70 C.E. were 19 In 167 B.C.E., Antiochus IV, as part of his Hellenistic religious reforms, had dese- only the peak of a series of desecrations crated the Temple thereby throwing the Jewish people into a cultic crisis of the and 4 Ezra. It is however true, that most of like. This event too is reflected in various the apocalypses reflect social situations texts as in ApcAbr. The whole subgenre of distress and calamity and it can be as- of historical apocalypses is based on the sumed that they were not only created events of 167 B.C.E. and the Hellenistic within such a social situation but also re- religious reforms. ceived within a similar context. 20 Michael E. Stone, ‘Reactions to 17 Dereck Daschke, ‘“If I forget you, Destructions of the Second Temple’, in Jerusalem”: Traumatic Memory and the Selected Studies in Pseuepigrapha and Fall of Zion’, in City of Ruins: Mourning Apocrypha: With Special Reference to the Destruction of Jerusalem through the Armenian Tradition ed. by Michael E. Jewish Apocalypse ed. by Dereck Daschke Stone (SVTP 9; Leiden: Brill, 1991), pp.429– (Leiden: Brill, 2010), pp. 1–60, (p.7). 438, (p.430). 18

stemmed from it would be a “coherent and its abidance thus forming the new Judaic religious system of belief and basis for continuing the individual and practice that did not require a focus on collective covenant with God.23 the Temple and its sacrificial cult.” 21 Even though the Temple and The creation of a new ideological cultural practices are no longer in the system of values and beliefs was focus of the texts, the attitude towards dependent on a serious evaluation of cult, priesthood and Temple does not events which was not an easy thing change. They still serve as symbolic to do. Most of the apocalyptic texts basic values of religion but lose their contain a long passage in which the loss importance and function as real-life of the Temple is mourned. This shows institutions. This decentralization how hard it was to revise and adapt leads to a literary marginalization the old concepts of faith which had of Zion and Temple in the following been shaken to their very foundations. decades. New religious paradigms are The destruction of the Second Temple developed which can completely do became a national trauma which was without a Temple and „routinely and experienced both individually and as naturally transferred their emphasis part of the collective memory. Living from Temple‑and-cult-related issues in an environment of oppression and to other aspects of Jewish practice unpredictable political events led to and belief.“24 Texts such as 3 Baruch, bewilderment and disorientation. Paralipomena Jeremiae and 2 Enoch Also, God seemed fairly absent in an are most important in doing so. environment like this which led to the There is one motif though that can problem of theodicy becoming another be found in all of the texts that were major literary topic.22 composed after 70 C.E. whether they On the other hand, the national accept the Temple, Zion or cult as trauma guarantees a real and cultural ideologically important or not. All of salvation and healing. It paves the the texts are based upon the concept way for restoration and re-orientation of salvation in the eschaton which will of both the individual and collective be initiated by God. Nevertheless, they identity. The new cultic identity is no call for acceptance of the present reality longer bound to a single geographical with all its woes and difficulties. Both place; sacrificial and other cultic individual and collective enhancement practices are replaced by religious law can only happen by accepting the present situation and living your life 21 Michael Tuval, ‘Doing without the Temple: Paradigms in Judaic Literature of the 23 Cf. Christopher Rowland, ‘The Second Diaspora’, in Was 70 CE a Watershed in Temple: Focus of Ideological Struggle?’ in Jewish History? On Jews and Judaism Templum Amicitiae: Essays on the Second before and after the Destruction of the Temple Presented to Ernst Bammel ed. by Second Temple ed. by Daniel R. Schwartz William Horbury (JSNT Supp 48; Sheffield: und Zeev Weiss (Leiden: Brill, 2012), Sheffield Academic Press, 1991), pp.175– pp.181–239, (p.185). 198, (p.183). 22 Cf. Daschke (see note 17), pp.13–15. 24 Tuval (see note 21), p.188. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 19

here and now. But not only accepting and Baruch witness the destruction and the present is crucial; abidance by the the conquest of the city of Jerusalem. laws of God will accelerate the coming They remain in shock and despair and of the end of times. Thus, ideological start questioning God’s grace, His authority and control over the situation almighty influence on the world and the and history can be regained. A new sense of election of Israel as His chosen ideological-theological system of people. Confidence in salvation, the values is constructed in which cultural Final Judgment, the eschaton and the continuity can be restored by accepting Messiah are picked out as central themes the loss of old values and concepts of in both 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch. In 4 Ezra, belief. Within the apocalyptic texts, the the destruction of the Temple serves understanding and perception of the as a pre‑condition for the beginning of world is converted from being based the eschaton and the Final Judgment. on yearning for an idealized past to Individual as well as national salvation being based on the promise of a future can only be retrieved by reclaiming the that gives room to both idealism and religion of the fathers and returning realism.25 The idealistic symbolic value to God and a righteous way of life. The of the Temple and the actual engagement call for return can be interpreted as with God’s law as a guarantee for a call for renunciation of the religious cultural identity and continuity both practices of the surrounding heathen make the genre of apocalyptic texts very cultures. 2 Baruch, too, connects important and special. The texts revise the events of 70 C.E. to the guilt and traditional values and form a basis for culpability of the people in a classical a new understanding of cult, Temple deutornomistic way. By choosing the and the power of God. wrong gods and idolatrous practices Most important in doing so are the over their fathers’ religion, Israel books of 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch. Both texts has sinned before God. God is not choose the literary concepts of visions described as an angry chastiser though. and an interpreting angel as a basis for Rather, the destruction of the Temple their message. They give a historical is depicted as a sign of God’s grace overview over the events in context and justice. By allowing His own home with the destruction of the Second to be destroyed, He provides His Temple that serves for building up their chosen people with the opportunity to theological concept of the destruction as reconsider their behavior, their ways of a punishment for the cultic misbehavior life and faith and opt for repentance and of the chosen people. Both texts return. The loss of the Temple supports connect the destruction of the Second Israel’s concentration onto the heavenly Temple to the events of 587 B.C.E. when world which is directly related to the the First Temple was destroyed by the earthly present thereby connecting Babylonians. The literary figures of Ezra God with His people in an intimate relation. For 2 Baruch, salvation can 25 Daschke (see note 17), pp.21–24. 20

only be found in heaven and attained by examination of the already mentioned everyone who will accept his individual tension between election and oppression fault and responsibility for the cultural and Israel’s transgression against crisis and repent. Whereas 2 Baruch God’s laws. The events are shown in the sees God as the initiator of the end of seventh and final vision Abraham sees times, 4 Ezra opts for a certain number during his journey through the heavens of righteous people who need to repent (ApcAbr 27:1–3). All the other visions for the eschaton to begin. are only to prepare both the literary Confidence in salvation is connected Abraham and the reader of the text for to Final Judgment and the coming of the the events God will show them in the Messiah for both 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch. last visionary part. God already makes Still, the Messiah is mentioned only His intention clear in ApcAbr 9, were He briefly and his description is inconsistent. announces Abraham the following: 2 Baruch describes a classical messianic figure that is to serve both as a judge and ApcAbr 9:5 And in this sacrifice king and to destroy Israel’s enemies.26 I shall set before you the ages 6 and The description of the Messiah in 4 Ezra make you know secrets, and you is less clear. On the one hand, the Messiah will see great things which you have is considered to destroy Israel’s heathen not seen, since you loved to search oppressors,27 in a different part of the for me, and I called you ‘my friend’ book, the Messiah is said to arrive only […] 9 And there shall I show you the in the eschaton, after the destruction of ages: things built and firmed, made the heathen that is.28 In both texts, the and renewed by my word.29 Messiah is to gather the people at the end of days though. In the Final Judgment, The diction and word choice of especially the righteous will be rewarded and the verse 9 make quite clear that the Temple heathen will be punished, a concept that is in consideration here. “Things built” can also be found in ApcAbr. (in Slavonic s zdanija) refers to the building of the First Temple by Solomon; 3. THE DESTRUCTION ъ “and firmed”, outverženija, describes the OF THE SECOND TEMPLE commitment of the righteous kings in WITHIN THE SLAVONIC the First Temple period, who regulated APOCALYPSE OF the charges for the priests and the ABRAHAM Temple thereby actively supporting the As has been mentioned before, the development of Temple and cult as it destruction of the Second Temple is is described in 2 Kgs 12:5–16. “Made” crucial for ApcAbr. Thematically, it serves (s tvorenija) refers to the building both as climax and as a source for close of the Second, Herodian, Temple ъ whereas “renewed” refers to its second 26 Cf. 2 Bar 72. 29 The English translation is taken 27 Cf. 4 Ezra 13. from Kulik’s Retroverting Slavonic 28 Cf. 4 Ezra 7:28–29. Pseudepigrapha. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 21 consecration after the desecration under 3.1 REASONS FOR Antiochus IV. The Slavonic text reads THE CATASTROPHE — ponovenija, (“renewal”) that can be traced IDOLATRY AND THE “FALL back to the Greek γκαίνια (egkaínia) OF MEN” which in itself is a direct translation ἐ A proof for this The description of the destruction of the .חֲנֻכָּה of the Hebrew translation can be found in the LXX- Temple starts in ApcAbr 25: version of eg. Dan 3:2, Ezra 6:16–17 or ApcAbr 25:1 I [Abraham] saw there חֲנֻכָּה Neh 12:27. In Ezra 6:16–17, the word is used to describe the first consecration the likeness of the idol of jealousy, of the Second Temple and is thereby the as likeness of a craftsman’s [work] first proof for this term from which later such as my father made, and its statue on the name for the festival of Hanukkah was of shining copper, and a man was derived. This makes it quite clear that before it, and he was worshipping it; by using the term ponovenija, “renewal”, 2 and [there was] and altar opposite the author of ApcAbr clearly had the it and youths were slaughtered on it (second) consecration of the Second before the idol. 3 And I said to Him Temple in mind.30 [God], ‘What is this idol, and what God does not only want to show is the altar, and who are those being Abraham the destruction of the Temple. sacrificed, and who is the sacrificer, He also wants to show His “friend,” as and what is the beautiful Temple He calls Abraham as a reward for his which I see, art and beauty of your loyalty and fidelity, the reasons that glory that lies beneath your throne?’ have led to the destruction. They can be subsumed under two main categories. These verses take multiple references to First, it is idolatry that caused God to the Tanakh and can also be interpreted get angry with His chosen people. Israel in the light of the events in the late had chosen false gods and idols over Second Temple period. The “likeness of סֶמֶל הַקִּנְאָה their fathers’ laws and had adopted not the idol of jealousy” — Hebrew only religiously wrong practices but also — is known from Ez 8:3 and picks up the a lifestyle that is not in accordance with story of King Manasseh, having erected the law. This “fall of men” is the second various idol statues in the Temple, from main theme that is described as reason 2 Chr 33:1–11 and 2 Kgs 21:7. In ApcAbr for the destruction of the Temple. In 25 too, God gets jealous over the false the following, both reasons shall be idols and “does not want to see his examined more closely. chosen people chasing after gods other than himself.”31 Both in the Tanakh texts

31 Kenneth R Jones, Jewish Reactions to the Destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70: Apocalypses and Related Pseudepigrapha (JSJSupp 151; Leiden: 30 Cf. Kulik (see note 4), pp.46–47. Brill, 2011), p.261. 22

and ApcAbr, the “idol of jealousy” serves the Hellenistic religious reforms of as a symbol for Israel’s sins. Considering Antiochus IV. The altar refers to the the time of origin of ApcAbr, the image pagan sacrifices that were practiced can also be interpreted in a different, in the Temple at that time in order to more historical, way. In 167 B.C.E., desecrate it.34 The interpretation of the Antiochus IV seized Jerusalem and slaughtered youth is quite difficult. To transformed the city into a Greek polis. begin with, there are certain linguistic In thriving for complete Hellenization inconsistencies. The Slavonic otrok of the people of Judah, he finally or otroča (in ApcAbr 25:2 in the plural ъ dedicated the Temple to the Greek Zeus form otroci) can describe either a child Olympios. Many religious reforms and in general, a (male) youth or a young anti-Jewish laws were issued alongside (male) adult.35 There is no proof of any which penalized e.g. observance of the child sacrifices during the reign of the Shabbat, possession of a Torah scroll Seleucids in Judah. The passage might or performing the Tamid sacrifice.32 By refer to the misbehavior of Manasseh erecting a golden statue of Zeus in the though. 2 Kgs 21:4–7 and 2 Chr 33:4–6 Holy of Holies the cult finally came to describe how King Manasseh had even an end. It is not sure whether the statue sacrificed his own sons. The image in described in 1 Macc 1:54 as βδέλυγμα ApcAbr 25:2 serves as another symbol ἐρημώσεως (bdélygma erēmōseōs) was for the perverseness of the cult and indeed a statue of Zeus. The term itself calls for renunciation from Hellenistic practices. In context with the Hellenistic ץּוּקִׁש is known from its Hebrew form of known also as “abomination of religious reforms, the passage can also ,םֵמֹׁשְמ desolation” from the book of Daniel.33 be interpreted as a reference to young In any case, it is clear that the erection Jewish men who had revolted against of an image of a false god other than Antiochus IV and were punished with the God of Israel, who as such deserves execution.36 no image at all, must have thrown the From the interpretation of the people of Judah into a cultic crisis. first three verses it becomes clear, Symbolically, the erection is interpreted that idolatry and a cultic and social both in ApcAbr and in Ez 8:1–13 as misbehavior of the chosen people are the ultimate consequence of cultic seen as the reasons for the destruction misbehavior of the chosen people. of the Temple. The destruction itself The image of youths getting slaughtered at the altar in ApcAbr 25:2 34 Cf. 2 Macc 6:5, 1 Macc 1:47. can also be understood in the light of 35 Cf. Izmail I. Sreznevskij, ‘отрокъ (otrokъ)’, Materialy dlja slovarja drevne-russkago jazyka: po pismennymъ pamjatnikamъ, 32 Cf. 2 Macc 6:1–9; 1 Macc 1:41–51. 2:p.764; und Grigorij D’jačenko, ‘отрокъ otrokъ)’, in Polnyj cerkovno-slavjanskij) ץּוּק ִׁש Dan 9:27; 11:31 and 12:11. The term 33 was already used in Dtn 7:25f; 29:16 and slovar’: so vneseniemъ vъ nego važněšix in 1 Kgs 11:5;7 as well as in 2 Kgs 23:13–14 drevne-russkixъ slovъ i vyraženij, in order to describe an idol or image of pp.397–398. a god, that is not the God of Israel. 36 Cf. 2 Macc 6:9 and Josephus, Ant.12.255. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 23

is described in colorful words and in the fight against idolatry and as the with dreadful images (ApcAbr 27:1– first monotheist par excellence. Within 5). People of all ages, men, women the rabbinic literary corpus38 as well as and children, get captured, raped and in texts such as the Book of Jubilees, in sometimes killed. The oppressors Philo’s and Josephus’ works, Abraham pillage the Temple and set fire to it. is even promoted as an iconoclast. In All these events are also described by ApcAbr, the topic of idolatry is dealt Josephus in his Bellum Judaicum.37 The with in form of a midrashic exegesis, fact, that even the Temple vessels are mystical speculation and apocalyptic stolen by the oppressors shows that understanding. All these forms become the author of ApcAbr has no hope for intertwined in the text in order to the reactivation of the cult, other than support its main concern — the 2 Baruch or 4 Ezra where the Temple renunciation of idolatry. It functions vessels are saved before the Temple is as a basis for Jewish identity that faces sacked. ApcAbr 27:7–8 provides not a lot of difficulties in an environment only a summary of the events described of paganism. Abraham’s refusal to earlier but also shows God’s reasons for accept his father’s idolatrous practices letting the catastrophe happen: becomes the precondition for his election and ascension to heaven. The ApcAbr 27:7 And He [God] said to gods of Terah are shown as parodies me [Abraham], ‘Listen, Abraham, of themselves — stone statues break all that you have seen will happen when they fall to the floor and wooden because of your seed who will servants burn when they are placed provoke me, because of the idol and near the fireside.39 This leads Abraham the murder which you saw in the to muse about their possible powers. picture in the Temple of jealousy. 8 His conclusion is simple — there is And it will be as you have seen.’ nothing on earth more powerful than God which is proof enough for God to But how has Abraham’s seed managed lead Abraham on to an otherworldly to provoke God? The answer to this journey. Abraham is shown human life question is given in various passages beginning with Adam and Eve which is just before the description of the full of different sins and iniquities. All destruction. The motif of idolatry is of these stem from worshipping the introduced even earlier in the book. It false gods because people did not listen starts with Abraham’s father Terah and to God and His commands. What God continues right until the final section of implies in ApcAbr 26:2–4 is that He has ApcAbr. There is no doubt, that idolatry provided man with a free will and even if is the key topic and problem of the text. In almost all apocryphal texts, 38 Cf. GenR 38:19, Midrash HaGadol on Genesis and Tanna debe Elijahu 2:25. Abraham is described as a key figure 39 The description of Terah’s idols evokes certain passages from the Tanakh such 37 Josephus, Bell. 6.220ff. as Jes 44:9–20; Jer 10:1–16 or Ps 115:3–8. 24

He has the power to control man’s ways, is to control sentiment. When Eve takes man can choose between right and the fruit from the Tree of Knowledge wrong. In ApcAbr, all sins of mankind and gives is to Adam, sentiment are “epitomized as idolatry and thus manages to overpower mind. Thus, the a matter of choice.”40 But not only sin is divinely created balance between mind a matter of choice, man is free to choose and sentiment is shattered which is repentance and God will be graceful interpreted as the basis for all human enough as to let the repentant enter into sin in ApcAbr 23. The imbalance results His covenant once more. ApcAbr makes from man’s desire for outrageous and it quite clear — those who worship false errant behavior which he can choose to gods and idols will loose their status act on because of his God-given free will. as part of a chosen people and will ApcAbr 24 goes on in showing how this ultimately be destroyed as was Terah desire to act against God’s commands in his burning house. Terah’s personal has manifested itself in many different Temple suffers the same fate as the ways. Beginning with Adam and Eve, Temple in Jerusalem. Conversely, those what follows is murder (Cain and Abel, who will stick to God’s commandments ApcAbr 24:5), fornication, defilement, or will return to their fathers’ laws will jealousy and corruption (ApcAbr 24:6) enter the eschaton as heavenly priests as well as theft, judgment of retribution alongside Abraham. and same-sex union41 (ApcAbr 24:8). The “fall of man” motif is intimately All of these sins act against the Ten connected with the motif of idolatry. In Commandments not only separately ApcAbr 23, Adam and Eve are shown as but as a whole. Some of these misdeeds the first idolaters and the first sinners take reference to the Tanakh where they who have acted against God’s commands. almost always are closely connected ApcAbr is relying on Plato’s dualistic world concept interpreted by Philo 41 Same-sex union is only implicitly mentioned in ApcAbr 24:8. Two bare-headed where Adam represents the Greek νοῦς men are shown head against head which (nous) — mind and reason, while Eve has been interpreted as two men lying next to each other in intimate relation. represents αἴσθησις (aisthēsis) — the This is most probably to refer to the aesthetic and sensual sentiment. Adam common practice of same-sex relations is given the capacity to think and to with both the Greek and the Romans. In this, ApcAbr can be connected to the exercise reflective thinking by God. His Sibylline Oracle which describes the hea- mind and reason are seen as the organ then oppressors — here the Phoenicians, of receiving God’s thoughts through the Latins, Egyptians and Greeks — as pederasts thereby contrasting Jewish faith. Adam is to lead Eve, that is, mind practices of marriage and intimacy (SibOr III.595–600). Both in SibOr and in 40 Daniel C. Harlow, ‘Idolatry and Alterity: ApcAbr, same-sex union is interpreted Israel and the Nations in the Apocalypse as idolatrous since it is not in any way in of Abraham’, in The “Other” in Second accordance with God’s commands. Both Temple Judaism: Essays in Honor of religiously and socially, same-sex union John J. Collins ed. by John J. Collins and is non-standard and thus connected Daniel C. Harlow (Grand Rapids, Mich.: with non-standard cultic practices. Cf. Eerdmans, 2010), pp.302–330, (p.322). Mayerhofer (see note 12), pp.65–67. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 25

with the classical idolatry discourse. In becomes apparent. It becomes manifest Hos 5:3, fornication with prostitutes is in the report of the coming of the end allegorically described as apostasy; Jer of times that follows the vision of the 2:20–24 sees fornication and greed as destruction of the Temple. First, God a direct consequence of the renunciation reveals the duration of the end of times of God. Ez 22:3–4 connects violence which will — according to ApcAbr 29:2 and murder with idolatry whereas in Ps — last for twelve eschatological hours. 106:39, murder, violence, fornication Each hour lasts for 100 years. These and child sacrifice are subsumed as part 1200 years separate destruction of of Israel’s idolatrous practices that have the Second Temple and the religious led to defilement and loss of their status and social crisis following it from the as the chosen people. building of Jerusalem as the center Taking into consideration both of King David’s empire. At the end the motifs of idolatry and the fall of of the 12th hour, God will make His man, a tripartite system of reasons Final Judgment which functions as the for the catastrophe of 70 C.E. can ultimate consequence of the destruction be deduced. The first reason, as has of the Temple. It will precede the been shown extensively, is idolatry. salvation of the righteous and the The fall of man — beginning with punishment for the sinners. Adam, Eve and Cain’s sinful misdeed The announcement of salvation is thereby symbolically forerunning all connected to a strange figure Abraham earthly offences against God’s law and can see in ApcAbr 29:4–6. The figure commandments — is the second reason clearly functions in a way the classical and does not only take reference to the Messiah figure does but it is not people of Israel but also to the heathen described with any messianic attributes oppressor nations. The third and last such as being both an earthly, royal and reason is the profanation of the Temple priestly figure. This unclear description itself which is described in ApcAbr of the Messiah figure in ApcAbr has 25:1–6 and has been mentioned before. given rise to many speculations. It was The destruction of the Temple becomes often proposed that the entire 29th a “péché fondamental imputable”42 for chapter of the text might be a Christian Abraham’s descendants because they interpolation. Many researchers have themselves have chosen to break their opted for this theory that Box first covenant with God. came up with in the early 20th century.43 3.2 CONSEQUENCES Until today, the theory has not been proven. Fact is, that the description of AND SALVATION the figure is inconsistent — once, the With the description of the “idol man is described as coming from the of jealousy” in ApcAbr 27, the heathen side, in another part of the eschatological concern of the text text he is described as being part of

42 Rubinkiewicz (see note 11), p.148. 43 Cf. Box (see note 3), p.53. 26

Abraham’s offspring. Kulik proposes hour when the time of crises and a twofold Messiah basing his assumption woes will come to an end. It serves as on the Two Messiah Concept that can be a direct and ultimate consequence for found in various texts from the Dead all the misdeeds that have led to the Sea.44 The messianic figures in ApcAbr destruction of the Temple. Therein, it represent both a real and a false Messiah. concerns three different groups — the The true Messiah comes after the false heathen sinners, the righteous and the Messiah and functions as a tempter apostates. Typologically, the description and trier for the righteous people who of the judgment is based on the Exodus need to choose between right and narrative. The events described in wrong. This moment once again implies the book of Exodus have influenced the people’s need to choose between and marked Israel’s identity and self- right and false cultic practices. The conception more than any other event. author’s call for repentance and return The concept of God’s favoring and to old tradition once more becomes election is manifested in ApcAbr 29:17 apparent in the story about the two and serves as basis for the salvation Messiahs.45 from the terrible religious and socio- In any case, the role which the economic crisis. The destruction of messianic figure plays in ApcAbr is the heathen enemies too follows the only marginal. He does not take the Exodus narrative and reminds the ten traditional role of a redeemer and plagues which will afflict them at the latter-day liberator. His only purpose end of days. In contrast, the righteous is to gather the people at the beginning will enter the heavenly Jerusalem where of the end of days. It is the chosen the Temple will be rebuilt and the cult people’s destiny and future ApcAbr is will be re-established in its traditional focused on and which is described in form. Apostates who repent and start to length in ApcAbr 29:4–13. Abraham search for God again will also be saved serves as pars pro toto for all righteous eventually.46 remnants of his people, his actions serve In this process, it is quite interesting as a role‑model for his descendants to that ApcAbr enables the righteous to convince them to keep faith or return. take an active part in the Final Judgment In ApcAbr 29:14–21, God announces and their own salvation. They shall not the Final Judgment as the last act only take control of their destiny by at the end of the 12th eschatological remaining loyal to their God but can even enter the fight against their heathen 44 Cf. 1QSerekh Ha’Edah, 1QS, 1QSb, 1Q30, oppressors. By doing so, they will not 1QM and 4Q521. Besides the texts from only “rise up to destroy the gentile the Dead Sea, the concept is also addressed in the Talmud — cf. bSan98 and bSukk 52a. 45 For an extensive discussion of the problematic description of the Messiah in 46 Both of these salvatory motifs can ApcAbr cf. Mayerhofer (see note 12), also be found in the Cairo Damascus pp.71–77. Document (4Q271D). KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 27

overlords”47 but will eventually gain the consequence of the destruction “free reign to destroy the unrighteous of the Temple which Abraham sees and re-establish the cult.”48 Finally, the in ApcAbr 29:9–21. ApcAbr 30:4–8 oppressed will be the oppressors and describes the ten plagues that will vice versa. afflict the heathen at the end of times. The description of the end of days The plagues do not all correspond to and the dawning of the eschaton ends the traditional Ten Plagues motif from in ApcAbr 29:21 with God asking the book of Exodus. They are mixed up Abraham to accept his destiny and teach with certain moments from other texts his descendants what he has learned. such as Deuteronomy, Leviticus and Abraham himself is to take his lesson Ezekiel. In connecting the plagues to from what he has seen in the visions the eschaton, ApcAbr draws especially and is to bring up his descendants on Ez 14:21 and Jer 27:8 where God uses to faithfulness with his values and his plagues to punish Israel’s heathen the example he has set. The very last oppressors. Even though the plagues verse of chapter 29 makes it clear that will afflict “all earthly creation” (ApcAbr salvation is entirely connected with 29:15), the righteous will be spared Abraham himself. Abraham functions the pain if they stay faithful and loyal as guarantor for salvation of his people to their God. ApcAbr 31 focuses on the only if he chooses to play his role actively. apostates offering them the possibility Nevertheless, salvation is not granted of salvation if they decide to return to automatically for all his offspring; only God. If they do not wish to do so, they those who will live in accordance with will suffer the same fate as the heathen God’s laws and commandments will be oppressors. The very last part of ApcAbr redeemed. Thus, salvation is entirely once and for all makes it quite clear that a matter of belonging to Abraham, not it is “not the Jewish people in its entirety only by kinship but especially by keeping who will be saved, but only those who his religious values and traditions. reject the idolatrous worship of the man Considering the contents of the from the heathen.”49 text it could rather have ended with the 4. COMPARISON last verse of chapter 29. The message is conveyed and elaborated extensively, The Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham even so, the author adds two more can be compared with a variety of other chapters that are equally important. apocalyptical Jewish writings. For the The final chapters offer another purpose of this article, I have chosen interpretation of the vision about the 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, 3 Baruch and ParJer.50 Final Judgment, the end of times and 49 Jones (see note 31), p.267. 47 J. R. Mueller, ‘The Apocalypse of Abraham 50 The Paralipomena of Jeremiah are also and the Destruction of the Second Jewish known as 4 Baruch. With regards to its Temple’, Society of Biblical Literature content, the text of ParJer can be inter- Seminar Papers 21 (1982), 341–349 (p.348). preted as a continuation of the narra- 48 Idem. tive already presented in 2 Baruch and 28

These texts are part of a very narrow As far as formal criteria are canon of literary witnesses of the events concerned, ApcAbr and 3 Baruch are the of 70 C.E.51 and feature the same major only texts that choose an otherworldly topics as ApcAbr — the destruction journey as means of showing the divine of the Temple and its consequences, mysteries to their protagonists. In hope for salvation, justice of God and 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch and ParJer, the main retaliation against the Jews’ heathen characters Ezra, Baruch and Jeremiah oppressors. Yet, all of these topics remain on earth and in full consciousness function differently in these texts as they all the time. Nevertheless, there are do in ApcAbr. Plus, none of these texts certain differences between ApcAbr and have survived in their original language, 3 Baruch. Baruch travels through all the which makes their interpretation heavens separately, starting in the outer complicated yet intriguing. The five texts sphere and continuing up to the fifth in question shall be compared on four heaven. Abraham is accompanied by different levels — not only according to angel Yahoel who leads him straight up their key topics, but also according to to the highest sphere where Abraham formal criteria, their description of the enters an intimate dialogue with end of times and the depiction of the God and looks down on to the lower Temple and its destruction.52 spheres. This form of ascension, where the literary protagonist reaches the 3 Baruch. ParJer does not however fea- highest sphere at once is only described ture Baruch as its main character but focuses on the deeds of Baruch’s employer in ApcAbr and can not be found in any Jeremiah. According to its Greek tradi- other apocalyptical text.53 Even Enoch, tion, the fourth book of Baruch is thus called Paralipomena of Jeremiah. the pioneer of heavenly journeys, does 51 Other than the above mentioned texts not reach the last sphere directly but has and ApcAbr, only Josephus in his Bellum to travel through each heaven one after Judaicum and Matthew report on the 54 destruction of the Second Temple. another. That Baruch can only travel Rabbinical sources are oblique; both through five of seven heavens might be Mishnah and Tosefta describe the situ- due to a loss of text. ation as though the Temple still existed. Both the Babylonian and the Jerusalem Apart from ParJer, all the other Talmud focus on the consequences of the texts do contain a classical description destruction but not the destruction itself. A definite response to the events of of the protagonists’ visions. By lacking 70 C.E. can only be found in Lamentation this formal criterion, ParJer can not be Rabbah, a midrash that can be dated classified as an apocalyptic text. Still, it to the 5th century only and is thus already far away from the actual events. Cf. Robert Kirshner, ‘Apocalyptic and a comparison like this has to be saved Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction for a probable further contribution to of 70’, Harvard Theological Review 78:1–2 this journal. (1985), 27–46 (pp.28–29). 53 On the peculiarities of Abrahams heav- 52 ApcAbr could also be compared with enly journey cf. Martha Himmelfarb, other texts, eg. Merkavah mysticism Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian or the Hekhalot literature as well as Apocalypses (Oxford: Oxford University with Ezekielian and Enochic traditions. Press, 1993), pp.61–66. Given the limited space of this article, 54 Cf. 1 En 17–36. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 29

is interesting and equally important for 587 B.C.E. The Babylonians are accused a comparison with ApcAbr. In all the as heathen oppressors who will be other texts, alongside the visions, there destroyed at the beginning of the end is an angelus interpres who helps the of times. ApcAbr does not mention the protagonists to understand what they destruction of 587 B.C.E. but makes it have been shown in their dreams or explicit, that it is the Second Temple dialogues with God. In 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch and the Romans that the author has in and 3 Baruch it is archangel Uriel who mind. enters the scene, also sometimes named Considering the key topics there Phamael, Phanuel, Ramel or Rumiel. are many parallels between the texts Yahoel, the angel who guides Abraham in consideration and ApcAbr. One of through the heavens is not known the main themes all texts deal with either as one of the archangels nor does is the problem of theodicy. Facing he appear anywhere in the Tanakh or a theological crisis which modifies elsewhere in related texts. Considering the expectation of a divine salvatory his attributes and his function as presence on earth, all of the texts have an “angelic viceregent and heavenly to address the question of how and why choirmaster,”55 as well as the fact that he God had permitted such a great suffering bears the divine name even twice in his to be inflicted on His chosen people. own name56 it is possible though to see This topic is treated extensively in the Yahoel in a very close connection with four comparative texts whereas ApcAbr the archangels from Jewish tradition. does not deal with it for more than There is a final formal criterion in a verse (ApcAbr 20:7). For the author which ApcAbr clearly differs from all of ApcAbr it is clear that the destruction the other texts. All of them literarily and of the Temple is God’s punishment symbolically connect the destruction for his people’s misbehavior and of the Second Temple in 70 C.E. with connected with the principle of the destruction of the First Temple in free will. By choosing to act against God’s commands, man has also chosen 55 Harlow (see note 40), p.312. In ApcAbr to put his status and his relation with 10:9–12, Yahoel is described as reconciler God at a risk. ApcAbr is very sure of of “the rivalries of the Living Creatures

of the Cherubim against one another,” as God’s grace and the correctness and teacher of “those who bear him [to sing] righteousness of His actions; this is why the Song in the middle of man’s night,” the question of theodicy does not quite the ruler over the Leviathans and finally as having been ordered by God to burn arise for the author. down Terah’s house. A topic that is addressed and treated 56 The name Yahoel (Slavonic naoilъ extensively in ApcAbr is the cultic failure [ApcAbr 10:3], iloilъ [ApcAbr 10:8] and iaoilъ [ApcAbr 17:13]) is a contraction of of the chosen people. Its misdeeds have annoyed God and caused His withdrawal .לֵא the tetragrammaton and the byname His functions resemble those of Enoch- from His home in the Temple. Thereby, Metatron in the Hekhalot literature whose power too is based on him bear- He enables Israel’s enemies to conquer ing the divine name in his own name. 30

Jerusalem and destroy the Temple. believe that there will be a restoration ApcAbr thus does not believe in the of the earthly sanctuary in the eschaton. myth of indestructibility of the Temple The laws and commandments have to be as do 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch.57 This motif followed in order to reach the eschaton of cultic failure and God’s withdrawal but finally, the traditional order will be though can be found in all the other re-established. Except for ParJer which texts in consideration. 3 Baruch goes draws on a similar concept of salvation further and does not only mention and restoration, all the other texts do Israel’s cultic failure but implicates not hope for the earthly Temple to be every person’s morally abhorrent rebuilt at the end of time. 4 Ezra and behavior as a reason for the catastrophe. 2 Baruch hope for a heavenly Temple ParJer on the other hand does not though which is to serve as a sanctuary explicitly connect any misdeed with for the righteous after their entry into the destruction but sees the reasons the New Jerusalem. for the crisis in more general terms — Apart from various parallels with the both cultic and social acculturation abovementioned texts, there are also with the heathen environment have certain moments in ApcAbr that can led to God’s withdrawal. Idolatry is not be found in any other literary works mentioned explicitly only in 2 Baruch and thus make the text so very unique. and ApcAbr even though 2 Baruch does First, it is the strong emphasis on cult not call for repentance the way ApcAbr that is addressed extensively only in does. Except for ApcAbr and ParJer, the ApcAbr and can be found throughout texts all call out for returning to the old the entire text as a key narrative. ApcAbr practices by concentration on the study does not only deal with cultic failure of the Torah. In ApcAbr, the Torah — most of all in the form of idolatry and its study are never mentioned, — but does evaluate Israel’s loyalty to neither in general or as a substitute for God which is manifested in its cultic Temple worship. The evaluation of the practices. Not only Israel’s cultic importance of the Torah is connected to failure but also other nations’ religious the hope for restoration of the Temple. misdeeds are condemned harshly. In not accepting the Torah as a possible Both become a basis and the ultimate substitute for the Temple and the cultic reason for the destruction of the practices, ApcAbr wants its readers to Temple as a consequence of its previous defilement. Conversely, ApcAbr promises a restoration of traditional 57 The myth of indestructibility of the Temple as a place where God dwells cultic practices alongside salvation in can be found in different texts from the the eschaton. Second Temple period such as in Jub 1:27; 25:21; SibOr V.400 and in Josephus, Considering this emphasis on cult, Bell.6.300. Josephus especially refers to it is very interesting that the Torah דֹובָּכ Ez 10:18, where God’s is reported to does not even play a marginal role in have departed from the Temple thereby enabling its destruction. Cf. Rowland ApcAbr as has been mentioned before. (see note 23), p.182. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 31

All the other texts in comparison see and 2 Baruch, salvation is entirely an the Torah and those who study and act of God and the redeemer He will teach it as “indispensable constituents send forth. ApcAbr too does describe for reconstruction.“58 The Torah is a Messiah figure but here, his only mentioned only once and very briefly function is to gather the people at the in ApcAbr 31:4. Even so, the passage end of days (ApcAbr 31:1). The Messiah does not refer to the Torah as a whole in ApcAbr does not play an active role in and to its study as a substitute for the salvation of the righteous. Rather, Temple worship but only calls for all who will actively renounce idolatry obeying its commandments and laws. and cultic misbehavior will be given the As mentioned before, this neglecting of strength to defend themselves against the Torah in ApcAbr is connected to the their heathen oppressors and redeem author’s hope for practical restoration their own people. Eventually, they will of the earthly Temple in the eschaton. enter the heavenly Jerusalem together Despite the emphasis on cult and the with God. call for repentance and return, ApcAbr 5. CONCLUSION does not give a direct admonition to its readers. Fornication, theft, murder and The analysis of ApcAbr and its other misdeeds are condemned (ApcAbr comparison with other apocalypses 24:6–9) but still there is no direct call from the same time has shown, that the for opposite behavior. In ApcAbr, moral picture of the history of Israel which is admonition is uttered only vaguely drawn in the text, is entirely put into and in very general terms and does not perspective by means of the events of guarantee a salvation. 70 C.E. The destruction of the Second ApcAbr’s description of salvation Temple creates a break in the history of itself does also differ a lot from the other Israel’s loyalty to God. At the same time, texts. In ApcAbr, the salvation functions it is a reminiscent of the contradiction as a direct act by God who will join His between God’s omnipotence and grace people in the fight for it. The righteous and the existence of evil in the world. Its take an active role in the destruction status as a chosen people is no longer of their oppressors. With God’s active compatible with Israel’s surrounding and direct support, they can take their reality. ApcAbr’s goal is to solve this own destiny in their hands being given problem. a “free reign to destroy the unrighteous The actual event of the destruction and re-establish the cult.”59 Hereby, of the Temple is not the focus of the text ApcAbr appears as fundamentally though. Although the destruction is different from the other texts which all very important for the continuation of show a very pacifist approach towards a traditional worldview, ApcAbr is less salvation and Final Judgment. In 4 Ezra concerned with a solution and an answer to the problem of 70 C.E. in particular. 58 Nickelsburg (see note 13), p.288. Rather, the questions and problems 59 Mueller (see note 47), p.348. 32

the text is primarily concerned with, direct consequence also for the righteous are of a more universal significance. among His people. They are equally The existence of evil in the world plays affected by the same crisis even though an equally important role as does they have not been among those who Israel’s religious and cultic identity. For caused it. The reward for their righteous ApcAbr, the catastrophe of 70 C.E. is behavior lies in the future and will unfold only a direct cause for the cultic failure itself before them in quite a different of the chosen people. Israel has turned way than before the sinners. The crisis away from God by means of wrong cultic stemming from the catastrophe will and even pagan practices. Idolatry plays cause an ultimate separation between a key role within ApcAbr. Harlow even righteous and sinners. While the latter suggested that the question and problem will be condemned forever, the “purified of idolatry really is the text’s main remnant” will face a glorious future life concern rather than the destruction of with God. the Temple.60 In fact, idolatry serves By giving a whole new understanding both as the main prefatory and closing of the destruction of the Temple, the literary motif of ApcAbr. Nevertheless, reader of ApcAbr ought to understand it can not be interpreted as separate the present critical situation as in from the destruction of the Temple. accordance with God’s will and order Both topics are closely intertwined; they of the world being only the final step in depend on and complement each other. to the eschaton. By accepting this fact, Any cultic, moral or social misbehavior man will find a sense in life again, his of the chosen people is allegorically religious loyalty will be affirmed and summarized in the motif of idolatry he will regain capacity to act within which then is interpreted as a “universal the divine and real life limitations. error in metaphysics.”61 Another main This new concept of understanding concern of ApcAbr is the call for return and interpreting the events of 70 C.E., to Israel’s fathers’ laws, for repentance supporting the call for repentance and and despair of a wrong religious and return, is an aspect very special and social way of life. particular for the Slavonic Apocalypse The destruction of the Second of Abraham. The comparison with the Temple is seen as God’s ultimate four abovementioned texts, serving as warning to His chosen people. By a pars pro toto of the apocalyptic literary permitting heathen oppressors to genre, has shown the uniqueness of destroy His home and place of earthly ApcAbr in this form of understanding adoration, God has shown once more the destruction of the Second Temple. that those who will act against His laws By being empowered by God, the and commandments will be punished righteous can play a very active role harshly. This punishment comes with within their own salvation. The reader can easily identify with this concept and 60 Cf. Harlow (see note 40), pp.327–330. commit himself to God’s omnipotence 61 Ibid. p.328. KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 33 which serves as a guide for the right time BIBLIOGRAPHY for the solution of the present crisis. Box, George H. and Joseph I. Landsman, Anyone who will return to his or her eds. The Apocalypse of Abraham. Translation of Early Documents Series I: father’s laws will find eternal happiness Palestinian Jewish Texts. London: Society and bliss with, through and by God; as for Promoting Christian Knowledge, it is stated in ApcAbr 29:19 — “and they 1918. will rejoice over me forever!” Collins, John Joseph. “Introduction: With this new theological concept, Towards the Morphology of a Genre.“ Pages 1–19 in Apocalypse: The Morphology ApcAbr takes a very special part among of a Genre. Edited by John J. Collins. the apocalypses that deal with the Semeia 14. Missoula, Mont.: Scholars destruction of the Temple. Nevertheless, Press, 1979. ApcAbr has often been neglected and Daschke, Dereck. “’If I forget you, less interpreted than other texts from Jerusalem:‘ Traumatic Memory and the Fall of Zion.“ Pages 1–60 in City of Ruins: the same period such as eg. 4 Ezra Mourning the Destruction of Jerusalem and 2 Baruch. The analysis of ApcAbr through Jewish Apocalypse. Edited by has proven that this is quite obviously Dereck Daschke. Leiden: Brill, 2010. unfounded. ApcAbr contains a variety D’jačenko, Grigorij. 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Himmelfarb, Martha. Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.

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Mayerhofer, Kerstin. Die Slavische Abrahamsapokalypse und ihre Überlieferung. MA Thesis, University of Vienna, 2012.

Mayerhofer, Kerstin. “Und sie werden sich in 34

Ewigkeit über mich freuen!“ Die Geschichte neueren Forschung. Edited by Hildegard Israels im Lichte der Katastrophe von 70 n.Z. Temporini and Wolfgang Haase. Berlin: in der Slavischen Abrahamsapokalypse. De Gruyter, 1979. MA Thesis, University of Vienna, 2013. Sreznevskij, Izmail I. Materialy dlja slovarja Mueller, J.R. “The Apocalypse of Abraham drevne-russkago jazyka: po pismennymъ and the Destruction of the Second Jewish pamjatnikamъ. 3 volumes. St. Petersburg: Temple.“ Society of Biblical Literature Tipografija imperatorskoj akademii Seminar Papers 21 (1982): 341–349. naukъ, 1893–1912.

Neusner, Jacob. “Emergent Rabbinic Stone, Michael E. “Reactions to Destructions Judaism in a Time of Crisis.” Judaism of the Second Temple.“ Pages 429–438 21/3 (1972): 313–327. in Selected Studies in Pseudepigrapha and Apocrypha: With Special Reference to the Nickelsburg, George W. F. Jewish Literature Armenian Tradition. Edited by Michael between the Bible and the Mishna: E. Stone. Studia in Veteris Testamenti A Historical and Literary Introduction. Pseudepigrapha 9. Leiden: Brill, 1991. Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 2006. Turdeanu, Émile. Apocryphes slaves et roumains de l’ancien testament. Leiden: Philonenko-Sayar, Belkis, and Marc Brill, 1981. Philonenko. “Die Apokalypse Abrahams.“ Pages 415–462 in Jüdische Tuval, Michael. “Doing without the Temple: Schriften aus hellenistisch-römischer Zeit Paradigms in Judaic Literature of the 5/5. Edited by Hermann Lichtenberger et Diaspora.“ Pages 181–239 in Was 70 al. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, CE a Watershed in Jewish History? On 1982. Jews and Judaism before and after the Destruction of the Second Temple. Edited Rowland, Christopher. “The Second by Daniel R. Schwartz and Zeev Weiss. Temple: Focus of Ideological Struggle?“ Leiden: Brill, 2012. Pages 175–198 in Templum Amicitiae: Essays on the Second Temple Presented to Ernst Bammel. Edited by William Horbury. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 48. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1991.

Rubinkiewicz, Ryszard. “„The Apocalypse of Abraham.“ Pages 681–705 in volume 1 of The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 volumes. Edited by James H. Charlsworth. London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1983–1985.

Rubinkiewicz, Ryszard. L’Apocalypse d’Abraham (en slave): Edition critique du texte, introduction, traduction et commentaire. 2 volumes. PhD Thesis. Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico Roma, 1977.

Rubinkiewicz, Ryszard. “La vision de l’histoire dans l’Apocalypse d’Abraham.“ Pages 137–151 in volume 2 of Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der KERSTIN NAYERHOFER 35

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Kerstin Mayerhofer holds a master’s degree in Jewish and Slavonic Studies. Currently, she is working as assistant to the Research Cluster “The Jewish Holy Roman Empire” at the University of Vienna. Her research interests include Jewish Slavonic Pseudepigrapha, early Jewish literature and Jewish Paleography from the Middle Ages to the Early Modern period. 36

“DU, MEIN LIEBER This article deals with letters which were primarily private documents passed VATER, SEI GEKÜSST between members of a family and were then VON DEINEM DICH exploited as propaganda in World War I through their publication in newspapers. BIS ZUM LETZTEN Individual experiences and emotions ATEMZUG LIEBENDEN are thus elevated to a level of collective patriotic engagement. The main points of SOHN POLDI”: this article are the transformation of fallen AUSTRIAN-JEWISH soldiers into heroes of the fatherland, FIELD POSTAL LETTERS the Jewish fight against anti-Semitism and an adherence to Jewish identity. It is TO THE FAMILY DURING essentially an examination in the field of WORLD WAR I German philology so it is based on original quotes. PUBLISHED IN DR. BLOCH’S OESTERREICHISCHE WOCHENSCHRIFT

BRITTA WEDAM BRITTA WEDAM 37

4 INTRODUCTION the “encounter of man with war” and the consequences on the family The military postal service was an of the respective writers. Nikolaus important communication medium Buschmann even calls these between the front lines and home letters a means of transcending during World War I. In Germany, an the trenches, bridging the divide estimated 28.7 billion pieces of mail1 between the front and home: were transported by the postal service “By these means, families who during WWI. For the writers, these were torn apart because of the letters and postcards provided a means war were consolidated again; of maintaining their relationships the sexes were assigned to their with relatives and friends, as well as particular places.”5 Ute Daniel preserving a kind of order in the chaos points out: “The male population caused by the war. Peter Knoch calls is only existent in letters.”6 For this letters an “essential connecting fibre reason, correspondence becomes between familiar people”,2 emphasising 4 Manfred Hettling, Michael Jeismann, the psychological need to send signs of ‘Der Weltkrieg als Epos. Philipp Witkops life so as to fortify the steadfastness of “Kriegsbriefe gefallener Studenten”’ in people in war.3 The letters examined “Keiner fühlt sich hier mehr als Mensch…”. Erlebnis und Wirkung des Ersten in this article provide an account of Weltkriegs ed. by Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich and Irina Renz (Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1996), p.225. 5 Nikolaus Buschmann, ‘Der verschwiegene Krieg: Kommunikation 1 Bernd Ulrich, ‘Feldpostbriefe im Ersten zwischen Front und Heimatfront’ in Weltkrieg – Bedeutung und Zensur’ in Kriegserfahrungen. Studien zur Sozial- Die Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags und Mentalitätsgeschichte des Ersten als Aufgabe der historischen Forschung Weltkrieges ed. by Gerhard Hirschfeld, und der Friedenserziehung ed. by Peter Gerd Krumeich, Dieter Langewiesche and Knoch (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989), p.43. Hans-Peter Ullmann (Essen: Klartext, 2 Peter Knoch, ‘Kriegsalltag’ in Die 1997), p.213. Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als 6 Ute Daniel, Frauen in Enzyklopädie Erster Aufgabe der historischen Forschung und Weltkrieg ed. by Gerhard Hirschfeld, der Friedenserziehung ed. by Peter Knoch Gerd Krumeich and Irina Renz. 2., revised (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989), p.223. edition (Paderborn [et al.]: Ferdinand 3 Cf. ibid., p. 227. Schönich, 2004), p.120. 38

the most important means of soldiers’ patriotic attitude11 and communication between families were connected to the public and friends who had become discourse as a kind of “voice from separated,7 even instilling a form the trenches”.12 On the one hand, of “ammunition” for the soldiers’ published personal letters served beleaguered hearts in the form of as a kind of propaganda,13 on the propaganda.8 Klaus Latzel regards other hand they also function as an the analysis of army postal letters important historic documentation as a possibility to reconstruct of the mindset during World War perspectives and the experience I,14 as they show emotions and of war, although there might be experiences. Letters released for methodological difficulties here public consumption have a different such as the generalisation of significance when compared to individual reports with all their gaps private communications because in perception and emotionality.9 their publication served the Shortly after the outbreak of war, purposes of mobilisation and private persons were called by patriotism. These field postal letters publishers10 and organizations are subject to triple censorship: to provide letters for collections, the writer chooses what he wants mainly for propagandistic reasons. or can report about (so-called During wartime, letters from the “internalised censorship”); front, so-called “Feldpostbriefe”, second, the army postal service were printed in newspapers was controlled by ranking military and independent publications. and postal inspection agencies. In They served to document the addition, letters which were to be published were reviewed by the censors in the War Press Office.15 7 Cf. ibid. p.121. It can be assumed that only a small 8 Cf. Angelika Tramitz ‘Vom Umgang mit Helden. Kriegs(vor)schriften und proportion of letters and cards Benimmregeln für deutsche Frauen im actually sent were later published in Ersten Weltkrieg’ in Die Rekonstruktion the media, and certain criteria like des Kriegsalltags als Aufgabe der historischen Forschung und der patriotism and the underpinning Friedenserziehung ed. by Peter Knoch of the meaning of war had to be (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989), p.99. 9 Cf. Klaus Latzel, ‘Die Zumutungen des Krieges und der Liebe – zwei 11 Cf. Hettling; Jeismann, Der Weltkrieg als Annäherungen an Feldpostbriefe’ in Die Epos (see note 4), p.207. Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als 12 Buschmann, Der verschwiegene Krieg Aufgabe der historischen Forschung und (see note 5), p.212. der Friedenserziehung ed. by Peter Knoch (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989), p. 204. 13 Cf. Hettling; Jeismann, Der Weltkrieg als Epos (see note 4), p.218. 10 E.g. Eugen Tannenbaum, Kriegsbriefe deutscher und österreichischer Juden or 14 Cf. ibid. p.206. Philipp Witkop, Kriegsbriefe gefallener 15 Cf. Ulrich, Feldpostbriefe (see note 1), Studenten. p.42. BRITTA WEDAM 39 fulfilled. Bernd Hüppauf refers to letters served as a way of communicating another difficulty which concerns between the individual members of such wartime letters: a family or relaying information from military superiors sent to the parents Letters alternate between the need of soldiers who lost their lives in battle. to relate one’s own reality and Especially in these letters, recurrent avoiding speaking about painful structures appear that give rise to the experiences in order to protect the following questions: feelings of both the writer and the recipient. These gaps can be filled 1. What are the family-related in later, but not from the text itself; themes dealt with in such rather they require knowledge about published letters? the situation in which the letter was written and about the people 2. What picture emerges of involved, the writer and recipients. those families and what are These additions to the mesh of the relationships between the meanings can be made evident but individual family members? cannot be proven.16 Due to the heterogeneity of the Jewish This article presents and discusses population18 living under the Habsburg letters published in the Jewish-Austrian monarchy, it is certainly not possible weekly Dr. Bloch’s Oesterreichischer to identify a set image of the “Jewish Wochenschrift.17 Most of the published family”19 in the letters examined, but merely themes concerning the 16 “Briefe schwanken zwischen dem Bedürfnis, von der eigenen Wirklichkeit sociological category of family and zu erzählen oder zu vermeiden, von schmerzhaften Erlebnissen zu sprechen, Zentralorgan für die gesamten Interessen um die Gefühle des Schreibers und des des Judentums, edited by Joseph Samuel Empfängers zu schonen. Diese Lücken Bloch appeared between 1884 and 1921. lassen sich nachträglich ergänzen, aber Issues for this article were consulted at nicht aus dem Text selbst, sondern sie the site Compact Memory: Internetarchiv erfordern die Kenntnisse der Lage, in jüdischer Periodika, Universitätsbibliothek der der Brief geschrieben wurde, und Frankfurt am Main, http://sammlungen. der beteiligten Personen, Schreiber und ub.uni-frankfurt.de/cm/nav/index/title/. Empfänger. Diese Ergänzungen zu einem Dr. Bloch’s Oesterreichische Wochenschrift Geflecht der Bedeutungen lassen sich is hereafter abbreviated as ÖW. evident machen, aber nicht beweisen.“ 18 Albert Lichtblau notes: “It is completely Bernd Hüppauf, Was ist Krieg? Zur misleading to describe Jews as a ho- Grundlegung einer Kulturgeschichte des mogenous section of the population, Kriegs (Bielefeld: transcript, 2013), p.74. in fact a significant quality is their het- 17 My unpublished master’s thesis “‘7 Söhne erogeneity.” Albert Lichtblau (Ed.), Als im Felde’ – Familienrepräsentationen in Dr. hätten wir dazugehört. Österreichisch- Bloch’s Oesterreichischer Wochenschrift jüdische Lebensgeschichten aus der im Zeichen des Ersten Weltkrieges” Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna, Cologne, deals with this corpus in depth, and Weimar: Böhlau, 1999), p.22. was chosen as a basis for the pres- 19 My master’s thesis includes further con- ent article. The weekly periodical Dr. siderations concerning the Jewish family Bloch’s Oesterreichische Wochenschrift. which go beyond the scope of this article. 40

relations of individual family members weekly in Vienna and was published to others, as well as the influence of until 1921. The ditor e Bloch was the war on this construct. This article against Jewish assimilation and looked examines how the consequences of the critically at Zionist ideas, but he allowed war are negotiated in letters in terms a wide spectrum of topics in the articles of the concept of the family and within published. The majority of letters family structures, and how discursive published in Dr. Bloch’s Oesterreichische practices in turn impact the image of Wochenschrift dealt with announcements the family. Letters are certainly traces of fallen, missing or captured soldiers. with blank spaces: many things are not Nameless before, these men gained mentioned at all (“discursive margins”) a publicly through the narration of and some issues are not published their experiences and emotions, which because of publication guidelines (or will be considered more closely in the for propagandistic reasons). Since following section. the article aims to show the kinds of FALLEN SONS language and discourse in the published letters investigated, many original During the first stages of war, quotations will be included. many families only found out about This article is structured as follows: a soldier’s death because their letters the first section shows predications were returned.20 Later, at least a note in letters about fallen Jewish soldiers; was added on the returned envelope: “† the second section presents letters for the fatherland” or “† on the field of concerning the struggle against anti- honour”.21 It was the unpleasant duty Semitism and desperation about the of military superiors or field rabbis to consequences of the war for the men inform family members about the death at the front. The third section looks at of their sons. This chapter presents Jewish holidays and the yearning for recurring structures and is exemplified family community and peace, while by the following text: the fourth section provides concluding considerations. Euer Wohlgeboren [old-fashioned LETTERS form of address, literally translated as “well-born”]: Yesterday, I received IN DR. BLOCH´S your letter which makes apparent OESTERREICHISCHE your grief and sorrows about your WOCHENSCHRIFT youngest son. War has spread the In the year 1884, the Jewish Orthodox deepest pain to countless families; rabbi Joseph Samuel Bloch founded the Jewish-Austrian periodical Dr. 20 Cf. Ulrich, Feldpostbriefe (see note 1), Bloch’s Oesterreichische Wochenschrift – p.43. Zentralorgan für die gesamten Interessen 21 At least this was valid for Germany. No information about Austria-Hungary was des Judentums, which was distributed found in secondary literature sources. Cf. Ulrich, Feldpostbriefe (see note 1), p.45. BRITTA WEDAM 41

so that you have probably taken this other mothers and fathers also have possibility into consideration, as to go through this pain. He fell on you haven’t heard from your son in the field of honour. You may be some time. It is difficult for me to proud of your youngest son. Taking have to dash any hope that may have this opportunity to express my still existed. Unfortunately, that condolences as well as those of all which you thought impossible has my officers, I am pleased to remain at come to pass. He died of his injuries your disposal. Respectfully, Böhm, in field hospital no. 1004. Known Major, captain of [cens.] infantry as a real and true hero despite his battalion.22 youth, we all, officers and enlisted alike, bemoan the loss of this good 22 “Euer Wohlgeboren! Ihr Schreiben, welches mir Ihren Kummer und die Sorgen boy who touched the hearts of verrät, welche Sie um Ihren jüngsten all. Always of good cheer, always Sohn ausstehen, gestern erhalten. Der Krieg hat schon in ungezählten Familien in good humour, he attracted my tiefsten Schmerz verbreitet, daß gewiß attention in a number difficult auch Sie, nachdem Sie so lange von Ihrem situations, moreover he performed Sohne keine Nachricht erhalten haben, sich mit dieser Möglichkeit vertraut as well as any human possibly could gemacht haben. Es fällt mir daher sehr during the 10th Isonzo-battle as schwer, die vielleicht noch vorhandene Hoffnung zunichte machen zu müssen. Es his company, after warding off six ist leider so, wie Sie es nicht für möglich offences from the Italian side, made gehalten haben. Er ist an den Folgen superhuman efforts in the midst of seiner Verwundung im Feldspital Nr. 1004 gestorben. Als echter und wahrer Held battle. At that time your boy showed trotz seiner Jugend bekannt, betrauern his heroism, ever helping others and wir alle, Offiziere und Mannschaft, den Verlust dieses braven Jungen, dem alle actively lending a hand. Everyone ihr Herz schenkten. Immer frohen Mutes, knew his name. He was decorated immer guter Laune, ist er mir in manch with the great silver medal for schwieriger Situation aufgefallen; doch das Menschenmöglichste leistete er bravery which he received personally während der 10. Isonzoschlacht, während from his Majesty, to whom he was welcher seine Kompagnie nach Abwehr sechsmaliger Angriffe der Italiener in- introduced. At the same time, he mitten des Kampfes übermenschliches was promoted to platoon leader. [sic!] leistete. Damals zeigte sich Ihr Junge Unfortunately, a few days later he als ein überall mithelfender, tatkräftig einspringender Held und war die ganze was sent to hospital with an injury Mannschaft nicht nur seiner Kompagnie, where he subsequently died. With sondern auch der Nachbarskompagnie the death of your son, I assure you eines Lobes und voller Achung [sic!] für den jungen Zugsführer. Von allen hörte that the battalion mourns the loss man nur seinen Namen nennen. Für sein of one of the bravest sergeants. He tapferes und beispielgebendes, helden- mütiges Verhalten wurde er mit der shall forever remain in the history of großen silbernen Tapferkeitsmedaille our regiment. I hope that it serves as ausgezeichnet, welche Dekoration er von a consolation for this hard blow of Seiner Majestät dem Kaiser, welchem er vorgestellt wurde, erhielt. Zugleich wurde fate to remember that many, many er auch zum Zugsführer befördert. Einige Tage später wurde er leider verwundet in 42

Fallen sons are always characterised of his comrades”.23 In characterising as heroes, and many letters further the fallen soldiers, stereotypical illustrate this with descriptions of acts phrases occur: the young men have of war or decorations of soldiers: in been “good”24 and “brave”25 and shall this specific case, the deceased was therefore remain “unforgotten”;26 the even awarded the great silver medal for individual showed “despite his youth bravery by the Emperor himself. The with exemplary reliability”27 when letter emphasises, both at the beginning dealing with all the strains caused by the and at the end, that this “deepest pain” war. Gerald Lamprecht emphasises that touches many families and that there using typical military expressions, in might be consolation in the recognition this case the description of honourable “that many, many other mothers and military behaviour and brave actions, fathers also have to go through this enables the individual to move away pain.” Thereby it is suggested that every from one’s own personal emotional individual has to serve a higher cause distress without excessively alienating – the victory of the fatherland – during the communication partner.28 Through times of war, wherein individual needs, the publishing of these writings, the including individual mourning, have press cements common concepts of the to be given up and be transformed enemy and of heroes.29 Heroes are always into a collective emotion. The pattern good and brave, and generally dead. The demonstrated in this letter is often found following letter is a typical template for in a similar order: a soldier’s death is characterising fallen soldiers: primarily embedded in a story about combat and his deeds for the regiment; I certainly do not need to mention secondly, the expression of condolences that the heroic death of your good, and the assurance that the deceased honest and unforgettable son has died the finest death “as a soldier, as left an everlasting impression on the a victor in a hostile position, in front hearts of all of his fellow soldiers as he was a glowing example of das Spital abgeführt, wo er dann starb. patriotism and steadfast loyalty Ich versichere Sie, daß das Bataillon durch den Tod Ihres Sohnes den Abgang 23 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 38, p.625. eines seiner tüchtigsten Unteroffiziere betrauert und er für ewige Zeiten in der 24 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 34, p.556; ÖW 34 (1917), Geschichte des Regiments genannt sein no. 38, p.625; ÖW 34 (1917), no. 37, p.607f. wird. Nehmen Sie dies als Trost für Ihren 25 Cf. for example ÖW 34 (1917), no. 38, p.625; schweren Schicksalsschlag, eingedenk, ÖW 34 (1917), no. 37, p.607; ÖW 31 (1914), daß auch vielen, vielen anderen Müttern no. 38, p.655 or ÖW 31 (1914), no. 50, p.876. und Vätern dasselbe beschieden war. Er 26 Cf. for example ÖW 34 (1917), no. 34, p.556. fiel am Felde der Ehre. Sie können stolz 27 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 38, p.625. auf Ihren jüngsten Sohn sein. Bei dieser Gelegenheit mein und aller meiner 28 Cf. Gerald Lamprecht, Feldpost und Offiziere innigstes Beileid übermittelnd, Kriegserlebnis. Briefe als historisch-bi- stehe ich gern zur weiteren Verfügung. ographische Quelle (Innsbruck [et al.]: Achtungsvoll, Böhm, Major, Kmdt. des Studienverlag, 2001), p.58. [zensiert] Infanteriebattaillons.“ ÖW 34 29 Cf. Buschmann, Der verschwiegene Krieg (1917), no. 37, p.607f. (see note 5), p.213. BRITTA WEDAM 43

to the Emperor. Josef Legat. First of all readers of the periodical) is lieutenant.30 dissolved when confronted with the higher aim of defending the homeland. Similar ascriptions are found in a letter Family is subordinated to the “welfare from a major to a widow: of our fatherland”. Official letters are a means of giving meaning to all acts of Your spouse lived, as long as he war and all sacrifices. lived, only for his family. But Before a set phrase of farewell when the welfare of our fatherland and renewed condolences, the demanded it, he knew how to fight soldier’s burial and the regret about the and to how die heroically, inspiring (potentially temporary) impossibility to lasting pride that he was fighting in bury him in a cemetery back home are our midst. Madam shall hopefully also frequently mentioned in letters:32 find some comfort in the knowledge that your spouse accurately attended The bullet struck his heart, and to his duty until his last hour and within a few seconds he ended his died the glorious soldier’s death young life. Unfortunately, it is not as a good citizen defending his possible to ease the pain even by fatherland.31 burying his corpse in native soil, and this is why I beg of you, Madam, The fatherland is mentioned twice to give up this thought. If there is in this short paragraph granting any comfort, may Madam find it in belated significance to this “glorious following: your husband’s heroic soldier’s death”: the individual fate of end – a fate that many thousands the bereaved widow (and consequently share today – will be immortalised in the history of our regiment as an 30 “Ich brauche gewiß nicht zu erwähnen, daß der Heldentod Ihres braven, ehrli- excellent example of heroic virtue. chen, unvergeßlichen Sohnes ein ewiges You should know that the last beat Andenken in den Herzen aller seiner of his heart, which was struck by Mitmenschen zurücklassen wird, war er doch ein leuchtendes Beispiel von a bullet for the fatherland, was Vaterlandsliebe und unerschütterlicher dedicated to the fatherland and at to Monarchentreue. Josef Legat, Oblt.” ÖW 34 (1917), no. 34, p.556. you, Madam, as all of us, his fellow 33 31 “Ihr Gatte hat, so lange er lebte, nur für officers, know well. seine Familie gelebt. Als es aber das Wohl unseres Vaterlandes erforderte, wußte 32 One of the rare reports of bringing home er heldenhaft zu kämpfen und zu ster- a soldier’s corpse sounds as follows: “The ben, so daß wir alle immer stolz darauf distinguished family members of the sein werden, daß er in unseren Reihen fallen hero did not avoid risks nor costs kämpfte. Gnädige Frau wollen einigen and drove as far as the front to take the Trost in dem Bewußtsein finden, daß Ihr earthly remains of their son and to bury Gatte seiner Pflicht bis zu letzten Stunde him in a furrow of home (“in heimatlicher pünktlich nachgekommen und als ein Scholle”).” ÖW 35 (1918), no. 32, p.510. braver, sein Vaterland verteidigender 33 “Die Kugel traf ihn ins Herz, und in weni- Bürger den ruhmreichen Soldatentod gen Sekunden hatte er sein junges Leben gestorben ist.” ÖW 31 (1914), no. 42, p.720. beendet. Leider ist es unmöglich, durch 44

Strict rules exist for Jewish burials: under afternoon. […] Cadet Pick received normal circumstances the deceased have a shot through his heart in addition to be buried within 24 hours,34 there to two other injuries, likely caused is a death watch35 and gravestones are by a shrapnel. We have laid him to erected as signs of reverence for the rest. His hero’s grave is marked dead.36 Since there is no guarantee forever. If there is something to for this in wartime, it is a relief to the comfort you, it may be the assurance bereaved that at least a part of the Jewish that your son met a quick, much rituals was observed: “Deeply touched envied soldier’s death and that his I said a final Kaddish for the salvation of comrades who loved this moderate your eternalised son.”37 Herein a reversal young man most heartily will of circumstances due to war becomes honour his memory throughout all apparent: Normally, children pray their lives. Be assured of my most Kaddish for their deceased parents and heartfelt sympathy! [...]39 not the reverse. The next letter to parents reports in “soldierly beautiful, warm Often the circumstances of death are words of the heroic death of a boy”38: mentioned to emphasise that the person concerned “met a quick, enviable Cadet Pick fell as a hero on 30th of soldier’s death” and that he and his August at about 6 o’clock in the heroic deeds are to be commemorated. In another letter, similar words are die Bestattung seines Leichnams in heimatlicher Erde das Leid wenigstens found: “his remembrance as a shining zum Teil zu lindern, und deshalb bitte example of the officer’s corps will live ich Sie, gnädige Frau, diesem Gedanken on in us.”40 This signifies a valorisation zu entsagen. Wenn es einen Trost gibt, mögen gnädige Frau ihn darin finden, daß of the fallen soldiers, and many letters das heldenmütige Ende Ihres geliebten even request parents to be proud of Gatten, welches Schicksal heute so viele Tausende teilen, in der Geschichte un- their bravely fighting sons. Through seres Regimentes als ein hervorragendes publishing letters, fallen soldiers are Beispiel der Heldentugenden der ruhm- reiche Name des Verblichenen verewigt 39 “Fähnrich Pick ist am 30. August, gegen sein wird, sowie das Bewußtsein, daß der 6 Uhr nachmittags, als Held gefallen. letzte Schlag des Herzens, welches die […] Fähnrich Pick erhielt einen Schuß Kugel für das Vaterlandes traf, wie wir, durchs Herz und hat überdies zwei wei- seine Offizierskollegen, es wissen, dem tere Verletzungen, anscheinend von Vaterlande und Ihnen gnädige Frau ge- Schrapnellstücken herrührend. Wir golten hat.” ÖW 31 (1914), no. 43, p.743. haben ihn zur letzten Ruhe geführt. Das 34 Cf. Alfred Kolatch, Jüdische Welt verste- Heldengrab bleibt dauernd bezeichnet. hen. Sechshundert Fragen und Antworten Wenn etwas Sie trösten kann, so sei es (Wiesbaden, Marix Verlag, 2005), p.76. die Versicherung, daß Ihr Sohn einen raschen, vielbeneideten Soldatentod 35 Cf. ibid. p.69. gefunden hat und daß seine Kameraden, 36 Cf. ibid. p.96. die den bescheidenen jungen Mann 37 “Tiefgerührt, sprach ich zuletzt das herzlichst liebten, ihm zeitlebens das Kadischgebet für das Seelenheil Ihres ehrende Andenken bewahren werden. verewigten Sohnes.” ÖW 34 (1917), no. 29, Die Versicherung innigsten Mitgefühls! p.475. […]” ÖW 31 (1914), no. 38, p.655f. 38 ÖW 31 (1914), no. 38, p.655f. 40 ÖW 31 (1914), no. 43, p.744. BRITTA WEDAM 45

rescued from oblivion. The bereaved A widow named Breuer could not believe should find consolation in knowing her son was really dead and she was that many families have lost their sons surprised by the captain’s beautiful note, due to the war and that everybody so their correspondence continued. serves a higher aim: defending She received a letter confirming that the fatherland. Publishing private not everyone is informed about their documents strengthens the affiliation son’s deaths in this personal way, but with a community which is extremely that Honved Breuer was an “excellent important for the identity of the soldier” which is why the captain himself bereaved. Excerpts from an exchange of wrote of his death. Solemnly, this text letters between a captain and a mother speaks as well of a “mother’s pain” should illustrate this: and of the “eternal hope of a loving mother’s heart”. Pointing out explicitly Death of Honved41 Breuer. that a captain has neither the time nor opportunity to inform every mother […] Widow Breuer from Budapest about the death of her son in this way, sent her only son, her bread-earning but that Honved Breuer had been “such Samuel Breuer to war. […] On the a valiant, duteous, excellent soldier”43 20th of November she received the who deserved special treatment, sets following lines from Captain Flora: the deceased apart from the others. ‘I hereby officially inform you that His mother should be comforted in your dear son Samuel Breuer, the knowledge that her son “fought Honved, […] died the hero’s death like a hero and died like a hero”.44 An while carrying out his duties bravely individual mother’s love is exploited by and conscientiously at the northern the media and grows to become a public theatre of war. […] His name will love of heroes. Another phenomenon be recorded in golden letters in the is fatherly love for sons being used history of our company.’42 to combat anti-Semitism; this will be explained in the next chapter.

41 The Royal Hungarian Defence Force FIGTHING AGAINST (Hungarian: “Magyar Királyi Honvédség”, ANTI-SEMITISM commonly “Honvéd”) was one of four Austro-Hungarian armed forces. In many articles, the “two-fold duty” of Cf. Michael Berger, Eisernes Kreuz – Jews is alluded to: they have to make Doppeladler – Davidstern. Juden in deutschen und österreichisch-ungar- sacrifices in war both as Jews and as ischen Armeen. Der Militärdienst jüdis- Austrians. The Jewish population hoped cher Soldaten durch zwei Jahrhunderte to be finally accepted as full citizens and (Berlin: trafo Wissenschaftsverlag, 2010), p.111. to weaken anti-Semitic prejudices by 42 “Der Tod des Honveds Breuer. actively engaging in the war. Especially […] Die Witwe Breuer in Budapest hat ihren einzigen Sohn, ihren Ernährer Samuel Breuer[…] in den Krieg geschickt. 43 Ibid. […] Am 20. Novemb 44 Ibid. 46

at the end of the war, when anti-Semitism 20 December 1917. Respectfully again flared up strongly, letters were Jakob Rothstein.48 published emphasising the Jewish soldiers’ commitment to the World War, Jakob Rothstein lost his sons who had so that “the notification of the heroic paid for his upkeep, but he emphasises death of my two sons contributes to that he never asked for any aid. So he show the enormous participation of counters the argument of anti-Semitics Hungarian Jews to this big existential who depicted Jews as sponges and battle and the defence of the fatherland quitters. By mentioning full names of […].”45 A father called Samuel Lorbeer the sons, a face is given to an anonymous emphasises in his letter, “that my sons accounting of soldiers. were raised in caftans, in line with In “Outcry of a Jewish father”49 traditional custom. However, they have Hermann Blaustein calls his sons “our sacrificed their lives for the fatherland dearest treasure, our jealously guarded and king46 in the theatre of war on the children”50 who were sacrificed to front line.”47 defend our beloved fatherland”. Jakob Rothstein tells the story of his Afterwards he tells his sons’ story: sons in a letter: My son Josef Balazs, first lieutenant, I’ve had three sons as soldiers in this carried out his frontline duty from war: Albert Miklos […] has been the first minute of mobilisation. […] missing since the 4th of September He was wounded in the years 1915, 1914, and since then I haven’t 1916 and 1917 (in July), thus three received any news. Emmerich Miklos times in total. He is completely […] died a heroic death on the 14th of healed and back at his regiment, September 1914 at Dunajec. Desider Miklos, […] recipient of the Golden 48 “Ich hatte drei Söhne als Soldaten in die- Medal for Bravery died a heroic sem Kriege: Albert Miklos […] wird seit th dem 4. September 1914 […] vermißt und death on the 7 of December 1915. seit dieser Zeit ist keine Nachricht von These sons have kept me alive as ihm eingetroffen. Emmerich Miklos […] I am 68 years old; however I have not hat am 14. September 1914 am Dunajec den Heldentod gefunden. Desider requested any support. Anti-semitic Miklos, [...] Besitzer der goldenen agitators who are only heroes at Tapferkeitsmedaille, hat am 7. Dezember 1915 […] den Heldentod gefunden. Diese home should take note of that. Zilah, Söhne haben mich erhalten, denn ich gehe ins 68. Lebensjahr und habe dennoch keine Unterstützung verlangt. Das 45 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 23, p.378. mögen die antisemitischen Hetzer zur 46 This letter was first published in the Kenntnis nehmen; jene, die nur zu Hause Hungarian periodical Egyenlöseg. Nearly Helden sein können. Zilah, 20. Dezember all of the letters in this chapter seem to 1917. Achtungsvoll Jakob Rothstein” ÖW have been released in Hungary first – 35 (1918), no. 3, p.40. I suppose as anti-Semitism was stronger 49 “Entrüstungsschrei eines jüdischen in Hungary. Vaters” 47 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 34, p.555. 50 ÖW 35 (1918), no. 7, p.102f. BRITTA WEDAM 47

and waits there until his duty calls Yours sincerely, Hermann Blaustein, on him to be somewhere else. When Szinyer (Kom. Zemplen) 51 I was able to visit him once, his commanding officer called him the In this letter, “pride” is a dominant pride of his regiment, the youngest parental emotion which is also found in and most conscientious officer. It many other letters about fallen soldiers. goes without saying that I am very The reference to the soldier’s youth and proud of this. My elder son, Andor Balazs, 51 “Mein Sohn Josef Balazs, Oberleutnant, macht von der ersten a candidate for the legal profession, Minute der Mobilisierung an Frontdienst. is broken and aged. How much […] Er wurde im Jahre 1915, 1916 und 1917 grief did his photograph, sent from (im Juli), also dreimal verwundet. Er ist jetzt völlig geheilt bei seinem Regiment captivity, bring to his old parents! und wartet dort, bis ihn seine Pflicht What happened to that handsome, anderswohin ruft. Als ich ihn einmal be- suchen durfte, nannte einer seiner vorge- great boy? A shadow, a ruin of himself. setzten Offiziere ihn den Stolz seines What did that one year of Serbian Regiments, den jüngsten und gewissen- and then Italian captivity make of haftesten Offizier. Es braucht nicht erst gesagt zu werden, daß ich nicht wenig my beloved child? He writes that life stolz bin darauf. will not be able to compensate him Mein älterer Sohn, Andor Balazs, Advokaturskandidat, ist gebrochen, for all the suffering he has endured. gealtert. Wieviel Kummer hat uns alten He started his service just before his Eltern seine aus der Gefangenschaft solicitor’s exam, and now he has übersendete Photographie bereitet! Was ist aus diesem stattlichen, herrli- been languishing in captivity since chen Jungen geworden! Der Schatten, the 12th of December, 1914. die Ruine seiner selbst. Was haben das eine Jahr serbische und dann italienis- Finally, there is my youngest son che Gefangenschaft aus meinem teuren Ludwig, a medical doctor in his first Kinde gemacht? Er schreibt, daß ihn das year of training, who has recently Leben für die durchgemachten Leiden nicht mehr zu entschädigen vermag. qualified, is likewise a soldier. Er ist kurz vor der Advokatenprüfung It is impossible to express eingerückt und schmachtet seit dem 12. Dezember 1914 in Gefangenschaft. one’s astonishment about what Schließlich ist mein jüngster Sohn these thoughtless, vile people Ludwig, Mediziner des ersten Jahrganges, actually want from us. der kürzlich gemustert wurde, gleichfalls Soldat. They should go there, just for one Es ist unmöglich, seine Verwunderung night, where my decorated and darüber auszudrücken, was eigentlich heroic son is, and then they should diese hohlköpfigen, niederträchtigen Menschen von uns wollen. continue promoting their anti- Möchten sie doch, wenigstens auf eine Semitic agitation, if they still have Nacht, dorthin gehen, wo mein mehrfach ausgezeichneter, heldenmütiger Sohn the conscience to do so. ist, dann mögen sie antisemitische Hetze treiben, wenn sie das Gewissen dazu haben. […] Hochachtungsvoll Hermann Blaustein, Szinyer (Kom. Zemplen)“; Ibid. 48

diligence is a topos found in a variety of So many letters describe previous letters. Parental helplessness in the face celebrations and the wish to spend the of their children’s broken futures due to next back home. Klaus Latzel calls these the war is demonstrated in a desperate verbalisations in letters “projections question posed by the father “What of all personal wishes and desires onto did that one year of Serbian and then a life together in an imagined post-war Italian captivity make of my beloved period.”53 This “written conversation”54 child?” These children seem to be lost is very important to individual soldiers as the next generation because life will as it reinforces their realities and not be able to compensate them for civil identities in pre-wartime; this is the suffering they endured. Parents frequently shown in reflections in letters wish for a happy future for their about shared experiences and their children, so war is not only a constant longing for a common future.55 Family menace to physical health but also to celebrations and rituals of remembrance mental stability, which are important in the form of recurrent holidays for foundations to children starting their soldiers also signify a constant in their own families. Hermann Blaustein desired civilian role. One cannot write and others tell of their mobilised and that he longs for the war to end, but he captured sons to counter “anti-Semitic is allowed to hope that he will spend the agitation” and to demonstrate the next holidays among his family circle. Jewish population’s participation in It often becomes apparent that there is the war. In addition to these aspects, a dichotomy between the intimacy of parents show their love and caring for family and home and the hostile front their sons who are ripped from their which challenges soldiers both mentally families and often denied their futures. and physically. Bernd Hüppauf writes JEWISH HOLIDAYS of a fundamental difference between experienced time and the structure Often soldiers could not return home of time in war: “At the front, soldiers for months so the army postal service undergo everything for the first time, had an important function “for the and everything was imagined completely moral support of soldiers and their differently.”56 This leads to a tense distant wives and relatives.”52 Especially “consciousness of unknown sensory around the time of Jewish holidays, stimuli”,57 overstraining soldiers in their letters speak of a yearning for the family and collective rituals. While living in the trenches or performing exhausting 53 Latzel, Die Zumutungen des Krieges und military tasks, soldiers think about der Liebe (see note 9), p.215. gatherings of their family members and 54 Lamprecht, Feldpost und Kriegserlebnis (see note 27), p.39. about the gap caused by their absence. 55 Cf. ibid. 56 Hüppauf, Was ist Krieg? (see note 15), 52 Cf. Ulrich, Feldpostbriefe (see note 1), p.292. p.48. 57 Ibid. BRITTA WEDAM 49

making sense of war. The following lyric Descriptions of frightening sounds and letter describes threats to the writer: extreme weather conditions show the extent to which war confronts people Dearest parents! with uncertain situations.59 The writer emphasises a dichotomy between the Yesterday was Kol-Nidre. – Our cold, dangerous world outside “high up thoughts were joined because of in the Carpathians” and a peaceful how beautiful it had always been as home which in fact no longer we all were together on this evening, exists due to the consequences of but this time – We sat in a barn, high war. This letter is remarkable in its up in the Carpathians. Horrible eloquence and strength: weather, and tremendous cold, a blustering north wind threatening I remain steadfast and fight for to lift the roof, […]. A short prayer, you all, and if God shall grant us and our greatest benefactor comes victory we shall move towards happy to make us forget everything, that is times. And we have to win because sleep, and while short and very cold, our cause is sacred and God sends it comes as a relief. doom to our enemies. - - I know you I often dream of home, of peaceful have prayed for me, I have done the life, but even more often of scenes same for you and this gives me new of war which come back in dreams, strength for this hard life I have which we will never forget in our sworn to bear. I am up to it. […] Do lifetimes because whoever survives not worry about me, I want to live. this has looked in His face, has heard Your faithful son Bruno.60 His words murmuring in his own ear. These are infernal sounds in […]. Ein kurzes Gebet, und unser größter Wohltäter kommt, der alles vergessen terrible harmony which are gathered macht, das ist der Schlaf, und zwar kurz into chords in the air, a quiet whistle und sehr kalt, aber erlösend. Oft träume ich vom Hause, vom friedli- of rifle bullets, the penetrating chen Leben, noch öfter von Kriegsszenen, sound of shrapnel, in addition to die im Traume wiederkommen, die im the massive air-pressure of the Leben wir nie vergessen werden, denn wer die überlebte, der hat ihm ins Antlitz heavy ekrasit grenades, a rapid scale gesehen, der hat seine Worte ins eigene of machine guns, and the concert is Ohr raunen gehört. Es sind Höllentöne 58 in furchtbarer Harmonie, die in der Luft complete. sich zu Akkorden sammeln; ein leises Pfeifen der Kleingewehr-Geschosse, der durchdringende Ton der Schrappnels, 58 “Teuerste Eltern! dazu der riesige Luftdruck der schw- Gestern war Kol-Nidre. – Unsere eren Ekrasitgranate, die rasche Tonleiter Gedanken trafen sich, denn wie schön der Maschinengewehre, und fertig das war es immer, als wir an diesem Abend Konzert.” ÖW 31 (1914), no. 42, p.721f. alle beisammen waren, doch dies- mal – Wir saßen in einer Scheune, hoch 59 Cf. Lamprecht, Feldpost und in den Karpathen. Ein schauerliches Kriegserlebnis (see note 27), p.37f. Wetter, eine enorme Kälte, ein Nordwind 60 “Ich halte stand und kämpfe für Euch alle braust, der das Dach zu heben droht, und gibt uns Gott den Sieg, dann gehen 50

The writer consolidates his Jewish As this postcard reached the family identity and affiliation with his family half a year later, the parents must have and community by praying and been very worried about not receiving remembering holidays. Knowing that any sign of life. The prisoner of war his family also prays for him gives him reports about festivities in cities which “new strength for this hard life I have means that he was accommodated, at sworn to bear.” Another writer tells of least for the holidays, in private homes. a “deep yearning for the family’s Seder Often, places are named, giving family table” and hopes for “golden, holy peace members the approximate location everywhere.”61 The following letter of those absent. Remembering family from Russian captivity (dated 1st of rituals, faith in God and “the old Hebrew April 1918) did not arrive in the hands songs and ceremonies” lend strength of the writer’s parents until November and hope to this writer. Similar words 1918. It speaks of hopes for peace and are found in the following letter: a gathering of family: Only three Jewish families live in our The two evenings of Seder I spent town. One of them provided a large in Samare with a very nice Jewish room where our Jewish soldiers, family, and I was deeply moved by the Russian prisoners of war and old Hebrew songs and ceremonies civilians devoutly prayed at Rosh- just as I used to hear and see them Hashana. […] On both afternoons, in my parents’ house, and they were I prayed from the book of psalms soothing to my depressed mind. that you, dear parents, sent to me I spent last Purim in Petrograd, and I refreshed myself with the holy also with an amiable Jewish family, songs of great king David. When will and I hold a thankful memory of my I again give voice to these religious hosts. May the dear God bring me songs back home? […] With the back to you soon; then I shall tell prayer ‘Lead me, all-bountiful you even more.62 God, with my comrades back to my beloved home and my dear parents’ glücklichen Zeiten wir entgegen. Und house after a soon-to-come early siegen müssen wir, denn heilig ist un- 63 sere Sache, und Verderben sendet Gott peace’, I fell asleep. unseren Feinden. – – Ich weißt, Ihr habt für mich gebetet, ich tat’s für Euch und wie ich sie im Elternhause gehört und das gibt neue Kraft fürs schwere Leben, gelesen, und taten meinem gedrückten das zu führen ich geschworen. Ich bin es Gemüte so wohl. In Petrograd verbrachte fähig. […] Habt keine Sorge um mich, ich ich den Purim zuvor auch in besonders will leben. liebenswürdiger, jüdischer Familie und Euer treuer Sohn Bruno.” ÖW 31 (1914), no. bewahre meinen Gastgebern eine dank- 42, p.722. bare Erinnerung. Der gute Gott führe 61 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 26, p.429. mich nur bald zu Euch, dann will ich Euch 62 “Die zwei Sederabende verbrachte ich noch vieles erzählen.” ÖW 35 (1918), no. in Samare in einer sehr lieben jüdischen 45, p.735. Familie und ergriffen [sic!] auch die alten 63 “In unserer Stadt wohnen nur drei jüdis- hebräischen Gesänge und Zeremonien, che Familien, von denen eine ein großes BRITTA WEDAM 51

Thanks to Hebrew, the collective you can have certainty. My faith lies language of praying, it is possible now in God’s hands. Take care of in this case for “our Jewish soldiers, dear mother and comfort and calm Russian prisoners of war and civilians” her. […] I as a Jewish officer have to celebrate Rosh Hashanah together, twice the duty to prove to be brave which is important for the collective and perseverant. I think of you both identity of Jews. Many of the letters day and night and I shall not stop on holiday occasions are structured thinking of you. May God be with according to the following triad:64 me and you all, and you, my dear a description of the initial situation, father, may you be kissed by your relating an undesired separation from son Poldi who will love you until his it and dreaming of regaining the initial dying breath…66 situation, in this letter expressed through the concluding prayer. Son Poldi seems to be closer to his (Gender) roles are quite explicitly father, in contrast to his mother who demonstrated in the following letter65: needs to be protected. Experienced distance due to the war seems to create Dearest father! At present I am a new closeness which finds expression located in Jaroslau, which is in in affectionate letters. The next letter is a small hamlet four hours away from an example of enthusiastic commitment Jaroslau. […] I know you are a man to one’s fatherland: and I can write you all this so that Letter of a Jewish war volunteer.67

Zimmer hergab, in welchem unsere jüdis- 66 “Liebster Vater! Ich befinde mich der- chen Soldaten, Kriegsgefangene aus zeit in Jaroslau, das heißt in einem Nest Rußland und Zivilpersonen andächtig 4 Stunden von Jaroslau entfernt. […] Ich an Rosch-Haschono beteten. […] An bei- weiß, Du bist ein Mann, und ich kann Dir den Nachmittagen betete ich aus dem das ruhig schreiben, damit Du Gewißheit Psalmbuche, das Ihr mir liebe Eltern ge- hast. Mein Geschick liegt jetzt in Gottes sandt, und erquickte mich an den heili- Hand. Schau auf die liebe Mutter und gen Gesängen des großen König Davids. tröste und beruhige sie. […] Ich habe als Wann werde ich diese frommen Lieder jüdischer Offizier die doppelte Pflicht, wieder in der Heimat anstimmen kön- mich mutig und ausdauernd zu erweisen. nen? […] Mit dem Gebete: ‚Führe mich, Ich denke Tag und Nacht an Euch und Allgütiger, nach baldigem Frieden mit werde nicht aufhören, an Dich zu denken. meinem Kameraden in die liebe Heimat Gott möge mit mir und Euch allen sein, und in mein teures Elternhaus!‘ entschl- und Du, mein lieber Vater, sei geküßt von ummerte ich.” ÖW 34 (1917), no. 39, p.641. Deinem Dich bis zum letzten Atemzug lie- 64 Cf. Albrecht Koschorke, Wahrheit und benden Sohn Poldi…” ÖW 31 (1914) no. 35, Erfindung. Grundzüge einer Allgemeinen p.596. Erzähltheorie (Frankfurt: Fischer, 2012), 67 This letter was also published in the col- p.213. lection of Eugen Tannenbaum, though 65 That letter was directly published in under a different title, which in my Tannenbaum’s collection, entitled opinion may lead to a different read- “DIE DOPPELTE PFLICHT” (The Double ing: „Farewell. A cattle-dealer from Duty). Eugen Tannenbaum, Kriegsbriefe a small town in Bavaria, father of seven deutscher und österreichischer Juden children, who went to field on the 3rd (Berlin: Neuer Verlag, 1915), p.2f. of August, consigned following letter.” 52

This announcement is a representative Bamberg. The writer of the following letter, a father of six and soon seven example of propaganda and makes clear children, went to the battlefield on a significant hierarchy of values: “we the 5th of August. With a religious first have to protect our fatherland, then heart, full of enthusiasm for the our family, then our faith.”69 war, he wrote to his relatives: ‘My dears! If these shall be my last lines CONCLUDING then farewell, be God fearing and observe his Torah. I recommend CONSIDERATIONS my children to the Almighty, He The letters presented in this article shall bring to them our greatness are no longer private narrations due in Israel, I want to take revenge for to their publication in periodicals. all the many murders and torment Instead, they are a part of constitutive which were perpetrated against reality of the war where stereotypes Jews by our enemies. Eighteen Jews are created, maintained and cemented volunteered here, thus I wanted to through persevering patterns. Reality fulfil our Jewish duty and not be is consequently constructed by the left behind. Cursed be those who reporting of periodicals, in turn do not give their last drop of blood affecting the prevailing circumstances. for the fatherland. And if it may These letters are intended to create an happen that we do not return alive,

we shall find eternal life with Him Verwandten: ‚Meine Lieben! Wenn dieses who determines our welfare and hier meine letzten Zeilen sein sollen, woes. We say goodbye with tears in so lebt wohl, fürchtet Gott und haltet seine Thora. Meine Kinder empfehle ich our eyes, but with love we leave our dem Allmächtigen, er möge sie zu un- wives and children to carry out our seren Großen in Israel heranziehen, ich will Rache nehmen für die vielen Morde duty. […] and I conclude that we, und Martern, die an Juden von unseren by all available means, first have Feinden begangen wurden. Es haben sich to protect our fatherland, then our bei uns achtzehn Juden freiwillig ins Heer einstellen lassen, dabei will auch ich 68 family, then our faith.’ nicht zurückbleiben und unsere jüdis- che Pflicht erfüllen. Verflucht sei, wer in (Tannenbaum, Kriegsbriefe (see note 62), dieser Zeit nicht seinen letzten Tropfen p. 1) Despite divergent date specification Blut fürs Vaterland hergibt. Und sollte the word “war volunteer” in the letter es dann sein, daß wir nicht mehr lebend which was published in ÖW implies an zurückkommen, so finden wir doch ein enthusiasm which is completely miss- ewiges Leben bei dem, der über unser ing here and using the verb “consigning” Wohl und Wehe beschließt. Wir nehmen suggests that the man died in the war. Abschied mit Tränen, aber mit Liebe zie- 68 “Feldpostbrief eines jüdischen hen wir von unseren Frauen und Kindern, Kriegsfreiwilligen. um unsere Pflicht zu tun; [...] und ich Bamberg. Der Schreiber des nachfol- kam auf den Schluß, daß wir unter allen genden Briefes, Vater von sechs und Umständen zuerst unser Vaterland, dann demnächst sieben Kindern, ist am 5. unsere Familie, dann unseren Glauben August ins Feld gerückt. Aus from- schützen müssen.‘” ÖW 31 (1914), no. 35, men Herzen heraus, aus kriegsstarker p.597f. Begeisterung schrieb er an seine 69 Ibid. BRITTA WEDAM 53

awareness of collective tasks in the war heroic deeds. Bernd Hüppauf states and comfort other bereaved individuals. that emotions are imposed by public Furthermore, they bring order to discourse via the media,72 which can be incidences caused by the war and enable seen in the published letters. Emotions the writers to gain some composure and are exploited to demonstrate and to assign meaning to their actions. anchor patriotism, Jewish affiliation There is no room to talk about and heroic behaviour. All are called emotional insecurities, rather there is upon to show their commitment to war an emphasis on collective fighting and and fatherland. sacrifice. Equally, there is no criticism Clemens Picht refers to a complex of of the war, and the letters instead focus problems which was already mentioned on the participation in the war as a way in the context of Jewish family diversity to ensure a peaceful future. The letters and the inability to present an overall are exploited and used as propaganda, picture: consolidating established (gender) roles and images of heroes. Home is While these reactions to the outbreak idealised as being secure – consequences of war are well documented, for of the war such as calamity, hunger and example through war appeals despair are negated. The family itself by Jewish organisations or the and remembered collective experiences numerous war letters of Jewish give strength and hope to the soldiers. soldiers, albeit published with an This also provides structure in their apologetic aim, we are nevertheless monotonous, military everyday routine. dealing with a generalisation. Family is an allegory for security, peace In fact, there has never been and mutual care. Besides the hope for a unanimous Jewish response to a “golden holy peace everywhere”,70 the war, and the differences became pride is the most frequently expressed more pronounced the as the war emotion – on the one hand assurances went on.73 about the “heroic deeds” of fallen soldiers evoke this emotion, on the 72 Cf. ibid. other hand parents use this sentiment to 73 “So gut sich diese Reaktionen auf counter anti-Semitic propaganda. Bernd den Ausbruch des Krieges etwa durch die Kriegsaufrufe der jüdischen Hüppauf refers to the public expression Organisationen oder die zahlreichen, of emotions in war via media, which häufig allerdings in apologetischer retroact to individual sentiments and Absicht veröffentlichen Kriegsbriefe jüdischer Soldaten belegen läßt, so sehr 71 gives certain emotions authority: Grief handelt es sich doch gleichzeitig um eine surrounding fallen sons is justified Verallgemeinerung. Tatsächlich hat es eine einhellige jüdische Antwort auf den when it is related to the pride of his Krieg nicht gegeben, und die Differenzen verstärkten sich, je länger der Krieg andauerte.“ Clemens Picht, ‘Zwischen 70 ÖW 34 (1917), no. 26, p.429. Vaterland und Volk. Das deutsche 71 Cf. Hüppauf, Was ist Krieg? (see note 15), Judentum im Ersten Weltkrieg’ in Der p.227. Erste Weltkrieg. Wirkung, Wahrnehmung, 54

We are not only dealing with BIBLIOGRAPHY generalisation but also with exploitation PRIMARY as the letters presented are considered to be selected slivers of familial LITERATURE Dr. Bloch’s Oesterreichische circumstances and relationships during Wochenschrift. Zentralorgan für die World War I. They therefore depict – gesamten Interessen des Judentums, due to their exploitation by the press Ed. by Joseph Samuel Bloch, Volume: 31 (1914), 34 (1917), 35 (1918). – a sugar-coated image of patriotism, of affection for parents and affiliation Issues for this article were consulted at the site Compact Memory: with the Jewish identity. Nevertheless, Internetarchiv jüdischer Periodika, they are documents of a crisis-shaken Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am time when it was necessary to redefine Main, http://sammlungen.ub.uni- frankfurt.de/cm/nav/index/title/. priorities, both in constructs of family and superordinate communities such SECONDARY as religion or state, and they do show LITERATURE a segment of Jewish life under the Berger, Michael. Eisernes Kreuz – Habsburg monarchy during the time of Doppeladler – Davidstern. Juden in World War I. deutschen und österreichisch-ungarischen Armeen. Der Militärdienst jüdischer Soldaten durch zwei Jahrhunderte. Berlin: trafo Wissenschaftsverlag, 2010.

Buschmann, Nikolaus. ‘Der verschwiegene Krieg: Kommunikation zwischen Front und Heimatfront.’ In Kriegserfahrungen. Studien zur Sozial- und Mentalitätsgeschichte des Ersten Weltkrieges, ed. by Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich, Dieter Langewiesche and Hans-Peter Ullmann. Essen: Klartext, 1997. pp.208-224.

Daniel, Ute. ‘Frauen.’ In Enzyklopädie Erster Weltkrieg, Ed. by Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich and Irina Renz. 2., revised edition. Paderborn [et al.]: Ferdinand Schönich, 2004. pp.125-232.

Hettling, Manfred; Jeismann, Michael. ‘Der Weltkrieg als Epos. Philipp Witkops “Kriegsbriefe gefallener Studenten”.’ In “Keiner fühlt sich hier mehr als Mensch…”. Erlebnis und Wirkung des Ersten Weltkriegs, ed. by Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich and Irina Renz. Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1996. pp.205-234.

Hüppauf, Bernd. Was ist Krieg? Zur Analyse ed. by Wolfgang Michalka Grundlegung einer Kulturgeschichte des (Munich, Zurich: Piper 1994), p.737. BRITTA WEDAM 55

Kriegs. Bielefeld: transcript, 2013. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Knoch, Peter. ‘Kriegsalltag.’ In Die Britta Wedam holds an MA in German Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als Aufgabe der historischen Forschung Philology and Literature and worked und der Friedenserziehung, ed. by as a research assistant with the Center Peter Knoch. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989. for Jewish Studies at the University of pp.222-251. Graz/Austria. She finished her studies Kolatch, Alfred. Jüdische Welt verstehen. with her master’s thesis entitled “7 Sechshundert Fragen und Antworten. Wiesbaden, Marix Verlag, 2005. Söhne im Felde – Representations of Family in Dr. Bloch’s Oesterreichischer Koschorke, Albrecht. Wahrheit und Erfindung. Grundzüge einer Allgemeinen Wochenschrift during World War Erzähltheorie. Frankfurt: Fischer, 2012. I”. Her main research interests are Lamprecht, Gerald. Feldpost und German-Jewish literature, the Spatial Kriegserlebnis. Briefe als historisch- Turn and World War I. biographische Quelle. Innsbruck [et al.]: Studienverlag, 2001.

Latzel, Klaus. ‘Die Zumutungen des Krieges und der Liebe – zwei Annäherungen an Feldpostbriefe.’ In Die Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als Aufgabe der historischen Forschung und der Friedenserziehung, ed. by Peter Knoch. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989. pp.204-221.

Lichtblau, Albert (ed.). Als hätten wir dazugehört. Österreichisch- jüdische Lebensgeschichten aus der Habsburgermonarchie. Vienna, Cologne, Weimar: Böhlau, 1999.

Picht, Clemens. ‘Zwischen Vaterland und Volk. Das deutsche Judentum im Ersten Weltkrieg.’ In Der Erste Weltkrieg. Wirkung, Wahrnehmung, Analyse, ed. by Wolfgang Michalka. Munich, Zurich: Piper 1994. pp.736-756.

Tramitz, Angelika. ‘Vom Umgang mit Helden. Kriegs(vor)schriften und Benimmregeln für deutsche Frauen im Ersten Weltkrieg.’ In Die Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als Aufgabe der historischen Forschung und der Friedenserziehung, ed. by Peter Knoch. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989. pp.99.

Ulrich, Bernd. ‘Feldpostbriefe im Ersten Weltkrieg – Bedeutung und Zensur.’ In Die Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als Aufgabe der historischen Forschung und der Friedenserziehung, ed. by Peter Knoch. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989. pp. 40-83. 56

THE EXILES OF THE This article contributes to the research on the consequences of the Hungarian anti- HUNGARIAN NUMERUS Jewish numerus clausus law of 1920 by CLAUSUS IN ITALY investigating the migration of Hungarian Jewish students to fascist Italy which ÁGNES KATALIN followed it. The paradox of fascist Italy’s receptivity towards the students haunted KELEMEN by the antisemitic politics of Italy’s ally, Hungary, is discussed in addition to Italian fascisms’ changing relationship to Jews. A wide range of primary sources is examined to discover the students’ integration in Italy and their subsequent fate during the Shoah. AGNES KELEMEN 57

INTRODUCTION could escape Hungarian academic antisemitism in a fascist country. The present article is a summary of my They left one right-wing authoritarian Masters’ thesis “Leaving an Antisemitic political establishment for another. Due Regime for a Fascist Country: The to the horrors of the subsequent history Hungarian Numerus Clausus Refugees in of fascism, retrospectively it is hard to Italy” defended at Central European disassociate antisemitism and fascism. University in June 2014.1 My thesis is However, until 1938 fascist Italy was dedicated to those Hungarian Jews who a hospitable environment for foreign left their home country in the interwar (including Hungarian) Jews and their period as intellectual refugees of an expulsion in 1938 was an unexpected antisemitic regime and during their calamity. For a decade and a half, it was peregrination studied at the universities a natural decision for Jews to settle in of fascist Italy.2 They are the “numerus fascist Italy for the sake of university clausus refugees”. studies. As the title of my thesis suggests, I analyzed the peregrination of the with my work I aimed to draw attention “exiles of the numerus clausus” in Italy to a curious facet of interwar Italian- as a result of the curious interplay Hungarian relations: Jewish students of two opposite concepts of national educational politics introduced 1 Ágnes Katalin Kelemen, Leaving an Antisemitic Regime for a Fascist Country: in two countries that during the The Hungarian Numerus Clausus period concerned were progressively Refugees in Italy (Budapest: Central European University, Nationalism Studies strengthening both their political and Department, 2014). Thesis Supervisors: their cultural ties. Both the Hungarian Professor Mária M. Kovács and Professor and the Italian higher educational Victor Karády. systems were reshaped in the early 2 It is debated whether antisemitism should be written in the traditional form 1920s. However, the same Jewish with a hyphen (anti-Semitism) or as one students played two opposite roles in word. I use the second option consistently, since I agree with the argument the two systems: in Hungary they were that the hyphenised version suggests regarded as outsiders, to be removed, that “Semitism” exists. Therefore I prefer whereas in Italy they (just like all foreign to use “antisemitism” to indicate anti- Jewish hostility. students) became instruments of 58

internationalizing the universities, and authoritarianism and to the recognition thereby contributing to the realization that numerous Hungarians ending of the educational reform of Minister up in Italy were escaping Hungarian Giovanni Gentile (1923). antisemitism. My thesis, covering the Regarding the emigration of years between the numerus clausus the numerus clausus exiles, Victor (1920) and the Hungarian Holocaust Karády provided an overview focusing (until 1945), is dedicated to those especially on Hungarian Jewish young Hungarian Jews who were not presence in the student body in supported by their home country at all, Prague, Brno and Vienna, based on but exiled from its intelligentsia and his research in the university archives were courageous enough to choose the concerned.3 Michael Miller conducted challenges of a migratory life instead of research on the Hungarian Jewish resigning themselves to the decision of student population of interwar Berlin.4 the Hungarian political elite to exclude However, the peregrination of numerus them from the liberal professions. Their clausus refugees to Italy has not yet integration in the Italian academic been researched. To be more accurate, sphere was a result of the fascist academic migration of Hungarians educational policy’s drive for taking in to interwar Italy was touched upon, foreign students and it occurred despite since the friendly relationship between Hungarian educational politics and not Hungary led by Horthy and fascist Italy because of cordial Hungarian-Italian is a beloved topic in historiography. relations. However, the general praising tone of What had been known earlier works on interwar Italian-Hungarian as well is that during the interwar relations does not leave space for period seven hundred and forty-four the recognition that such an alliance Hungarian students enrolled in Italian was based on shared right-wing universities.5 A general prosopography of Hungarian students in interwar 3 Victor Karády, ”Egyetemi antiszemi- Italian higher education already tizmus és értelmiségi kényszerpályák. Magyar-zsidó diákság a nyugat-európai existed in the dissertation of Beáta főiskolákon a numerus clausus alatt Szlavikovszki,6 even though it is not [Academic Antisemitism and Intellectual Constraint Careers. Hungarian Jewish complete, as we know of a number of Students at Western-European Colleges people who studied in Italy and are in the Age of the Numerus Clausus]”, in Levéltári Szemle 42.6 (1992), pp.21–40. 4 Michael L. Miller, “Numerus clausus exiles: Hungarian Jewish students in inter-war Berlin”, in The numerus clausus 5 Beáta Szlavikovszki, Fejezetek a mag- in Hungary: Studies on the First Anti- yar-olasz kulturális kapcsolatokról 1880– Jewish Law and Academic Anti-Semitism 1945 között [Chapters from the History of in Modern Central Europe, eds. Victor Hungarian-Italian Cultural Relations be- Karády and Péter Tibor Nagy (Budapest: tween 1880 and 1945], Doctoral disserta- Pasts Inc. Centre for Historical Research, tion (Piliscsaba: Péter Pázmány Catholic History Department of the Central University, 2009), p. 134. European University, 2012), pp. 206–18. 6 Szlavikovszki (see note 5). AGNES KELEMEN 59

missing from this prosopography.7 Although she reflects on the impact of Apparently in some university archives the numerus clausus on this migration it was not possible to find all the in her aforementioned study, Orosz did students of the period. Regarding not examine whether the individuals the impact of Hungarian antisemitic she found among the enrolled students legislation on the emigration to Italy were Jewish or not. As I unfolded in Szlavikovszki limits herself to noting my thesis, I found information on that among the students not receiving quite a few of the individuals present a stipend probably the “representation in the prosopographies of Orosz and of Jewry was multiple when compared Szlavikovszki, in alternative sources. I to the proportion of Jewry in Hungary’s concentrated on the students whom I denominational relations”.8 She refers find in multiple types of sources, who to an earlier prosopographical study were additionally definitely exiles of the on Hungarian students’ influx to the numerus clausus. In this way I could universities of Bologna (1923-1942) reconstruct one pattern of integration and Padua (1920-1935) by Zsuzsanna of Hungarian Jewish students in fascist Orosz, which also includes details Italy. on the students’ studies (date of Thus, my thesis was a first step in the enrollment, faculty, graduation).9 process of filling the gap of the research field regarding the numerus clausus exiles who settled in Italy. In my work 7 Simon Teich in the University of Turin (Simone Teich Alasia, Un medico della I synthesized the findings of Hungarian Resistenza: I luoghi, gli incontri, le scelte scholarly literature on the numerus [A Doctor of the Resistance: The Places, The Encounters, The Choices] (Torino: clausus exiles and Italian literature Seb27, 2010); Aladár Hábermann in Rome on fascist Italy’s hospitality towards (Anna Maria Hábermann, Il labirinto di foreign Jewish students, while using carta [The Labyrinth of Papers] (Milano: Proedi Editore, 2010); Lívia Fleischmann primary sources as well, found first of (who Magyarised her name to Fenyő) in all in the Hungarian National Archives, Florence who published her memoirs: Lili Fenyő, Pillanatfelvételek a külföldön in the Central State Archives of Rome, élő magyar diákság életéből [Snapshots and in the Archives of the University of from the Life of Hungarian Students Bologna. Abroad] (Budapest: Jupiter Nyomda, 1929). JEWISH EMIGRATION 8 Szlavikovszki (see note 5), p. 143. 9 See these two lists of students in the PROVOKED BY THE prosopography of Zsuzsanna Orosz. NUMERUS CLAUSUS LAW Zsuzsanna Orosz, ”A padovai és a bolognai egyetem magyarországi hallgatói OF 1920 a két világháború között [The Hungarian Hungary was the first state in 20th students of the universities of Padua and Bologna between the two world wars]”, century Europe to introduce new anti- in Tanulmányok az újkori külföldi mag- Jewish legislation. Act No. 25 of 1920 yar egyetemjárás történetéhez [Studies (On the Regulation of Enrollment to on the Hungarian Peregrination Abroad in Modern Age], ed. by Ákos Horváth University, Polytechnics, Faculty of (Budapest: ELTE, 1997), pp. 223-260. 60

Economics at the University of Budapest The numerus clausus law was clearly and Law Academies) became known as aiming at the reduction of the number the infamous “numerus clausus”. On the of Jewish students at universities textual level it brought in a “proportional and not the increase of the number of representation of racial groups in students from national minorities (such higher education” without specifying as Ruthenian for instance) according the desirable proportion and the “racial to their proportion in the population, groups” concerned.10 However, the thus, it was by no means a strive for executive ordinance contained a table positive discrimination. The aim of listing the proportion of eight racial the law was very clearly stated in the groups in Hungary’s population that press and underlined by the fact that had to be matched in the student body the new governor, Miklós Horthy, had of each university.11 By listing Jewry in his entourage perpetrators of the among the racial minorities of the antisemitic ‘White Terror” of 1919-1920, population this document introduced furthermore by the regularly committed the notion of a Jewish “racial group” anti-Jewish violence on university into Hungarian legislation. Previously campuses in these few years. the Hungarian legal system knew Jews Thus, the social background of the only as adherents of Judaism. new antisemitic legislation was that Among all the minorities living in antisemitism had gained impetus in Hungary in 1920, only Jews were present Hungary during the First World War, at universities in a higher proportion which had a tremendous impact on than their percentage in the population.12 public opinion and facilitated the rise to power for a nationalist and 10 Previously to this law the only prereq- antisemitic political elite. During the uisite of enrollment to a university was war accusations against Jews for not high school graduation with no regard to the applicants’ national or religious fighting and dying for the homeland belonging. in the same proportions as other 11 Judit Molnár (ed.), Számokba zárt sor- Hungarians were raised in the media as sok: a numerus clausus 90 évtávlatából [Destinies enclosed in numbers: The nu- early as 1915, together with xenophobic merus clausus 90 years later] (Budapest: attacks against the Galician Jewish Holokauszt Emlékközpont [Holocaust Memorial Center], 2011), pp. 60–61. refugees escaping the Russian army and 13 12 In Hungary between 1900 and the First arriving in Budapest. World War twenty-three or twenty-four From 1920 onwards, due to the percent of the university students were numerus clausus law, young Jews who Jewish, in contrast to six percent of the general population. Andor Ladányi, “On planned to enroll in universities needed the 1928 Amendment to the Hungarian to modify their career strategies. Now Numerus Clausus Act.”, in The Numerus Clausus in Hungary: Studies on the First Anti-Jewish Law and Academic Anti- of the Central European University, Semitism in Modern Central Europe, 2012.), pp. 69-111 (p. 70). ed. by Viktor Karády and Péter Tibor 13 Lajos Szabolcsi, Két emberöltő [Two gen- Nagy (Budapest: Pasts Inc. Centre for erations] (Budapest: MTA Judaisztikai Historical Research, History Department Kutatócsoport, 1993), p. 173. AGNES KELEMEN 61

they needed to fit into the quota of six Aid Committee until 1928.15 The Central percent in order to be able to enroll. Jewish Student Aid Committee was set up Even though not all the faculties in 1922 with the aim of fundraising to applied the law in the strictest way, and support the émigré students. Counting there were several ambiguities around those supported by this organization, the application, being enrolled in a we make sure that only those émigrés Hungarian university was not the end are counted who had to leave because of the struggles for a Jewish student. of the anti-Jewish numerus clausus. During the 1920s, verbal and physical However, we exclude a part of the aggression against Jewish students Jewish émigrés who were not financed in universities was regularly on the by the Committee, whose families could agenda. For those who did not get into maintain them abroad. the numerus clausus imposed on Jewish We can find data in the Hungarian students or did not even apply for Statistical Yearbooks of the period enrollment because of the law, a possible regarding the number of Hungarians option was to choose a profession that enrolled in universities in different did not require a university degree. countries, listed by faculty. From the Thus, being excluded from the liberal data of the Statistical Yearbooks we professions led many young Jews to cannot know how many of the emigrants turn to professions which had been were exiles of the numerus clausus (i. traditionally open for Jews, such as e. Jews). We do not even know how commerce and entrepreneurship. many of the enrolled students actually However, emigration was also a very graduated abroad. Alajos Kovács, in characteristic Jewish reaction. Victor his statistics about Hungarian Jewish Karády argues in his article dedicated students in Hungarian and in foreign to the Hungarian Jews who studied higher education, estimated that eighty at Western European universities due percent of Hungarian students who to their exclusion from Hungarian studied at foreign universities were universities, that among those Jewish 15 Mária Kovács, Törvénytől sújtva: a nu- families who were able to support their merus clausus Magyarországon, 1920- children, it was the most typical choice.14 1945 [Down by Law: The Numerus Clausus The number of émigré Jewish students in Hungary, 1920–1945] (Budapest: Napvilág Kiadó, 2012), p.164.; Szabolcsi can be estimated at more than five Lajos jelentése a Központi Zsidó thousand during the 1920s, if we count Diákbizottság működéséről. Jelentés one thousand four hundred and fifty a Magyarországi Izraeliták Országos Irodájának 1929. éviműködéséről. [Report new enrollments each academic year, by Lajos Szabolcsi on the activity of the which is the number of Hungarian Jews Central Jewish Student Aid Committee to the Office of Israelites of Hungary. Report graduating abroad with the financial on the activities of the Office of Israelites support of the Central Jewish Student of Hungary in 1929] 1929. K28 (Department of Nationalities and Minorities), 14/53rd item, Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár [Hungarian National Archives] –Henceforth abbrevi- 14 Karády 1992 (see note 3). ated as MNL. 62

Jewish (not counting those receiving a Victor Karády and Michael L. Miller state-funded stipend).16 He argued that have already conducted research on the even before the numerus clausus, most numerus clausus exiles who studied in of the Hungarian emigrant students Central Europe. The migrants heading to were Jewish, a proportion which grew Italy are to be examined in this context, due to the numerus clausus law after since many migrant students did not the war, and the huge proportion of peregrinate to only one university and Hungarian students leaving Germany to only one country, but on the contrary, in 1933 suggested the preponderance of their student life was characterized by Jews among them.17 wandering so that the medieval image The first waves of the numerus of the wandering Jew became a topos clausus refugees went to study in in the Hungarian Jewish press of the the German-speaking universities 1920s and 1930s.20 of Czechoslovakia, to Austria and As Michael L. Miller explains in his to Germany.18 Besides obvious above mentioned article on Hungarian geographical reasons, they opted for Jewish students in interwar Berlin, these institutions because German lot of the numerus clausus exiles left was traditionally spoken by Hungarian Czechoslovakia in the early 1920s. After Jewry – just like Central European Jewry the Czechoslovak currency crashed, in general.19 As mentioned earlier, many of the numerus clausus refugees went to Germany, which by 1923 had 16 Alajos Kovács,”‘Magyarországi zsidó become a hostile environment for hallgatók a hazai és külföldi főiskolákon [Hungarian Jewish Students at Hungarian foreign Jews, provoking a new migration and Foreign Universities]”, Magyar towards Italy, France, Switzerland and Statisztikai Szemle [Hungarian Statistical elsewhere.21 Vienna remained a popular Review] 16.9 (1938), pp. 897-902, (p. 898). destination until the Anschluss due 17 Ibid. Alajos Kovács was a statistician well-known for his antisemitism. He to the vicinity and the prestige of its never wrote about “Hungarian Jews”, only medical faculty. Even though at the about “Jews from Hungary”. Viennese university Jewish students 18 For instance, in 1921/22 Prague attracted 1,100 Hungarian students, in 1922-23 had to face antisemitic attacks, just like Vienna hosted 800 Hungarian students. Nathaniel Katzburg, Zsidópolitika Magyarországon: 1919-1943 [Jewish Policy Historical Research, History Department in Hungary: 1919-1943] (Budapest: Bábel of the Central European University, 2012.) Kiadó, 2002), p. 58.; Pál Bethlen (ed.), A pp. 176-205. (p. 190). Magyar Zsidóság Almanachja. [Almanach 20 Miller (see note 4), pp. 208-209. of Hungarian Jewry] (Budapest, 1925.), 21 Antisemitic hostility towards foreign stu- pp. 122-123. dents was not a brand new phenomenon 19 Tibor Frank, “’All modern people are per- in Germany, since anti-Jewish hostility secuted’: Intellectual exodus and the against Russian Jewish students was Hungarian trauma, 1918–1920”, in The framed by student associations already Numerus Clausus in Hungary: Studies on before the First World War as the so- the First Anti-Jewish Law and Academic called “Ausländerfrage”. Jack Wertheimer, Anti-Semitism in Modern Central Europe, “The ‘Unwanted Element’: East European ed. by Viktor Karády and Péter Tibor Jews in Imperial Germany”, in Leo Baeck Nagy (Budapest: Pasts Inc. Centre for Institute Yearbook 26 (1981), pp. 23–46. AGNES KELEMEN 63

in Hungary.22 After the Nazi seizure of denomination. Thus, one needs to turn power in 1933 the remaining Hungarian to Hungarian sources to find out who Jewish colony of Berlin also left for the were Jewish among Hungarians in Italy. above mentioned countries. Since students needed to present their Victor Karády – after investigating high school degrees for enrollment, it the registration books of Viennese would be possible to closely estimate the University and the German technical proportion of Jews among Hungarian universities of Brno and Prague – migrant students if one would review all found that after 1920 almost all the the files of all the Hungarian students Hungarian students (between 91% and in all the Italian universities’ archives 98%) enrolled in the Viennese medical that preserve the students’ files from the faculty and these technical universities fascist period (acknowledging however, were Jewish by denomination. Without that some archives might not have all having a particular reason to assume the student dossiers of the period). The that it was significantly different at students’ dossiers typically contain all Western European universities, Karády the documents connected to the given concludes that more than 90% of student, including birth certificate, Hungarian students who enrolled in high school degree, application, and foreign universities throughout the eventually her/his thesis. 23 1920s and 1930s were Jewish. THE DYNAMICS OF As Italian universities (at least since the early modern age) did not HUNGARIAN JEWISH belonged to the typical targets of PEREGRINATION TO academic peregrination from Hungary, ITALY IN THE AGE OF THE it is reasonable to assume that the NUMERUS CLAUSUS proportion of Jews among Hungarian First of all it is important to point out that students was similarly high in Italy the Jewish quota defined by the numerus to that in Czechoslovakia, Austria clausus was applied from 1920 to the end and Germany. However, due to the of the Second World War and not until strengthening of Italian-Hungarian 1928, when the numerus clausus law political and cultural ties, manifested in was amended and the explicit Jewish bilateral contracts, the number of non- quota changed for a quota based on Jewish Hungarian guest students could the profession of the applicants’ father. increase during the interwar period. This emphasis is necessary, since in Unlike Italian documents, Hungarian Hungarian public discourse a narrative personal documents, including downplaying the significance and the birth certificates and high school gravity of the numerus clausus law is degrees, indicated the individual’s still held, and backed up by cotemporary political efforts to construct a positive 22 László Farádi, Diagnózis az életem- ről [A Diagnosis of My Life] (Budapest: image of the Horthy-regime. This current Gondolat, 1983). narrative of the numerus clausus states 23 Karády 1992 (see note 3). 64

that in the amended version of the law Number of Number of Hungarian Hungarian Academic (1928: XIV.) the Jewish quota of the students students in year original law (1920: XXV) was abolished. abroad (first Italy (first semester) semester) “Down by Law. The numerus clausus in 1928-1929 1882 213 Hungary, 1920–1945” by Mária Kovács 1929-1930 1773 215 combats this interpretation.24 The author 1930-1931 1887 287 argues that the alleged abolition in 1928 Although we must not take the was only a phony amendment which number of émigré students simply as the led to a slight increase in the number of number of numerus clausus exiles, it is accepted Jewish students at Hungarian certain that Jews had the most reasons universities. to enroll in foreign universities. By the The statistics of Hungarians late 1920s there were more than enough studying in higher education abroad places for students in Hungarian higher also reveal that student migration did education. Thanks to the educational not decrease significantly after 1928, politics of Minister Kunó Klebelsberg, only oscillated around the same number the Hungarian state invested heavily of migrant students. Since the new in the development of education regulation based on the amended law and scholarship.26 On the one hand came into force in October 1929, it is Klebelsberg argued that Hungary must worth comparing the data on émigré demonstrate its cultural superiority students for the academic year 1928-29 over the neighboring countries in with subsequent academic years. order to convince the great powers that Table 2: Hungarian émigré students the Treaty of Trianon – expanding the before and after the amendment of neighboring countries at the expense the numerus clausus25 of Hungary – was a mistake and should be revised. On the other hand, the same

24 M. Kovács (see note 15) Treaty of Trianon restricted the military 25 Data for the years concerned in the investments of Hungary, providing an Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks: ”A opportunity to channel more spending magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi into the sphere of education and the főiskolákon 1926/27-től 1928/29-ig [Hungarian citizens studying in higher ed- financing of culture. ucation abroad from 1926/27 to 1928/29]”, It was especially true for Italian in Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek [Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks] 37 universities, that unless one had a reason (1929), p. 272.; “A magyar honosságú hall- to study there, because of studying in a gatók a külföldi főiskolákon 1928/29- től 1930/31-ig. [Hungarian citizens studying in higher education abroad Évkönyvek [Hungarian Statistical from 1928/29 to 1930/31.]” in Magyar Yearbooks] 40 (1932), p. 293. StatisztikaiÉvkönyvek [Hungarian 26 It is worth keeping in mind that the only Statistical Yearbooks] 39 (1931), p. Hungarian Noble-laureate who brought 285. “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a off the research – for which being külföldi főiskolákon 1929/30-tól 1931/32- awarded – in Hungary and not abroad, is ig [Hungarian citizens studying in Albert Szentgyörgyi, who fulfilled his ex- higher education abroad from 1929/30 periments in the 1930s and received the to 1930/31.]”, in Magyar Statisztikai Nobel Prize in medicine in 1937. AGNES KELEMEN 65

specific field (such as marine biology not known how many of them were or art history), for the sake of the most Hungarians, since the statistics of general liberal professions (medicine, the Hungarian Statistical Office about law, engineering) it was not worth Hungarians studying abroad does not emigrating there, if one could easily specify data regarding Italy before the enroll in a Hungarian university. academic year 1925-26. Nevertheless, This was the case, simply because the 1923 was clearly seen as the beginning difficulties taken up by enrolling in an of the influx of the numerus clausus Italian university, thus studying in a refugees in Italy. An article titled “Thanks foreign language and earning a living in a to Mussolini” in Egyenlőség in December foreign country were not proportional to 1923 reported that the Mussolini the advantages of an Italian degree. Due government’s minister, Giovanni to history, Hungarian higher education Gentile, instructed Italian universities was close to the German university to waive the tuition and exam fees for system, therefore a German degree “Hungarian Jewish students”.30 Lajos made integration in the Hungarian Szabolcsi when presenting the activity labor market easier, it was more of the Central Student Aid Committee positively evaluated internationally as to the Office of Israelites of Hungary in well, than an Italian degree. Therefore 1929, interpreted the law again as if it non-Jewish students and scholars had been relevant only for Hungarian granted Hungary’s famous Klebelsberg- Jews.31 This interpretation was slightly grant usually did not graduate in Italy, misleading, because the law was about but went for shorter research trips and foreigners in general, not specifically specific courses.27 about Hungarians, and probably Yet during the interwar period Italy Mussolini and Gentile did not intend to became the third most often chosen invite only Jews. At the same time, the country by Hungarian migrant students enthusiasm of Lajos Szabolcsi, the most after Austria and Germany.28 Before enthusiastic protector of the numerus 1923 only few Hungarians enrolled in clausus refugees, is understandable. Italian universities. In 1923 Mussolini’s Furthermore, 1923 saw the government decided to offer free tuition comprehensive reform of the Italian for qualified foreigners to study in Italian educational system introduced by the higher education for two years, which Minister of Public Education, Giovanni attracted two to three hundred foreign Gentile, (well-known as a philosopher). students. According to the Florentine After this reform the international Jewish community’s observation the prestige of Italian higher education and majority of them were Jewish.29 It is the internationalization of the student body were major concerns of the leaders 27 Szlavikovszki (see note 5) pp. 138-139. 28 Ibid. p. 132. 30 “Köszönet Mussolininek [Thanks to 29 Michael A. Ledeen, “The Evolution of Mussolini]”, in Egyenlőség, 42. 48. (1923), Italian Fascist Antisemitism”, in Jewish p. 2. Social Studies, 37.1 (1975), pp. 3-17 (p. 5). 31 Szabolcsi 1929 (see note 15). 66

of the educational system. Both of these Jewish generation for life, work and aims served a further aim of Italian culture.”33 politics, namely the expansion of Italian The Committee and Szabolcsi’s culture and influence beyond its borders. Jewish weekly, Egyenlőség, played an In order to attract foreign students, essential role indeed in the support of numerous universities discounted the the numerus clausus refugees and in tuition fees for foreigners, and in 1926 informing Hungarian Jewish public halved tuition fees for foreign students opinion about the possibilities of were introduced on the national level, peregrination. Egyenlőség published while the application procedure was letters of students from Italy as well, simplified as well.32 reporting on the difficulties of finding For Jews who left Hungary due employment there and financial support to the numerus clausus, the lack of from the Italian Jewish communities on antisemitism might have been just as the one hand, and on the other hand important a factor in choosing Italy as on a generous philanthropist, Elena the relatively low costs. Jaffe, who supported the students with Hungarian Jews could follow the money, accommodation and helped developments of Italian policy through them in finding employment.34 their denominational press, mainly As we learn from Egyenlőség and by reading the weekly “Egyenlőség”. from the “Almanach of Hungarian Jewry”, Since Hungarian Jewry reacted to the Elena Jaffe was a Hungarian lady living numerus clausus immediately with in Padua with her Italian husband and a wave of student emigration, the was most active in the intervention Central Committee for Student Aid was on behalf of her compatriots.35 This established. The Committee’s activity Almanach, written with the purpose was not restricted to fundraising, but of convincing public opinion that the included the collection of information numerus clausus should be abolished, from students already studying abroad detailed other difficulties as well which and correspondence with prospective the numerus clausus refugees had to students requiring information. The face, such as the lack of student canteens editor in chief of Egyenlőség, Lajos in Milan, Florence, Padua and Rome. Szabolcsi, was one of the founders of the However, the most highlighted aspect Committee, an enthusiastic organizer of studying in Italy was the courtesy of Hungarian Jewish peregrination. He remarked in his memoir written in 33 Szabolcsi 1993 (see note 13), p. 328. 1940-42: “we saved a whole Hungarian 34 ”Mibe kerül egy magyar zsidó diák megél- hetése a külföldi egyetemi városokban 32 Francesca Pelini and Ilaria Pavan, La [How much does it cost to live in a univer- doppia epurazione: l’Università di Pisa e sity town abroad for a Hungarian Jewish le leggi razziali tra guerra e dopoguerra student]”, Egyenlőség 44.31 (1925), p. 8; [The Double Purge. The University of Pisa ”Elena Jaffe, olasz bujdosók megmentője and the Racial Laws between War and [Elena Jaffe, savior of the exiles in Italy]”, Post-War Period] (Bologna: Il Mulino, in Egyenlőség 42.48 (1923), pp. 2–3. 2009) p. 43. 35 Bethlen (see note 18), p. 145. AGNES KELEMEN 67

and kindness of Italians, manifested academic year 1932-1933.38 Thus, more even in professors letting students take than one quarter (seventy-five) left exams in German.36 Since this book was Germany exactly around January 1933, published three times between 1925 when Hitler became chancellor. In Italy, and 1940, there was probably a demand however, there were no more students for it among Jews considering studying in the second than in the first semester abroad who read it as a source of useful (two hundred and forty-two). Although information. in the next academic year we see further The amendment of the numerus decrease in the number of Hungarians clausus in 1928 did not significantly in Germany (ninety-eight) and increase influence the number of émigré in Italy (two hundred and eighty-nine),39 Hungarian students either generally or we cannot identify who chose Italy in specifically in Italy and as argued above, 1933-1934 over Germany to continue this does not mean that the majority studies and who preferred France, was not Jewish. One would expect that Switzerland or Belgium and who were the economic crisis of 1929-1933 made those who returned to Hungary, until the economic situation of Hungarian the full prosopography of the numerus families so difficult that it could have clausus exiles in all the target countries led to the decrease in the number of concerned is prepared. émigré students. However, this effect Later in the 1930s Hungarian is demonstrated only after 1932. The students’ presence in Italy somewhat academic year of 1931-32 actually decreased due to a new law of 1935 which saw the peak of Hungarian students’ made it difficult for foreign citizens to presence in Italy with two hundred and work in Italy as doctors, veterinarians ninety-seven individuals enrolled.37 or pharmacists.40 By the mid 30s Italian An intuitive hypothesis is that 38 “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi after 1933 numerous Hungarian főiskolákon 1930/31-től 1932/33-ig Jewish students left Germany for [Hungarian citizens enrolled in higher education abroad from 1930/31 to 1932/33]”, Italy due to the Nazi seizure of power. in Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek Quantitative data show that the number [Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks] 41 of Hungarian students in Germany (1933), p. 318. 39 ”A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi decreased from one hundred and főiskolákon 1931/32-től 1933/34-ig ninety-five to one hundred and twenty- [Hungarian citizens enrolled in higher ed- four between the two semesters of the ucation abroad from 1932/32 to 1933/34]”, in Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek [Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks] 42 (1934), p. 321. 36 Ibid. 40 This law (Royal Decree Law No. 184/1935 of 37 “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a March 5, 1935) prescribed membership in külföldi főiskolákon 1929/30-tól 1931/32- the respective professional associations ig [Hungarian citizens studying in for the practice of these professions, higher education abroad from 1929/30 and membership in these organizations to 1930/31]”, in Magyar Statisztikai was normally granted only to Italian cit- Évkönyvek [Hungarian Statistical izens. Elisa Signori, “Una peregrinatio Yearbooks] 40 (1932), p. 293. academica in età contemporanea: gli 68

professional associations demanded Bologna took on the primacy from that the internationalization of the Padua.42 Studying the reports of universities should not lead to the Egyenlőség which had a major role in permanent settling of so many foreign informing the Hungarian Jewish public competitors in the country. However, opinion, we can reconstruct the reasons the final stop to the influx of foreign for the inter-university mobility in Italy. (including Hungarian) Jewish students Egyenlőség informed its readers several occurred with the introduction of times about the comparative costs antisemitic legislation in 1938, which of maintaining a student in different meant a drastic decrease in the number university towns of different countries. of foreigners in general. While Italy was unambiguously the The introduction of the anti-Jewish cheapest country to live in among legislation in Italy was utilized as an the typical destinations (Germany, apropos by Alajos Kovács, antisemitic Austria, Switzerland, France), there Hungarian statistician, a vehement were significant differences in the supporter of the numerus clausus, to living standards of Italian cities. Thus, publish his overview of the “results” of although travelling between Hungary the numerus clausus. In his introduction and Northern Italy was cheaper than to his article we can read that: between Southern Italy and Hungary, this could be counterbalanced by The decision of the Italian government the generally lower living standard to ban foreign Jews from universities of Southern cities. Therefore some will hardly hit Hungarian Jewry as students decided to leave the North for well, since it often sent its sons to Naples, Palermo or Catania. Italian universities after the numerus The dynamics of peregrination clausus law.41 within Italy were not shaped only by the most obvious factors. It was discovered An interesting dynamics of soon that the disproportionate influx to Hungarian peregrination can be Padua might lead to backlashes, since observed within Italy as well. While in by 1925 the University of Padua got the 1920s the University of Padua was into a very difficult financial situation the most frequented Italian university, due to the presence of hundreds of later on the numerus clausus exiles foreign students studying for free or discovered more and more universities for a reduced tuition fee. Therefore as the years passed. In the 1930s Professor Guido Mazzoni on behalf of the Italian Committee for the Foreign studenti ebrei stranieri nelle università Jewish Students asked Hungarian Jewish italiane tra le due guerre [An Academic Peregrination in Contemporary Age: The youth via Egyenlőség to make sure that Foreign Jewish Students at the Italian not all of them would be concentrated Universities between the Two Wars]”, in Annali di storia delle università italiane 4 (2000), pp. 139-162 (pp. 157–158). 41 A. Kovács (see note 16), p. 897. 42 Szlavikovszki (see note 5), p. 134. AGNES KELEMEN 69

in one university.43 Maybe to further Hungarian clerks too during the 1920s emphasize the importance of this and 1930s. An interesting report written message, in the same issue of Egyenlőség in 1928 by István Pőzel, Hungarian an article by András Fenyves, a medical consul in Milan, to the Ministry of student in Catania, was published. Foreign Affairs, pointed out that the Fenyves detailed the beauty of living vast majority of Hungarian students in and studying in Sicily, mentioning that Northern Italy47 were not those who were he had left Padua for Sicily with four meant to benefit from Hungarian-Italian friends because Padua had become too friendship. I present this report in detail crowded.44 for its valuable prosopographical data In 1923-1924 seven Hungarian which provided a detailed cross-section Jewish students were enrolled in Padua of one academic year of the history of according to a report, and then numerus Hungarian peregrination to fascist Italy. clausus exiles leaving Germany arrived Pőzel introduced his report by in groups of twenty and thirty persons. noting that previously to the Great War Regarding the number of foreign only a few Hungarians went to study students in general, it reached more in Italy, however, after the “collapse than five hundred by 1925.45 Therefore a and especially after the numerus Hungarian Jewish medical student, Béla clausus” the number of Hungarian Herczog, sent an article to Egyenlőség students arriving in Italy started to to inform his peers that in Padua there increase. Besides Austrian, Czech and were already too many foreign students, German universities, Northern Italian therefore the community of numerus institutions of higher learning were clausus exiles should consciously chosen by many Jewish emigrants to spread more proportionately among the pursue their studies.48 Thus, Pőzel universities of Italy, not to provoke the connected the presence of Hungarian withdrawal of the favorable regulation students in Italy to the numerus clausus of tuition fees for foreigners.46 from the outset. Later on he detailed The preponderance of Jews among the hospitality of Italian universities Hungarian migrant students in Italy towards these students. Students were was acknowledged several times by allowed to postpone exams in order to have time to improve their Italian 43 “A numerus clausus hatodik éve előtt knowledge. Most of the universities [Before the sixth year of the numerus clausus]”, in Egyenlőség 44. 34 (1925.), waived the tuition fees of those enrolled p. 2. 44 András Fenyves, “Így éltünk Szicíliában [This is how we lived in Sicily]”, in Egyenlőség 44.34 (1925), p. 12. 47 Ten out of the nineteen Italian univer- 45 Béla Herczog, “Ne menjünk Páduába! Az sities were in Northern Italy. Itáliába készülő diákokhoz. [Let’s not 48 István Pőzel, “Milánói Magyar Királyi go to Padua! To the students preparing Főkonzulátus levele [Letter of the to come to Italy]”, in Egyenlőség 44.36 Hungarian Royal Consulate of Milan]”, (1925.), p. 2. April 15, 1928, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 46 Ibid. K-60-1928. 20. I/6. item: Italy, MNL. 70

in 1924-25 and halved the tuition fees politics which required the intervention for those enrolling later. of the consulate, later on the student Pőzel still in the same letter colonies behaved loyally. The Padua- commented on the data he attached to based “Circle of Hungarian Students” it. The majority of Hungarian students even received a special commendation at Northern Italian universities enrolled from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for in medical faculties and the vast its patriotic attitude. From the earlier majority was Jewish, although in some quoted report by Lajos Szabolcsi about cases it was not possible to ascertain the the Student Aid Committee’s activity we religion of the individual. Pőzel did not can reconstruct that this commendation identify the sources of his information, was expressed by Foreign Minister but presumably he asked for the data on Lajos Walkó on behalf of the Hungarian Hungarians from the universities, since government in the summer of 1926.50 he uses the type of data administered In terms of data, Pőzel provided when enrolling students. Additionally, to this letter a table displaying the he mentioned interesting details on the number of Hungarian students enrolled financial circumstances of the students. in Italian universities in the academic Most of them had financial difficulties, year 1927-28, faculty by faculty and the were provided only with meager support list of Hungarians at each university from their families and from Jewish adding all the available data on the organizations. Therefore they were students’ address, parents’ names, eager to find part-time employment place of birth, faculty of enrollment while studying. How difficult it was, we and religion. He listed two hundred know from the reports of Egyenlőség. and three Hungarians, out of which The most striking remark made by forty-four were indicated as “Israelites”, Pőzel is that the behavior of these mostly thus he could not support with his Jewish Hungarian students was decent prosopography the statement that the in terms of “loyalty to the nation”. majority was Jewish. The reason was Although in the immediate aftermath that not all the universities provided of the numerus clausus and the franc him with data on the students’ religion. counterfeit scandal of 192549 some of the Interestingly, even different faculties students in Milan and Turin expressed of the same universities had different certain opinions about Hungarian polices in this respect: for instance, at the Royal University of Milan the medical faculty provided this data for 49 In 1925 two Hungarian citizens were arrested in the Netherlands for having Pőzel, while the faculty of engineering manufactured false French francs to the did not. The universities of Padua value of ten million francs, partly in order to take revenge on France as a cre- and Bologna, accounting for the ator of the Treaty of Trianon and partly majority (one hundred and eighteen) for the purposes of irredentist organiza- of Hungarian students (eighty and tions. As the investigations revealed, the false bank notes were produced in the Hungarian State Cartographical Office. 50 Szabolcsi 1929 (see note 15). AGNES KELEMEN 71

thirty-eight respectively) did not record a lower number than the former. religion, nor did the universities of However, the difference can probably Pisa, Florence and Genoa, whereas be explained with the official statistics the universities of Modena, Turin, counting Hungarians enrolled in and Pavia did. Nevertheless, Pőzel Southern Italian universities, such as the reasonably assumed a preponderance “Stazione Zoologica” of Naples – with of Jews among Hungarian students, which the Hungarian State maintained since the lists of those universities official partnership from as early as which indicated religion, were virtually 1883 sending Hungarian students with fully “Jewish lists”, with maximum one stipends – and theology students of the exception.51 Lateran and the Gregorian Universities. The official statistics of Hungarians Obviously, the two latter institutions enrolled in Italian higher education attracted Catholic Hungarians and provided for the same academic year not the exiles of the numerus clausus. in the Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks Additionally, the University of Rome (Magyar Satisztikai Évkönyvek) is was also an important institution not different, there are two hundred and included in Pőzel’s report because it was thirty-one students indicated.52 It is not in Northern Italy. Consequently, he necessary to note first of all, that Pőzel’s neglected the twenty-five Hungarian list was about Hungarians in terms students of Rome’s state university as of nationality, including Romanian, well.53 Czechoslovak and Yugoslavian Turning to the prosopographical citizens who came from the territories data provided by Pőzel’s letter, it annexed to these countries in 1920. introduces four individuals whose life The Hungarian Central Statistical was followed in detail in my thesis Office (Központi Statisztikai Hivatal), (among the lives of other individuals): the publisher of Hungarian Statistical Gyula Fogel, György Ney, György Yearbooks, collected data on Hungarian Sándor, and Imre Lukács, on the basis citizens. For this reason one would of the documents found in the archives expect the latter statistics to indicate of the University of Bologna and in the Central State Archives of Rome.

51 At the medical faculty in Milan five out of Gyula Fogel and György Ney studied six Hungarians were Jewish, at the med- engineering in Milan, both of them ical faculty in Modena all the fourteen lived in Italy as engineers even during Hungarians, in Turin twenty-three out of twenty-four Hungarians, and also in the Second World War. György Sándor Pavia the only one Hungarian happened was studying medicine in Bologna at to be Jewish. this time. Later he became a dentist in 52 “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi főiskolákon 1925/26-tól 1927/28-ig the same city. He was exempted from [Hungarian citizens enrolled in higher ed- the Italian anti-Jewish laws in 1939 and ucation abroad from 1925/26 to 1927/28]”, we find him in Bologna even in 1944 as in Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek [Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks] 36 (1928), p. 278. 53 Ibid. 72

a dentist living with his Italian family. sudden “Voltefaccia” (“turnabout”) of Imre Lukács was studying in Padua in the fascist system in 1938 was not solely 1927-1928, where he was the founder the consequence of German influence of a student group of “Foreigners who but of an internal development as well. support fascism”. Later he converted Historians holding that the racist to Catholicism and married into a and antisemitic turn of the Italian respected fascist family. In 1938 both his fascist regime was only due to the wife and his father-in-law intervened on German influence speak about a his behalf to prevent his expulsion from process of “de-fascistization of fascism” Italy as a foreign Jew. (defascistizzazione del fascismo) as 54 THE termed by Emilio Gentile. According to this line of argumentation, Italian CONTROVERSIAL fascism lost its essence as it turned ATTITUDE(S) OF ITALIAN antisemitic under Nazi pressure, and FASCISM TO FOREIGN the regime that persecuted Jews in Italy JEWISH STUDENTS was a regime different from the original Italian fascism did not possess one fascist system. While this narrative comprehensive Jewish policy, but appears to be rather apologetic and practiced every possible policy towards handy for those downplaying the crimes Jews throughout its history ranging from of fascism, it can be supported with a neutrality through benevolence and few reasonable arguments. favoring Zionism to antisemitism. Such First of all, the amicable relationship controversial policies were occasionally of Italian Jewish communities with the even implemented simultaneously, regime, referred to as their “honeymoon until the antisemitic turn of 1938. period” by Meir Michaelis,55 lasted for The kinship of Italian fascism and quite a long time, the first fourteen years German Nazism and the involvement of of the regime (1922-1936). While the fascist Italy in the Second World War as integration of Italian Jewry continued an ally of the Nazi Third Reich compels 54 Emilio Gentile, Fascismo: storia e in- scholars to pose the question whether terpretazione [Fascism: History and Italian fascism was predetermined to Interpretation] (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2002). turn antisemitic or whether this was 55 Meir Michaelis, “The Current Debate a contingent development linked to over Fascist Racial Policy”, in Fascist the community of interests with Nazi Antisemitism and the Italian Jews, ed. Germany. I argue that antisemitism by Sergio Della Pergola and Robert Wistrich (Jerusalem: Vidal Sassoon was not a sine qua non of Italian fascism International Center for the Study (whereas it was a sine qua non of the of Antisemitism, Avraham Harman Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew Horthy-regime which ruled Hungary University of Jerusalem, 1995), pp.49- between 1920 and 1944), however the 96 (p. 50); Meir Michaelis, Mussolini and fascist doctrine and the regime was the Jews: German-Italian Relations and the Jewish Question in Italy, 1922-1945 compatible with antisemitism. The (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 48. AGNES KELEMEN 73

during fascism, at the same time patronage and with the financial support this period saw the revival of Jewish of the Italian government.58 Later on, consciousness56 when compared to the between 1934 and 1938 the Italian pre-WWI liberal age in which the Jewish government financed the training of public opinion raised the identification German, Czechoslovak, Polish and with Italy (“italianità”) to the level of Lithuanian Revisionist Zionists in the a religious duty.57 Such a renaissance nautical school of Civitavecchia.59 With of Judaism was an effect of the heated this support Italy provided the future nationalism of the social environment, Jewish state with professional sailors and the founding of Jewish schools and in exchange provided itself with (provoked by the increase of Catholic potential diffusers of Italian culture in influence on public schools). At the the Middle East. same time the Jewish renaissance was It is important to note that the encouraged by Mussolini’s publicly strengthening of Italian nationalism as expressed sympathy for Zionism as an aim of the fascist leadership, did not well. Mussolini favored Zionism for its necessarily lead to a strengthening of anti-British function. After concluding antisemitism, since Italian nationalism by the 1930s that the general Zionists did not fulfill this, he shifted his support 58 Simonetta Della Seta “Italian Zionism Confronts Fascism and the Racial Laws”, to the Revisionist Zionists who fought in Fascist antisemitism and the Italian against the British Mandate. Jews, ed. by Sergio Della Pergola and Robert S. Wistrich (Jerusalem: Vidal Mussolini not only counted on Sassoon International Center for the Zionism as a weapon against British Study of Antisemitism, Avraham Harman colonialism, but counted on Italian Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1995., pp. 37-48 Zionists in particular to expand Italian (p. 40). influence in the Mediterranean through 59 “Correspondence of the Association building partnerships with the Jewish of Italian Revisionist Zionists with the President of the Nautical Schools‘ communities. Both the Rabbinical Council, and correspondence of the latter Academy of Rhodes established in 1926 with the Department of Public Security in the Ministry of Interior”, 1934, Ministero and the Federation of Sephardic Jews dell’ Interno, Direzione Pubblica founded in 1929 functioned under the Sicurezza, A16 Ebrei Stranieri [Foreign Jews], 70th item, Archivio Centrale dello Stato di Roma [Central State Archives of 56 Ledeen (see note 29) p. 5; Cristina Rome] –Henceforth abbreviated as ACS; Bettin, Italian Jews from Emancipation Della Seta (see note 58), p. 44. A famous to the Racial Laws (New York: Palgrave graduate of Civitavecchia was Zvi Kolitz, Macmillan, 2010). author of Mussolini’s Hebrew biography 57 Robert S. Wistrich, “Fascism and the Jews Mussolini ishiuto vetorato [Mussolini, his of Italy”, in Fascist antisemitism and the personality and his teaching] published Italian Jews, ed. by Sergio Della Pergola in Tel Aviv in 1936, author of the influen- and Robert S. Wistrich (Jerusalem: Vidal tial religious Yiddish text Jossl Rackowers Sassoon International Center for the Wendung tsu G-ot [Yosl Rakover Talks to Study of Antisemitism, Avraham Harman God] (Buenos Aires, 1946) and co-pro- Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew ducer and co-writer of the first Israeli University of Jerusalem, 1995), pp. 13-18 full-length feature film Hill 24 Doesn’t (p. 13). Answer (1954). 74

was anticlerical from the outset, the anticlericalism, which was the key to unification of Italy was a result of a long Jewish integration in Italy. struggle against the Catholic Church The rise of Nazism did not (among others). Therefore Italian immediately change Italian fascism, since nationalists did not take on Catholic cooperation between Italy and Hitler’s anti-Judaism and did not secularize Germany was rather cumbersome. After it as occurred in the case of numerous the NSDAP’s (Nationalsozialistische European nationalisms. In fact it was Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) noticeable anticlericalism rather than antisemitism success in September 1930,61 Mussolini that provided a functional equivalent in and leading Italian publicists expressed fin-de-siècle Italy for middle and lower sympathy for the Nazi party, still middle class discontent.60 disassociating themselves from Nazi The Lateran Concordat of 1929, racism. For Mussolini, it was a “Nordic however, broke the anticlerical heresy” of true fascism and he dismissed tradition of the nation-state. With its it two years later as “nonsense” establishment instead of anticlericalism, (“stupidaggine”) in Emil Ludwig’s Catholicism became a marker of Italian volume of interviews, “Conversations identity. At the same time also the Jewish with Mussolini”.62 communities succeeded in demanding Historians insisting on the a similar arrangement for themselves, independence of Italian fascism and manifested in the Rocco Laws of 1930-31 antisemitism emphasize the significance which established the Union of Italian of the groundbreaking events of the Jewish Communities. Jews were obliged international history of fascism which to belong to the territorially competent made Italy part of the same community community and to contribute with of interest as Germany. In such a annual dues (those who refused to do so narrative the involvement in the Spanish had to compile a file to officially break up Civil War on Franco’s side in July 1936, with Judaism). This regulation obviously the establishment of the Berlin-Rome violated religious freedom and made Axis in October of the same year and it subsequently easy to identify Jews in the Anschluss in March 1938 can be the period of persecution. Nevertheless explained as a chain of events ever in 1930-31 this meant an achievement increasing Nazi influence on Italy which for the communities’ leadership, and explains the antisemitic turn. In this scholars arguing for the independence framework the antisemitic legislation is of Italian fascism and antisemitism interpreted as a sign given by Mussolini justifiably point to the fact that the Jewish 61 The NSDAP won one hundred and seven denominational leadership benefited seats in the Reichstag out of five hun- from fascism. At the same time, scholars dred and seventy-seven in the elections. on the other side of the debate justifiably 62 Michaelis (see note 55) p. 52; Benito point out that the regime abandoned Mussolini and Emil Ludwig, Colloqui con Mussolini [Conversations with Mussolini] (Milano: Mondadori, 2000), (Originally 60 Wistrich (see note 57), p. 14. published in 1932). AGNES KELEMEN 75

to Hitler to indicate his willingness While Wistrich’s statement that to put aside rivalries after having Germanophobia was a more authentic acknowledged his failure to prevent sentiment in Mussolini than antisemitism Germany’s expansion in Central Europe is convincing,66 the very basis of his pro- and readiness to stabilize the Berlin- Zionist choices was his belief in the power Rome Axis. What is overlooked in this of the international Jewish community explanatory framework is Italy’s major which was easily transformed in a belief enterprise in those years: the building in an “international Jewish conspiracy”, of a colonial empire in Ethiopia. the most common basis of modern The publication of “History of the antisemitism. Italian Jews under Fascism” by Renzo Mussolini was driven to become De Felice63 in 1961 introduced a new politically pro-German in 1936 due to stream in historiography, antithetical the isolation and economic sanctions to the narrative of the Nazification Italy suffered in the international of fascism. De Felice interpreted the arena after its aggression against history of Italian fascism as a prelude Ethiopia. While we can state that such to the Italian Holocaust, and the rapprochement increased German antisemitic legislation of 1938 as a influence on his regime, we have to logical development of Mussolini’s admit that the aggression against dictatorship. The fiftieth anniversary Ethiopia was an Italian initiative. The in 1988 of the antisemitic legislation’s building of an empire by conquest both implementation re-activated the debate as the renovation of the ancient Roman over the connection of fascism and Empire and as a “compensation” for Italy antisemitism.64 Michele Sarfatti in his for its “vittoria mutilata” (“mutilated book, “The Jews in Mussolini’s Italy”, also victory”) in the First World War, argued for an autonomous genesis of belonged to the core of fascist ideology. Mussolini’s antisemitism challenging The attack was justified in Italian media his image as a benevolent leader misled with racist propaganda, as a war against by Hitler.65 an allegedly inferior people. Mussolini’s main characteristic It is essential that the antisemitic was indeed his inner ambiguity and laws of 1938 were not the first pieces deliberate duplicity in his declarations. of racist legislation during fascism, but were preceded by the law of 19th April 63 Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo [History of the Italian 1937 prohibiting marriages between Jews under Fascism] (Torino: Einaudi, Italians and Ethiopians.67 While 1961). 64 Enzo Collotti, Il Fascismo e gli Ebrei: le 66 Wistrich (see note 57), pp. 16-17. leggi razziali in Italia [Fascism and the 67 R.D.L. 19 aprile 1937, n. 880 sulle sanzi- Jews: The Racial Laws in Italy], 3. ed. oni per I rapport d’indole coniugale tra (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2008), p. 3. cittadini e sudditi [Royal decree-law 65 Michele Sarfatti, The Jews in Mussolini’s of 19th April 1937, n. 880 On the repri- Italy: From Equality to Persecution sals for conjugal relationships between (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, citizens and subjects], Access: April 2006). 22, 2014. ,http://archivio.camera.it/ 76

racism should not be confounded with consistently throughout his life. This is antisemitism, this law indicates that why he helped Italian Jews in organizing raising “racial consciousness” among Jewish institutions in the Mediterranean Italians became a major concern for and helped Zionists in reviving Jewish the regime and that the definition of life in Palestine. He thought it would membership in the “Italian race” was promote the interests of Italy. However, the competence of those in power. he turned against Jews and Zionism Therefore the identification of Jews as once and for all in 1936 for the same racial outsiders or insiders was only belief. This new development helped him a matter of the decision of the Fascist to overcome his aversion to Hitler. Still, Grand Council. How distant anti-Black for another two years no antisemitic racism seemed from antisemitism in the discrimination was introduced in eyes of contemporaries is demonstrated Italy. Why was antisemitic legislation by the lack of Jewish opposition to anti- introduced after the Anschluss and Black racism. not right after the Berlin-Rome Axis’ Indeed, the Italian-Ethiopian establishment in 1936? War is crucial in the evolution of The international isolation of Italy fascist antisemitism not so much for following the sanctions of the League the cultivation of racism as for its of Nations due to its aggression against consequences that led to Mussolini’s Ethiopia, the engagement in the disappointment with Zionists. Mussolini Spanish Civil War on Franco’s side (July sent the two most authoritative 1936) and the following establishment spokesmen of Italian Zionism, Angelo of the Rome-Berlin Axis (October 1936) Orvieto and Dante Lattes, to London, created the fundament of the Fascist- Paris and Geneva to convince Zionist Nazi community of destiny. It could leaders, the British government and the not turn into a community of interest League to end the economic blockade immediately, due to the Italian-German against Italy (part of the sanctions for conflict over Central Europe. It was Italy’s aggression against Ethiopia). against Italy’s interest to have a Great Instead of concluding that Zionists had Germany unified with Austria on its little influence in international politics, border. In the issue of Austria, Italy did Mussolini came to believe from the failure not support the revision of the Versailles of Orvieto and Lattes that world Jewry Peace Treaty system. Nevertheless, the had betrayed him.68 Such a conviction Anschluss became a fait accompli in demonstrates that Mussolini believed in March 1938. It was time for Mussolini the power (thus, also in the existence) of to accept his failure in preventing the the international alliance of world Jewry. establishment of an enlarged German This was one of the beliefs he professed Empire. Soon the Fascist Grand Council of Italy decided to put aside rivalries and patrimonio/archivio_della_camera_re- gia_1848_1943/are01o/documento/ prove that Italy was ready to cooperate CD0000007126. with the Third Reich as an ally. 68 Ledeen (see note 29) p. 13. AGNES KELEMEN 77

The Italian antisemitic legislation Italian racism was characterized of 1938 is interpreted as a sign given to in the mid-30s by a heated debate Hitler for Mussolini’s decision to deepen between different schools. The so the alliance. However, I argue that it is called “spiritual racism” represented by necessary to add that the Fascist Grand Julis Evola won the regime’s support. Council’s decision to use antisemitism Evola’s theory claimed that fascism for this function was conceivable because regenerated the Arian-Roman race the Duce had turned against the Jews which had the mission of realizing the in 1936. At the same time antisemitism totalitarian revolution. However, race fulfilled another essential function for was not only a corporal characteristic, fascism, namely the development of but race was manifested in the spirit as totalitarianism. Francesco Germinario well. Therefore not all Italians belonged analyzes in detail the spiral that forced to the Arian-Roman race, only those Mussolini to shape his dictatorship possessing the militant spirituality of as antisemitic, because totalitarian fascism.70 Jews were excluded by virtue regimes need to secure society’s support of their “Jewish spirit”. Yet “spiritual with a vision of fighting an enemy, and racism” maintained the possibility of constant mobilization can be achieved not regarding fascist Jews Jewish for the only if identifying internal enemies.69 purposes of antisemitic legislation, thus Fascism from the outset evaluated the institution of “exemptions”. war and confrontation very positively, In sum, fascism had the potential but an enemy was needed to revitalize to turn antisemitic because of being a fascist militancy. Jews were just perfect dictatorship with aspirations of building scapegoats to be used for this purpose up totalitarianism and homogenizing after the end of the war against Ethiopia, people. The same prejudice, the belief in as the only somewhat “Significant the existence of an international Jewish Other” (not numerically though, only lobby, provided the basis of philosemitic due to visibility in the intelligentsia and and pro-Zionist fascist policies in the in the elite). Germinario recognizes the “honeymoon period” of fascism and function of antisemitism as an amalgam Jewry, but also provided the basis for of the German-Italian alliance as well, fascist antisemitism. and in this sense accepts the notion of While the problem of relations “Nazification of fascism”. Nevertheless between fascism and antisemitism and he analyzes in detail the differences the suddenness or not suddenness of which Italian racism kept in relation to introducing antisemitic legislation Nazi race theory. in 1938 has a voluminous scholarly literature, fascist hospitality towards foreign Jews has so far remained 69 Francesco Germinario, Fascismo e an- somewhat marginalized. The most tisemitismo: progetto razziale e ideolo- comprehensive work on Italian Jewish gia totalitaria [Fascism and Antisemitism: Racial Project and Totalitarian Iideology] (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2009), pp. 58–65. 70 Ibid., 99–110. 78

history during fascism by Renzo De fascist ambiguity towards Jews. From Felice refers to the presence of foreign an Italian Jewish perspective, it was a Jews, but it is essentially a history of calamity, since it brought to an end of Italian Jews.71 Michele Sarfatti’s work, secularism in public primary education. although its title suggests that it is a Gentile’s reform confirmed the return of history of Jews in Italy and not a history Catholic influence in schools which had of Italian Jews, does not engage in already begun in 1921-22. Mussolini narrating the story of those Jews who declared as early as 1921 that Catholicism chose fascist Italy over their home could be used for national expansion and countries.72 Sarfatti argues convincingly Dario Lupi, Undersecretary of Public that fascism violated religious equality Instruction, restored the crucifixes in from the outset and that the antisemitic classrooms in November 1922.75 Gentile wing of the fascist party was never went further in 1923 and introduced suppressed by Mussolini. However, obligatory religious education in in his analysis the presence of foreign schools, which exposed Jewish children Jews who benefited from fascist to a strong Catholic proselytizing.76 At neutrality and even from benevolence the same time, on the level of higher between 1923 and 1938 is not taken education, Gentile’s innovations did into consideration. Apart from works not only not harm Jews, but on the specifically engaged in the history of contrary, provided foreign Jewish universities, foreign Jewish students youth (just like non-Jewish foreigners) are treated as characters of the Jewish with favorable circumstances to history of fascist Italy only in Cristina study at Italian universities. This was Bettin’s book on Jewish integration in especially important for East Central Italy73 and in Onofri’s local history on European Jews, since in the very Bologna.74 same years Hungary implemented The most significant achievement the antisemitic numerus clausus law; of fascist Italy in the field of education, Polish and Romanian academic sphere the Gentile reform, excellently reflects were characterized by a widespread obsession with a presumed necessity 71 De Felice (see note 63) and the book’s later editions as well. of a numerus clausus; and anti- 72 Sarfatti (see note 65). Jewish violence was on the agenda at 73 Bettin (see note 56). German and Austrian universities. It 74 Nazario Sauro Onofri, Ebrei e fascismo a is not to say that Gentile intended to Bologna [Jews and Fascism in Bologna] attract specifically Jews to Italy, but (Crespellano: Editrice Grafica Lavino, 1989). Even if not concentrating on stu- that his efforts to internationalize the dents, Klaus Voigt’s monograph on the student body of Italian universities German Jewish refugees in Italy after 1933, has to be considered a basic work met an existing demand of East Central of the topic: Klaus Voigt, Il rifugio pre- European Jews for a country where cario: gli esuli in Italia dal 1933 al 1945 [The Precarious Refuge. The Exiles in Italy from 1933 to 1945] Vols. 1-2. (Firenze: La 75 Sarfatti (see note 65), p. 44. Nuova Italia, 1996). 76 Ledeen (see note 29) p. 4. AGNES KELEMEN 79

they would be allowed to study without universities applied uniform admission facing antisemitic hostility. policies. Benito Mussolini called the The first step for the sake of attracting Gentile reform “the most fascist foreign students to fascist Italy was the reform”, demonstrating how much it full tuition waiver for two years, offered expressed the aim of fascism, namely to foreigners enrolling in an Italian the transformation of Italy into a university in 1923. As Guido Mazzoni, great power.77 Gentile – similarly the president of the Italian Committee to his Hungarian colleague, Kunó for Foreign Jewish Students, reported Klebelsberg – succeeded in convincing in 1925, due to the influx of more than his government that public education is a thousand foreigners, the number a central vehicle of increasing a state’s of Jewish students in Italy rose to an power and therefore must be a major unprecedented level.79 As mentioned concern of politics. Gentile found earlier, in Hungary the rumor that tuition that there were too many universities was for free in Italy was maintained for and students in Italy and of a too low a long time. This misunderstanding quality. Therefore he aimed to decrease by Lajos Szabolcsi found its way to the number of students and to increase Hungarian historiography on the the quality of education.78 However, numerus clausus. Nevertheless, the fact this did not lead to the exclusion of that foreign students enjoyed advantages foreigners. On the contrary, there was in Italy is true. an effort to allure qualified foreigners Fascist Italy’s hospitality towards in for the sake of expanding Italian foreign Jewish migrant students can be influence abroad. Consequently, the interpreted as something different from Gentile reform was expansionist, it neutrality with regards to ethnic and instructed universities to encourage religious background. Renzo De Felice foreigners to apply. Since the other most suggests that already the partial tuition important characteristic of the reform waiver introduced in 1926 was a gesture was authoritarianism resulting in the on the part of Mussolini intended to deprivation of universities from most win the favor of Jews for fascism.80 of their traditional autonomy, Italian Furthermore, Elisa Signori points out in her fundamental study on foreign Jewish student influx to fascist Italy “An 77 Giulio Palermo, L’ Universitá dei baroni Academic Peregrination in Contemporary [The University of Barons] (Milano: Edizioni Punto Rosso, 2011.), p. 21. Age: The Foreign Jewish Students at 78 Claudia Farkas, ‘A zsidó iskola fény- sugár.’ Irányok és zsidóellenesség a 79 “A numerus clausus hatodik éve előtt” fasiszta Olaszország oktatáspolitiká- [Before the sixth year of the numerus jában [‘The Jewish school: trail of light.’ clausus] (see note 43), p. 2. Directions and Hostility towards Jews in 80 Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani the Educational Politics of Fascist Italy] sotto il fascismo [History of the Italian “Dissertation for habilitation” (Budapest: Jews Under Fascism], Reprint of the am- OR-ZSE Hungarian Jewish Rabbinical plified edition of 1993 (Torino: Einaudi, Seminary, 2013), p. 14. 2008), p. 80. 80

the Italian Universities between the two Italian language courses for them on all World Wars”, that the new sending levels.82 Foreign students even had their countries of migrant students in the own representation within the GUF interwar period were Romania, Poland, through the national groups headed by Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Baltic trustees. states.81 Most of these countries were The GUF of Bologna nurtured the marked by academic antisemitism. The confidence of Jewish students in their preponderance of students from these future in Italy particularly for its role in countries (first of all Romania, Poland the establishment of a kosher canteen in and Hungary) among foreigners in Italy Bologna and for its standing up against is especially demonstrable for the 1930s, German antisemitism in 1935. when the Italian Ministry of Education Establishing a kosher canteen obliged the universities to include was initiated by the Zionist Student statistical tables about the students Union Techiyah (“Rebirth”), founded in their yearbooks, consequently by eighty-nine Jewish students of the the background of students became University of Bologna in 1934. It should comparable on the basis of the same be stressed, that the membership of type of data. Techiyah was constituted mainly of The Fascist Student Unions of each Polish, Romanian, and German Jewish Italian university (Gruppi Universitari students, additionally three Hungarians Fascisti, abbreviated as GUF) had an (Elek Hirschler, Imre Klein and Ernő essential role in the indoctrination Klein), and only three Italian students of the students, thus making them joined. fascists. On the other hand, it was a The Bolognese Jewish community’s narrow, albeit state-supported field attitude was ambiguous both towards for student initiatives, facilitating the this association and the idea of the organization of student life. The GUF kosher canteen. Although there was an implemented the political leadership’s enthusiastic protector of the project will to student life. The involvement inside the community, Vasco Finzi, the of the GUF in integrating the foreign community’s president, Attilio Muggia, students demonstrates how high a was against the plan.83 concern this integration was for the regime. Foreign students could enroll in 82 Simona Salustri, La nuova guardia: gli the GUF of their university from 1927. universitari bolognesi tra le due guerre (1919-1943) [“The New Guard”: The From this year on, they benefited from Bolognese Students between the two a number of advantages connected to Wars 1919-1943], (Bologna: CLUEB, 2009), pp. 122–123. GUF membership, first of all the right 83 Gian Paolo Brizzi, “Bologna, 1938. Il si- to stay in cheap dormitories (“Casa lenzio e la memoria. Le leggi razziali e gli dello studente”), to attend the student studenti ebrei stranieri dell Università canteens, and the GUF organized di Bologna [Bologna, 1938. Silence and Remembrance. The Racial Laws and the Foreign Jewish Students of the 81 Signori (see note 40). University of Bologna]”, in La cattedra AGNES KELEMEN 81

Muggia’s worries could be controlling foreigners and students. strengthened by the police’s opposition However, apparently the GUF’s support to the kosher canteen. In the end was sufficient in combating such worries Muggia informed the president of of the authorities. Techiyah, Nachum Kochanowicz, about HUNGARIAN JEWISH a positive result, however in a most reserved tone, not suggesting at all that STUDENT LIFE IN ITALY he was happy about it. The Bolognese The membership of only three authorities permitted the functioning Hungarian students in the Bolognese of the Zionist student association and Zionist student association suggests of the kosher canteen on the condition that Zionism had hardly any followers that the association would not involve among them. It is not surprising in the itself in any other activity than Jewish light of the weakness of Zionism in cultural life and that the authorities interwar Hungary. In fact, most of the would be informed about any change in accounts on the ideological outlook of the membership.84 the numerus clausus refugees in Italy At the same time it is worth noting indicate a vivid Hungarian patriotism, that the police was concerned about for which they were explicitly praised by controlling Techiyah, in the same way as the foreign minister in 1926. However, every youth initiative was controlled in we must remember that most of the this dictatorship, but did not oppose it accounts are from Egyenlőség and from for anti-Jewish hostility. It is not known the Central Student Aid Committee, thus whether the suspicion of a link between from the ideological entourage of Lajos Jews and subversion came up or not, Szabolcsi, the major protector of the or whether it was rather a concern of exiled students. He was vehemently anti- Zionist and a maintainer of the concept

negata: dal giuramento di fedeltà al fas- of “Hungarians of the Israelite faith”. cismo alle leggi razziali nell’Università Students expressing their gratitude for di Bologna [The Negated Chair. From the the Student Aid Committee and writing to Oath of Loyalty to Fascism to the Racial Laws at the University of Bologna], ed. Egyenlőség framed their thoughts in such by Domenico Mirri and Stefano Arieti a spirit. A nice example of this framing (Bologna: CLUEB, 2002), pp. 57-70 (pp. 63–64). is a memorandum by the Association of 84 “Lettera di Attilio Muggia a N. Hungarian Jewish Students Living in Italy Kohanovicz [Letter of Attilio Muggia of 1923, published in Egyenlőség, which to N. Kahanowicz]”, October 19, 1934, declared that Gruppo Universitario Sionistico Tehijà/ Mensa casher per studenti stranieri/ Corrispondenza, Archivio Storico della We are proud of being Hungarians and Comunità ebraica di Bologna [Archives of the Jewish Community of Bologna]. of being Jewish. We promise to you, Although Muggia spelled the name of that we are striving, and we will keep Kochanowicz “Kananowicz”, I opted for on striving to prove with our honest the former version in my text because it was spelled in this way in the member- thoughts that we are Hungarians, ship list of Techiyah. 82

Hungarian patriots, who want to undesirable.87 It is noteworthy that dedicate the knowledge learned at the although he was a principled leftist, Western universities, the experience he was allowed to settle in fascist Italy, and every noble characteristic and where politically suspicious people were emotion to the altar of the homeland under surveillance. and we will triumph, for the truth is At the same time, there were ours.85 supporters of fascism among the migrant students. In Padua a student However, from some individual club for the foreign supporters of fascism memoirs it becomes clear that among was established (Nucleo Universitario the migrant students there were some Studenti Stranieri Aderenti al Fascismo) committed leftists, who did not adhere by the Hungarian Jew Imre Lukács. to Szabolcsi’s Hungarian nationalism, Lukács was even accepted by the Duce at the same time they did not have a in audience in 1928.88 Concluding, the strong Jewish self-identification either political outlook of the numerus clausus and were not interested in Zionism, exiles was just as varied as that of Italian but were committed to universalist Jews. In the following, I move the focus ideologies. For instance, Simon Teich, to the question how these students lived who graduated in medicine in Turin, in Italy. had to choose Italy, as the cheapest Lili Fenyő, medical a student country for studies, since his family in Florence, in her most readable stopped financing him due to his account on the life of numerus clausus social democratic activity, deemed as refugees in Italy “Snapshots from the subversive.86 Another doctor, Aladár life of Hungarian students abroad” Hábermann, although finding a job in Hungary with his Viennese medical

degree (followed by another degree 87 This is the remark of his daughter, Anna in Rome and a state exam in Milan), Maria Hábermann, who helped the au- left Hungary for being politically thor of this article with sharing a lot of details, even details above the story of the Hábermann family to which she ded- 85 ”Büszkék vagyunk arra, hogy magyarok icated several books and a documentary vagyunk, hogy zsidók vagyunk. Ígérjük film: Hábermann 2010 (see note 7); Anna nektek, hogy mi igyekszünk és igyekezni Maria Hábermann, Tamás Kieselbach, fogunk, őszinte gondolkodásunkkal: and Ildikó Tóth, Tamás könyve [The book bebizonyítani majd, hogy mi mag- of Tamás] (Budapest: Kieselbach, 2010); yarok vagyunk, magyar hazafiak, akik Róbert Kollár and Sándor Lázs, Holtak a nyugati országokban elsajátított tu- országa [A country of the dead], docu- dományt, tapasztalatot, minden nemes mentary film, 2011. tulajdonságot és érzést a magyar haza 88 Emilio Tassi, “Lettera di Emilio Tassi al oltárára ajánljuk és szenteljük és így Capo del Governo [Letter of Emilio Tassi győzni fogunk, mert miénk az igazság”. to the Prime Minister]”, 1938. September Elena Jaffe, olasz bujdosók megmentője 15, SPD. (Special Secretary of the Duce) [Elea Jaffe, savior of the exiles in Italy] CR. (Reserved) 1922-19434. 80R. Busta (see note 34), pp. 2-3. [Envelope] 143, Fascicolo [File]: 197. 86 Teich (see note 7) and attached DVD in- Lukács Dott. Emerico, Central State terview with the author. Archives of Rome. AGNES KELEMEN 83

characterized the arrival of the students life of the exiles is characterized by in Italy in the following colorful way: a grave homesickness, deficiency of Italian knowledge initially, financial One goes to Padua, because a famous difficulties continuously and strong medical professor lectures there. The group solidarity with the compatriots. other goes to Florence, because if being It turns out as well, that after a short forced to go abroad, (s)he prefers while it becomes obvious to everyone, Florence, the city of arts. The third that virtually all the foreign students chooses Rome. Catania is the choice of are Jewish. Interestingly enough, the the fourth, because it’s cheaper there. patriotic Jewish main characters defend The fifth rolls the dice on a map. Where Hungary in conversations where Italians does it fall? (S)he will go there. After all, argue for the absurdity of antisemitic it does not matter. Nobody is expected Hungarian politics. by anyone, nobody has a destination. The fact that numerous students We can go anywhere, if there is a went to Italy without speaking or university, where it is possible to study. understanding Italian, makes the […] We are not going anywhere. We are preponderance of medical students only coming from somewhere, where we among them understandable. According are banned from studying.89 to the Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks, seventy-four percent of Hungarian After this sorrowful introduction enrollments in Italy were registered the author goes on to describe the at a medical faculty between the difficulties of finding their place in Italy academic years 1925-26 and 1937-38.90 with a sense of humor. Her account Italy was a good option first of all for mirrors the typical phenomena of those interested in a medical career. In the migratory student life narrated Hungarian gymnasia it was obligatory in numerous articles of Egyenlőségas to learn Latin for eight years. Thus, high as well. She belonged to the students school graduates had a Latin knowledge narrating in the spirit of Szabolcsi’s which helped them in their medical entourage, emphasizing both Jewish studies and in learning Italian quickly. self-consciousness and Hungarian The matter of language is one of the patriotism. few aspects of the exile in Italy in which First of all, the aspect of chain Italian-Hungarian cultural approaching migration is revealed from “Snapshots” helped the numerus clausus exiles, since which tells the story of three girls it extended the possibilities of learning who go to study medicine to Florence. Italian in Hungary. The teaching At the same time, the author’s of Italian as an elective subject was emphasized intention is reporting on introduced in numerous high schools the life Hungarian Jewish students in 1924, since the new law about high in Italy on behalf of a collective. The 90 See the volumes of Hungarian Statistical 89 Fenyő (see note 7). Yearbooks between 1926 and 1938. 84

schools (1924: XI.) obliged scientific only outline some of the characteristics gymnasia to teach a modern language, almost all of these students shared. English, French or Italian as an elective The vast majority of them enrolled subject besides the obligatory Latin and in the faculty of medicine, a few of German teaching. The years following them studied engineering or pharmacy. the Italian-Hungarian contract of They did not achieve good grades friendship in 1927 saw a further increase in their maturity exam (secondary in the availability of Italian teaching in school leaving exam) in Hungary, Hungary.91 Thus, the younger Jewish thus my initial hypothesis that Italian children could choose to study Italian in universities grasped the most talented the Hungarian educational system and foreign students, thus that the follow the pioneers of the early 1920s to application policy was meritocratic, was Italy with a higher level of preparedness not verified. Apparently, only the fact of to study in Italian. applicants’ being high school graduates The University of Bologna deserves was considered, not the grades achieved a special emphasis for its primacy in the maturity exam. Not even a proof of regarding Hungarian presence (in the a good command of Italian was required. 1930s). The archives of this university Thanks to the partial tuition waiver preserves the files of students from even children of lower middle class the fascist period, which contain every families were able to enroll, for many document related to the individuals, of the students came from families of mostly documents submitted for artisans in the Hungarian countryside. university administration, including One of the students, Júlia Fischer, even certificates of Hungarian citizenship presented a “certificate of poverty” to receive the partial tuition waiver for to the university, issued in Budapest foreigners, maturity exam certificates for the purposes of administering her and birth certificates, and usually the visa.92 At the same time, besides the student’s thesis as well. I reviewed forty- relatively low costs of living Italy was six of the approximately three hundred also characterized by a lack of part-time Hungarian student dossiers of the employment for students, therefore they interwar period, I chose such students needed to rely on their families’ support whom I found either in the report of or on the Student Aid Committee. consul Pőzel, analyzed earlier, or in the It was even more so in the case of sources referring to Hungarian Jewish women. Girls could take on teaching presence in Italy after 1938, which will private lessons. But, unlike men, they be presented later. Thus, I reviewed the could not work as porters or waiters. dossiers of such students whom I knew 92 ‚Fischer Julie. Dossier 6625‘, Facoltà di to be numerus clausus exiles. This is not medicina [Faculty of Medicine], Fascicoli a representative sample. Therefore I will degli studenti [Students’ dossiers], not draw quantitative conclusions. I will 6625., Archivio Storico dell’Università di Bologna [Archives of the University of Bologna] –Henceforth abbreviated as 91 Szlavikovszki (see note 5), pp. 111-112. ASUB. AGNES KELEMEN 85

Women were underrepresented in simply because of finally succeeding Hungarian higher education any way, in sneaking into the Jewish quota in however it is also true, that families Hungary and enrolling in a Hungarian might have been more reluctant to send university. This was the case of Imre their daughters abroad to study. For a Funk and Zsigmond Vámos.95 young girl living alone abroad could Regarding the overall nature of lead to compromising situations. Hungarian Jewish students’ sojourn in Since birth certificates included the Italy one can conclude that the influx of fathers’ occupation, it can be seen that numerus clausus refugees in Italy was a all the students reviewed by me were chain migration of young people initially the first generation in their family to not quite aware of where they were going, study in higher education. The fathers only escaping Hungarian academic were merchants, commercial agents, antisemitism. Italy was an appropriate and artisans. Thus these young people destination for the lack of academic came from such Jewish families who antisemitism and for the relatively low were eager to achieve social mobility costs, though peregrination was often through the education of their children, continued between different Italian even despite the numerus clausus university towns due to the different law. Some students did not succeed in living standards. At the same time the concluding their studies for economic lack of employment possibilities and or other reasons,93 and most of those the reluctance or incapacity of the local who did, did so after studies at two or Jewish communities led to a situation three different universities. The career of constant economic hardship for of Miklós Frankl, who started his the students. The sample of forty-six medical studies in Florence, continued Hungarian Jewish students of Bologna in Pavia and enrolled in Bologna in suggests that the lower middle class 1927, where he graduated in 1931, was social background of many students typical.94At the same time some left Italy was possibly another reason for the economic hardships, since all the 93 A medical student of Bologna, László Földes, who became a literary char- members of this sample came from acter in the novels of his nephew, the families of tradesmen and artisans who writer Pál Bárdos, ceased his studies in Bologna in 1932 and never continued due might have lacked resources to support to his decision to emigrate to America their children abroad. Despite economic and never to return to Europe. Bárdos difficulties, the hospitality of the Italian Pál, Az első évtized [The First Decade] (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Könyvkiadó, 1986); Pál Bárdos, Frau Földes von Makó, 95 “Funk Emerich. Dossier 6659”, Facoltà di vol 1, 4 vols (Budapest: Syllabux, 2012). medicina [Faculty of Medicine], Fascicoli Pál Bárdos was so kind to share with the degli studenti [Students’ dossiers], 6659, author some further background infor- ASUB.; ”Vámos Sigismondo. Dossier 7550”, mation on his uncle and the family. Facoltà di medicina [Faculty of Medicine], 94 “Frankl Nicola. Dossier 8146”, Facoltà di Fascicoli degli studenti [Students’ dos- medicina [Faculty of Medicine], Fascicoli siers], 7550, ASUB. (Funk returned to degli studenti [Students’ dossiers], 8146, Italy after one year at the University of ASUB. Budapest though). 86

population and academics created Bologna.97 Those who waited long the reputation of Italy as a receptive, enough, were secured by a decree of friendly country in Hungary. November 15 that they were allowed 98 THE NUMERUS to stay in Italy to finish their studies. A Hungarian Jewish student, Zoltán CLAUSUS REFUGEES IN Traubkatz, asked permission from the ITALY AFTER 1938 Special Secretary of the Duce,99 to stay Although retrospectively one can look for the remaining eight months until at Italian fascism as a regime potentially his degree, as early as September 11. He turning antisemitic, the introduction wrote this request also on behalf of two of antisemitic legislation in 1938 was friends, who signed the letter as well, in an unexpected calamity for both Italian which Traubkatz declared: “we are three and foreign Jews. The first action Hungarians, of Israelite religion and of taken against Jews was the expulsion absolutely fascist sentiments”.100 of foreign Jews from the universities Meanwhile a census of Jews was (August), soon followed by the conducted in August, including foreign segregation of Italian Jewish students Jews. Out of the almost three thousand in all levels of education (September). (2985) Jews who had assumed Italian Giuseppe Bottai, Minister of National citizenship later than 1919 (their Education, banned the universities from citizenship was withdrawn in September accepting foreign Jewish applicants on August 6. The new rule generated chaos 97 Roberto Finzi, L’Università italiana e le leggi antiebraiche [The Italian University in academia, its application generated a and the Anti-Jewish Laws] (Roma: Editori series of contradictions and questions, Riuniti, 1997), p. 52. as the flow of universities’ letters to the 98 “Regio Decreto-Legge, 15 novem- Ministry demonstrates.96 Not even the bre 1938, No. 1779 [Royal Decree- Law of November 15, 1938, No. 1779]”, most pressing issue to decide, namely Fondazione CDEC - [Foundation Jewish what to do with foreign Jews already Contemporary Documentation Center] - Milan, Access: May 14, 2014. ,http:// enrolled in Italy in previous academic www.cdec.it/home2_2.asp?idtesto- years, was solved during the following =589&idtesto1=565&son=1&figlio=558&l- three months. In this period numerous evel=7&stampa=1. (Italian Jewish students were allowed to finish their studies students left Italy, for instance forty by the racist law of September 5: Royal percent of foreign students left Decree Law No. 1390 “For the Defense of the Race in the Fascist School”; Finzi (see note 97), p. 40. 99 An institution established to handle spe- 96 “Ministero della pubblica istruzione cial requests which demanded the per- [Ministry of Public Education], Direzione sonal decision of Mussolini. generale istruzione superiore [General 100 “Traubkatz Zoltán, Arányi János, Magvas Department for Higher Education], László”, September 11, 1938, Segreteria Divisione II leggi, regolamenti, statuti, Particolare del Duce. [Special Secretary esami, corsi, statistiche, tasse, studenti of the Duce] Carteggio riservato 480R ecc. [Division II for Legislation, regula- [Reserved 480/R] “Ebrei”[“Jews”], 1922- tions, statutes, exams, courses, statis- 43. Busta [Envelope] 144, Fascicolo [File] tics, fees, students etc.] 1925-1945)”, ACS. 345, ACS. AGNES KELEMEN 87

and they were obliged to leave Italy was the widespread practice of within six months together with all “discrimination”, which was the name the other foreign Jews),101 six hundred of the process through which Jewish and forty were Hungarian.102 However, individuals were exempted from the the Ministry of Interior instructed the scope of anti-Jewish laws for their own prefectures to submit a precise list of or their close relatives’ merits. These foreign Jews residing in the respective merits included the (close relative’s) localities (including non-citizens). death, or the individual’s having been Due to this investigation we know for wounded or mutilated or decorated for instance that Imre Lukács, the former participation in the First World War or president of the fascist student club of in the wars against Libya, Ethiopia or in foreign students in Padua, was living in the Spanish Civil War, or generally for Pisa as an Italian citizen.103 the “fascist cause”, and membership in A peculiarity of the Italian anti- the fascist party dating before 1922.104 Jewish legislation and its application Nearly one quarter of Italian Jewry qualified for an exemption for one of 101 Fausto Coen, Italiani ed ebrei: come era- hese reasons.105 There were Hungarian vamo: le leggi razziali del 1938 [Italians Jews who turned to the same method, and Jews: This is Who We Were. The Racial Laws of 1938] (Genova: Marietti, 1988), and indeed some of them could claim p. 29. having fascist merits. The Central State 102 De Felice 2008 (see note 80), p. 8. Archives of Rome (Archivio Centrale 103 “Pisa”, Ministero dell’Interno, Direzione dello Stato di Roma) preserves a lot generale Pubblica sicurezza, Divisione Affari generali e riservati [Ministry of of letters that were sent in 1938 to the Interior, General department for pub- Special Secretary of the Duce requesting lic security, Division for general and reserved issues] Busta [Envelope] 14, exemption. An important feature of this Fascicolo [File] 61, ACS. The same inves- body of sources is that numerous letters tigation reveals that seven hundred and were not written by the individual twenty-eight foreign Jews were residing in Rome, among them the chief rabbi concerned, but by his Italian wife. As Izidor Kahan, a Hungarian Jew. “Roma mentioned earlier, men constituted [Rome]”, Ministero dell’Interno, Direzione the majority of the migrant students, generale Pubblica sicurezza, Divisione Affari generali e riservati.) László Kovács, therefore in most of the mixed marriages Hungarian Jewish doctor is on the list as the husband was a Hungarian Jew and well, mistakenly labeled as a German. In fact he was an exile of the Hungarian the wife a Catholic Italian (foreign Jews numerus clausus, working in Rome as a doctor. Mrs. Göring, Hermann Göring’s sister-in law would be among his pa- 104 Provvedimenti per la difesa della razza tients, therefore Kovács would be saved italiana [Provisions for the Defense of from the Gestapo in September 1943 by the Italian Race] -Royal Decree Law of Albert Göring, the infamous Göring’s November 17, 1938, No. 1728, Access: May 14, brother. “A zsidómentő Göring [The Other 2014, http://www.memorieincammino.it/ Göring, Who Saved Jewish Lives]”, in admin/UploadAllegatiArgomentiArchDoc- Népszabadság Online – nol.hu, published /0000007/f.Provvedimenti%20per%20 on January 12, 2014. Access: May 14, 2014, la%20difesa%20della%20razza%20itali- http://nol.hu/kulfold/20140111-a_zsido- ana%2017%20novembre%201938.pdf. mento_goring-1437193. 105 Wistrich (see note 57), pp. 16-17. 88

married to Jewish Italians were less he was of fascist sentiments and “got likely to rely on the exemption, therefore married with a Catholic Italian” in 1937. less likely to write such requests). In all Thereafter he turned to list the fascist of the cases, the authors understandably merits of the wife’s family, reserving overemphasized sympathy for fascism, the most persuasive argument, why yet some of them had indeed merits he should not be expelled, to the end to refer to. Furthermore, in a lot of of his letter, namely that his pregnant matters, such as the circumstances wife was expected to give birth exactly for which they left Hungary for Italy in the month in which he should leave and the story of their marriages, we Italy. The Secretary’s response was that have no reason to doubt the authors’ “you can stay calm”, thus he could stay veracity. The very fact of living in mixed in Italy with his family.106 marriages with Catholic Italians marks As a comparison, how much different a level of integration, for it presupposes a woman’s letter could be, I quote the the individual’s socializing among local often mentioned Imre Lukács’s wife, people without relying on the sphere of Libia Tassi. She did not only mention the Jewish community. the husband’s and her own fascist The decision of many couples sentiments and activities (he founded that it was the woman to write to the a fascist student club for foreigners in Duce’s secretary might have also been Padua, she founded a female fascist motivated by the gender roles accepted club in her village), but detailed the in Italian society. The letters were often profundity of her love and the pain composed in a begging and extremely she felt for his expulsion to come. She emotional tone, considered as more declared that convincing than a dry enumeration of arguments, and men were not I married him for love, with the Pope’s supposed to beg anyone or display dispensation, with a Catholic rite. I personal sentiments, if not political have been most happy with my husband ones. Women were allowed to argue because I discovered in him such an on an emotional basis, to narrate inclination for our religion, and a stories of love and marriage, and rely perfect Italian and fascist character. on Mussolini’s mercy for women and […] I love him with all the devotion of a children who should be left by their young faithful wife in love and the tears husbands if the decree expelling foreign Jews were implemented. For instance, Miklós Lukács, a doctor, who wrote to the Secretary from Tortora, after 106 ”Lettera di Miklós Lukács alla Segreteria Particolare del Duce [Letter of Miklós declaring that he loved Italians and Lukács to the Special Secretary of the their Duce and this did not contradict Duce]”, September 8, 1938., SPD. [Special his origin from Hungarian parents Secretary of the Duce] CR. [Reserved] 1922-1943. 80R. Busta [Envelope] 143, of the Jewish faith, he remarked that Fascicolo [file]: 198. Lukács Dott. Miklós, ACS. AGNES KELEMEN 89

come to my eyes at the thought of being in Budapest in 1938 therefore it is quite forced to be separated from him.107 possibly a falsification of the data of the original birth certificate. In the end, the She continued by asking for mercy for secretary of the Duce communicated to their two little children who would be the Lukács-Tassi family the answer that raised without a father if her husband “you can stay calm”.109 were forced to leave the country, or These two examples were not otherwise she, as a wife would be forced detailed to claim that it was easy to to choose between her husband and achieve exemption for Hungarian her homeland. In the end, she even Jews in Italy. They were presented in suggested that her husband might not order to demonstrate that Hungarian be entirely Jewish, since his father was Jews once achieving the highest level an illegitimate child. It was indeed a of integration, marked by the practice widespread practice of desperate Jews of their profession in Italy and by in Italy (and in the Third Reich as well) living in mixed marriages with non- to prove one of the parents’ birth either Jewish Italians, in some cases as Italian from an extra-marital relationship or citizens, could successfully use the same anyway not from the Jewish husband of methods to achieve exemption as did the mother, for the sake of decreasing Italian Jews. Especially, if the individual the number of Jewish ancestors. To had already converted to Christianity for mitigate the humiliation of the family, the sake of marriage, since the Catholic usually an already passed grandmother Church claimed that the state violated was chosen for the false accusation of the Lateran Concordat with the racial adultery, so that the grandfather could laws which prohibited mixed marriages be declared an unknown, thus possibly even with converted Jews. Christian, man. However, for the majority of the As if the Lukács-Tassi family doubted numerus clausus exiles the year 1938 that Lukács’s devotion to fascism was marked their re-exile, for the majority sufficient to achieve his exemption, even was in a more vulnerable situation than his father-in-law wrote a letter to the the two Lukács doctors, only few were authorities listing his own fascist merits Italian citizens to begin with. Even and arguing that his son-in-law’s father though those who were still university was an illegitimate son.108 Furthermore, students could stay to finish their Lukács provided an excerpt from his studies, from June 1940 (Italy’s entry to father’s birth certificate claiming to be an the Second World War) they were closed illegitimate son. This excerpt was issued in internment camps as citizens of a country where antisemitic legislation 107 “Lettera di Libia Tassi Lukács”, September was in vigor (Hungary). Comparing 15, 1938., SPD. [Special Secretary of the Duce] CR. [Reserved] 1922-1943. 80R. 109 SPD. [Special Secretary of the Duce] Busta [Envelope] 143, Fascicolo [File]: 197 CR. [Reserved] 1922-1943. 80R. Busta Lukács Dott. Emerico, ACS. [Envelope] 143, Fascicolo [File]: 197 Lukács 108 Emilio Tassi (see note 88). Dott. Emerico, ACS. 90

the database of foreign Jews interned Whereas, those closed in detention camps in Italy110 against the prosopography of in Southern Italy were set free. In fact, the Hungarian students in interwar Italy,111 largest detention camp was in Ferramonti I found only five Hungarian Jewish in Tarsia, in Calabria. inmates who were students or graduates The Republic of Salò, the Northern of Italian universities.112 Italian fascist puppet state was under Noteworthy, that the prosopography the control of Nazi Germany, for this does not include every such student. shadow of the former fascist power Furthermore, the database of interned owed its very existence to the German foreign Jews includes a lot of mistakes army. It was just as loyal to the Nazi regarding names and sometimes empire, as Hungary. Yet the destiny citizenship, for it is about people from of Jewry would be different in the two most different linguistic backgrounds, states. Although Italian Jewry lived which apparently was very difficult mostly in the Northern and central to administer for the authorities part of the country, thus exactly in (additionally, country borders were not the territory controlled by fascists and always well defined during the war). Germans for a long time, eighty-five In fact, even exemption was often percent of Italian Jews survived the insufficient to save one from the Holocaust.113 In fact, Italy has one of the subsequent anti-Jewish persecutions. highest “survival rates” so to say besides Exempted Jews could avoid internment Denmark and Bulgaria. It is very difficult which other foreign Jews suffered in Italy to speak about “survival rates” and at between 1940 and 1943. But paradoxically the same time avoid the appearance this could result in a worse situation of downplaying the tragedy of the from September 1943 when, following Holocaust. Yet it is important to ask the Mussolini’s fall, Italy split and the question why most Italian Jews survived Northern part was occupied by Germans, the two years of German occupation who established the fascist Republic of and why the vast majority of Hungarian Salò. For the remaining two years of the Jews was murdered in less than one year war Jews living in Northern and Central (from May 1944 to January 1945).114 Italy were persecuted by the Gestapo. Here the focus is only on a part of the comparative history of the 110 Indice generale degli ebrei stranieri in- Republic of Salò and Hungary, these ternati in Italia 1940-1943 [General Index of Interned Foreign Jews in Italy 1940- 1943], Fondazione CDEC - [Foundation 113 Susan Zuccotti, The Italians and the Jewish Contemporary Documentation Holocaust. Persecution, Rescue, Survival Center] - Milan, Access: May 15, 2014, (New York: Basic Books, 1987), p. XV. http://www.cdec.it/ebrei%5Fstranieri/. 114 Approximately six hundred thousand 111 Szlavikovszki (see note 5), pp. 174-218. Hungarian Jews were victims of the 112 Dénes Bálint, András Fenyves, György Holocaust, thus every tenth victim was Grünbaum, Klára Klein, László Münster. Hungarian. 437 000 of them were de- However, it is known about the interned ported from Hungary (enlarged by the Simon Teich as well that he previously First and Second Vienna Awards of 1938 graduated in Turin. Teich (see note 7). and 1940) between May and July 1944. AGNES KELEMEN 91

two allies of Nazi Germany, during Jews in Northern Italy were often the European Holocaust. The survival imprisoned after September 1943 of some numerus clausus exiles in and deported. Susan Zuccotti in her Italy was possible due to options they groundbreaking work on the history could choose which were not open to of the Italian Holocaust detailed the Jews living in Hungary. An essential factors which made the survival of difference between the two regimes was eighty-five percent of Jews under that in Hungary there had been official German occupation possible, which antisemitic propaganda led by the state is not to minimize that the German from 1920 on. Thus, a whole generation occupiers and Italian fascists were of Hungarians had been educated and responsible for the deportation and/or indoctrinated in an antisemitic spirit, murder of 6,800 Jews.115 According to which was a sine qua non of the Horthy- Robert S. Wistrich, chances for a Jew to regime. At the same time antisemitism survive were higher in Italy than in most was not inherent in Italian fascism, German occupied countries thanks to a although it was developed by fascism in “mixture of administrative corruption, the second half of the 1930s. Since the general disorder, casual carelessness, remaining years of the fascist regime and humanitarian sentiments shown by after the legislative antisemitic turn many Italian officers”.116 coincided with the chaotic years of the I would like to point out that there unsuccessful war, the regime did not was also a difference in the policies of have enough time to indoctrinate even the governments between the Republic its own officers, let alone the general of Salò and Hungary. An astonishing population. correspondence of 1944 between Between 1943 and 1945 a civil war the Foreign Ministry of Salò and the was taking place in Italy on top of the Hungarian government, furthermore world war. On the one hand numerous the inner correspondence of the Italian civilians fellvictims, on the other hand foreign and interior ministries suggests the civil war created the possibility that the two Nazi-allied governments to escape from German occupied had different answers to the question territories southwards for civilians, of how far the “final solution” should Italian soldiers opting for the Badoglio- go. It is especially shattering to learn in government and the Allies instead the light of Hungarian political efforts of Mussolini and Hitler, and also for in the 2010s to downplay Hungarian Italian and foreign Jews. The very responsibility for the Hungarian presence of a strong resistance to the Holocaust, that the Hungarian German occupiers provided Jews with government in July 1944, thus in the the possibility to join the partisans, whereas such an option did not exist 115 Zuccotti (see note 113), p. XV. In the autumn of 1943 there were 37 100 Italian in Hungary due to the weakness of the and 7000 foreign Jews in Italy. Ibid. p. anti-German resistance. XVIII. 116 Wistrich (see note 57), pp. 16-17. 92

same summer when 437,000 Jews were the Republic of Salò. However, they did deported to concentration and death not fulfill the request to exchange these camps, wanted to catch even the few Jews for the even fewer Italian Jews Hungarian Jews still living in Italy. residing in Hungary. If these people had The government required the Italian not yet been arrested, there was a reason Foreign Ministry to provide the names not to arrest them, since a decree of of Hungarian Jews living in Italy.117 Later December 1943 had ordered the arrest in August the Hungarian government of all Jews.119 The reason for which some proposed an exchange of Italian and Jews still dared to live at home, instead Hungarian Jews between the two of escaping or hiding, must have been states.118 The only reasonably assumable the authorities’ decision not to regard explanation is that Hungarian them as targets of persecution. As the authorities did not want to simply give following examples of individual fates up control over the fate of Hungarian demonstrate, what they had in common Jews who were residing in Italy. was their living in a marriage with As a consequence of the Hungarian a non-Jewish Italian, except for one inquiry about Hungarian Jews living student helped by his Bolognese rector, in Italy, Italian authorities collected the notably fascist Ghigi. reports from the municipalities to The reports concerned listed every discover who were Hungarian Jews in Hungarian citizen residing in the given municipality, who was originally Jewish,

117 “Telespresso no 31/1301 dal Ministero explaining the specific legal situation of degli Affari Esteri al Ispettoriato gener- each.120 The reports did not fail to list ale per la razza, al Ministero dell’interno those Jews who had left for unknown gabinetto, alla direzione generale Affari politici [Telegraph No. 31/1301 from the destinations in 1943-44 escaping the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the General Gestapo. It is important to point out Inspectorate for Race, Interior Ministry, Department for general political af- that not all these municipality reports fairs]”, July 10, 1944, Ministero dell’In- are preserved, and there were still terno, Direzione generale per la Pubblica other Hungarian Jews hiding in Italy Sicurezza, categoria A 16 sranieri ed ebrei stranieri 1930-1956. [Ministry of Interior, or fighting as partisans, about whom General department for public security, the authorities did not know, and this category A16 Foreigners and foreign Jews] Busta [Envelope] 3 – Abbreviation: was the reason for their survival. Those MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic. A16/B.3., ACS. who were still not hiding, but living 118 “Telespesso n. 31/1764 Ministero degli Affari Esteri Direzione generale Affari Generali. Alla Legazione d’Italia a 119 Zuccotti (see note 113), p. XVI. Budapest alla presidenza del consiglio 120 These reports are preserved in the dei ministri, Ministero interno gabinetto, Central State Archives in Rome: Ministero Ministero interno [Telegraph No. 31/1764 dell’Interno, Direzione generale per la Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Department Pubblica Sicurezza, categoria A 16 sra- for general foreign affairs to the Italian nieri ed ebrei stranieri 1930-1956. Busta embassy in Budapest, to the council of 3 [Ministry of Interior, General depart- ministers, council of the Interior Ministry, ment for the public security, category A Ministry of Interior]”, August 21, 1944. 16 foreigners and foreign Jews 1930-1956, MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3, ACS. envelope 3]. AGNES KELEMEN 93

in Northern Italian municipalities, György Mátrai, a doctor and a were married to Catholic Italians. For graduate of Padua and Imre Klein, instance, the municipality of Turin dentist, were still working in their informed the Ministry that only one professions in the autumn of 1944 in Hungarian Jew was residing in Turin, Forlì, both of them married to a Catholic János Füller, a dentist, married to Italian. Imre Klein was furthermore Emma Moreni.121 At the same time we exempted from the anti-Jewish laws.125 know from the autobiography of Simon In Trieste the Hungarian Jewish dental Teich, that he was working in a hospital technician, László Aczél, a graduate in Turin under a false name (Tullio of Bologna, was living in a mixed Salvi) as a doctor, and after having marriage as well and still working in his been reported to the Gestapo, left to the profession.126 In Bologna two Hungarian mountains to join the partisans.122 Both Jewish doctors (László Bernáth and of them survived the war, as it is proved István Salgó), and a dentist (György in a letter by Füller to the University Sándor) were working in the autumn of Bologna in 1946123 and the later fate of 1944, furthermore one Hungarian of Teich, who became a famous plastic Jew was still studying at the university, surgeon. Gyula Kemény. Bernáth, Salgó and As a counter-example for the Sándor even had children from their danger in which foreign Jews without Italian wives, and the children were a non-Jewish spouse lived, the case of listed in the report.127 At the same the engineer Gyula Fogel (mentioned time it was noted that Sándor was not earlier as a student in Pőzel’s report of considered Jewish, since Italy took into 1928) can be cited. The municipality of account the Hungarian anti-Jewish law Padua reported that Fogel had already Directorate of Police], September 5, 1944., been arrested by the German Secret MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3, ACS. 124 Police. His later destiny is unknown. 125 Prefettura repubblicana di Forlì al Ministero dell’Interno direz. Gen. Pubbl Sicurezza [Republican Prefecture of Forlì to the Ministry of Interior, General 121 Prefettura repubblicana di Torino al Department for Public Security], August Ministero dell’Interno direz. Gen. Pubbl 12, 1944, MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3., ACS. Sicurezza [Republican Prefecture of (This Imre Klein is not the same person as Turin to the Ministry of Interior, General the Bolognese student who was member Department for Public Security], October of the Zionist Student Union “Techiyah”) 27, 1944, MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3, ACS. 126 Prefettura repubblicana di Trieste al 122 Teich (see note 7). Ministero dell’Interno direzione denerale 123 “Lettera di Giovanni Füller al rettore della polizia [Republican Prefecture of [Letter of János Füller to the rector]”, Trieste to the Ministry of Interior, General October 4, 1946, Facoltà di medicina Directorate of Police], July 20, 1944., [Faculty of Medicine], Fascicoli degli stu- MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3, ACS. denti [Students’ dossiers], 9607 Füller 127 Prefettura repubblicana di Bologna al Giovanni, ASUB. Ministero dell’Interno direzione dener- 124 Prefettura repubblicana di Padova al ale della polizia [Republican Prefecture Ministero dell’Interno direzione denerale of Bologna to the Ministry of Interior, della polizia [Republican Prefecture of General Directorate of Police], MI.Dir.gen. Padua to the Ministry of Interior, General publ.sic.A16/B.3, ACS. 94

of 1939 (1939:IV), according to which 1944 (in Alessandria),131György Ney, Jews living in Christian marriages, if an engineer, who was listed in Pőzel’s converted to Christianity previously to report of 1928 as well. this marriage, were not subjected to The same paragraph of the Hungarian this discriminatory law.128 In the case of anti-Jewish law which justified Sándor and Kemény, it is ascertainable Sándor’s exemption was referred to that they did survive the war. Sándor by Rosa De Molli, the Catholic wife lived until his old age in Bologna. He of another numerus clausus refugee, corresponded with the university as Aladár Hábermann. She succeeded in late as in 1969 to gain a certificate of his convincing Italian authorities to take this degree for the purposes of administering paragraph into account in her Hungarian his pension.129Gyula Kemény lived husband’s case. Therefore Hábermann even in 1971 in Bologna, as his letters could work as a doctor in Busto Arsizio. to the university reveal. He indeed During the German occupation he owed his success in avoiding forced and his wife treated and hid partisans. labor service in the Hungarian army in Hábermann gained Italian citizenship in 1942 (which was the fate of Hungarian 1951 due to his merits in the anti-fascist Jewish men) to the Bolognese rector, resistance.132 Gaining Italian citizenship Alessandro Ghigi, who wrote a letter to was a great honor, indeed considered as the Hungarian Ministry of Defense that honoring anti-fascist merits. Requests Kemény was enrolled in Bologna and for citizenship by foreigners solely on could not cease his studies.130 Kemény the basis of the decades spent in Italy graduated in July 1942. Nevertheless, were not easily accepted after the war. Italian authorities did not bother to For instance, György Sándor was not send him to Hungary later on. In the an Italian citizen even in 1964, thirty- municipality reports there is also trace one years after his first request (1933), of another numerus clausus refugee although he lived in Italy from 1927.133 still living in the Republic of Salò in The very fact of the non-deportation of these foreign citizens is significant, since in most countries foreign Jews 128 1939. évi IV. törvénycikk a zsidók közéleti were the first victims of the Holocaust.134 és gazdasági térfoglalásának korláto- zásáról [1939: IV. Law on the restriction of Jews’ actions in the public and 131 Prefettura repubblicana di Alessandria in the economic sphere], Access: May al Ministero dell’Interno direzione gen- 16, 2014.,http://www.1000ev.hu/index. erale della polizia [Republican Prefecture php?a=3¶m=8098. of Alessandria to the Ministry of Interior, General Directorate of Police], MI.Dir.gen. 129 “Fascicolo [Dossier] 8829. Sandor Giorgio”, publ.sic.A16/B.3, ACS. Facoltà di medicina [Faculty of Medicine], Fascicoli degli studenti (Students’ dos- 132 Notice of his daughter, Anna Maria siers), 8829, Sandor Giorgio, ASUB. Hábermann. 130 “Fascicolo [Dossier] 1262. Kemény Giulio”, 133 Fascicolo [Dossier] 8829. Sandor Giorgio Facoltà di chimica industriale [Faculty of (see note 129). Industrial Chemistry], Fascicoli degli stu- 134 For instance, from Vichy France dur- denti [Students’ dossiers] 1262. Kemény ing one night 12,800 foreign Jews were Giulio, ASUB. rounded up on July 16-17, 1942, out of AGNES KELEMEN 95

Italy did not release foreign Jews to the Their home country, Hungary was a German authorities before the German German ally and would send most of occupation, not even German (or former its Jewry to death in the shortest time, German) citizens. Indeed, fascist Italian in the shadow of an obvious German Jewish policies remained paradoxical defeat to come, requesting meager during the war, when Italian Jews could German presence for it. Moreover, the be randomly arrested and Jews abroad Hungarian Holocaust began earlier (in territories occupied by the Italian than the German occupation. Jewish army), were occasionally protected by men were conscripted to forced labor Italian officers against Nazis.135 service from Hungary’s very entry to This had to do with a willingness to the war, instead of military service, preserve at least one aspect of policy thus they were sent to the front without as independent from the Germans, for proper equipment.137 the sake of contradicting in something Thus, male Jewish students returning at least. As for foreign Jews living in to Hungary after 1938 were most likely Italian families, we see that practically sent to the front as forced laborers. they had the same opportunities and Therefore they had a much lower chance chances to avoid persecution as native to survive the war than those remaining Jews. Thus, they needed courage, luck in Italy. Before surviving the Holocaust, and empathetic or neutral neighbors as Hungarian Jewish men needed to well, nevertheless their being Catholic survive the battles of the Eastern front. or occasionally only being spouses of Concluding, numerous Hungarian Catholics did matter a lot. In Hungary, Jewish intellectual migrants, exiled on the contrary, the Christian churches from Hungary by the numerus clausus did not succeed in saving most of their law, owed some or all the years of members who had a Jewish origin.136 university studies to fascist Italy’s These few Hungarian Jewish receptivity towards foreign Jews. For a intellectual refugees continued to live few of them, studying in interwar Italy and work in the Republic of Salò, due determined their whole life so much to authorities’ reluctance to extradite that they not only began their career them to Hungary or to deport them, there, but started their families as well. because they practically lived as Italians Their in-between situation between their and were integrated in Catholic families. original and their chosen homelands made them live the destiny of Italian whom only thirty survived. Zuccotti (see Jewry which was characterized by a note 113), p. 8. 135 Zuccotti (see note 113). 137 Deportations began earlier as well, in 136 For instance, Christian Jewish men con- the summer of 1941 when 16 – 18,000 scripted to labor service had the only ad- Jews (of allegedly uncertain or foreign vantage to wear a white armband instead citizenship) were sent to Kamenec- of a yellow one. In Hungary there was no Podolsk and extradited to the German authority to have a possibility to exempt army. Randolph L. Braham, A magyar ho- people from the anti-Jewish laws’ scope, locaust [The Hungarian Holocaust], vol 1 unlike in Italy or in Germany. (Budapest: Gondolat, 1988), pp. 169–174. 96

higher chance of survival of the Shoah just as varied as that of Italian Jews, thus than the fate of Hungarian Jewry, there were supporters of fascism among due to the significance authorities them. Both Hungary and Italy allied to attributed to conversion to Catholicism Nazi Germany. Yet Hungarian Jews who and to support gained from the general managed to stay in Italy, even if foreign population. The support of Italians citizens, had more chance to survive for the persecuted Jews was another the Shoah in the Republic of Salò than essential factor which contributed to their compatriots who had returned to their survival. This support was due to Hungary. the fact that by the time of the German The peregrination towards Italy occupation of Northern and Central provoked by the numerus clausus was Italy in September 1943 most of the not a phenomenon of brain drain, population was tired of fascism, the since Italian universities were more war, and the German alliance, which concerned with internationalizing increased the willingness to help those their student body than with selecting victimized by these three evils. applicants on a meritocratic basis. Conclusion As my sample of Hungarian Jewish The article investigated a paradoxical students of the University of Bologna story of academic peregrination of the demonstrated, quite bad Hungarian interwar period. For a decade and a half, maturity exams were sufficient for a from the introduction of the Gentile successful application. These students reform (1923) to the introduction were apparently not predestined to of antisemitic legislation (1938), enroll in higher education. They were fascist Italy provided a shelter for not the most excellent graduates of Hungarian Jewish intellectual refugees Hungarian secondary education; they (amongst other Jewish exiles of other were Jewish therefore they would have nationalities) exiled from Hungarian needed to belong to the top six percent higher education by the Hungarian of Jewish applicants in order to enroll numerus clausus law (1920). in a Hungarian university, and they The fascist country’s receptivity were the first generation in their lower even towards Jews is not a paradox middle class families to go to university. per se, because Italian fascism was not Yet their families made the sacrifice to inherently antisemitic. Yet the destiny send them abroad to study (medicine in of the numerus clausus refugees in Italy most cases). was paradoxical. They found a place Peregrination could mean leaving to fulfill their intellectual aspirations Hungary forever, or only temporarily, – which were frustrated in Hungary until fitting in the Jewish quota ina – in an allied country of the Horthy Hungarian university. Leaving Hungary regime. In Italy they often displayed for Italy was not an expression of their Hungarian patriotism and their Jewish dissimilation. Even settling in attitudes towards Italian fascism were Italy resulted in the continuation of AGNES KELEMEN 97 assimilation, if not to the Hungarian, BIBLIOGRAPHY then to the Italian social environment, ABREVIATIONS as intermarriage with a non-Jew was ACS= Archivio Centrale dello Stato di Roma a common phenomenon among the (Central State Archives of Rome) numerus clausus refugees in Italy. Italy ASUB=Archivio Storico dell’Università di provided more opportunity for Jewish Bologna (Archives of the University of assimilation and for survival during the Bologna) Shoah than Hungary did. MNL= Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár (Hungarian National Archives)

MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3.= Ministero dell’Interno, Direzione generale per la Pubblica Sicurezza, categoria A 16 sranieri ed ebrei stranieri 1930- 1956. (Ministry of Interior, General department for public security, category A16 Foreigners and foreign Jews) Busta (envelope) 3. ARCHIVAL SOURCES “Fischer Julie. Fascicolo (Dossier) 6625.”, Facoltà di medicina (Faculty of Medicine), Fascicoli degli studenti (Students’ dossiers), 6625. ASUB.

“Frankl Nicola. Fascicolo (Dossier) 8146”, Facoltà di medicina (Faculty of Medicine), Fascicoli degli studenti (Students’ dossiers), 8146. ASUB.

“Funk Emerich. Fascicolo (Dossier) 6659”. Facoltà di medicina (Faculty of Medicine), Fascicoli degli studenti (Students’ dossiers), 6659. ASUB.

“Kemény Giulio. Fascicolo (dossier) 1262.” Facoltà di chimica industriale, (Faculty of industrial chemistry), Fascicoli degli studenti (Students’ dossiers) 1262. Kemény Giulio. ASUB.

“Lettera di Attilio Muggia a N. Kahanowicz (Letter of Attilio Muggia to N. Kahanowicz)”, October 19, 1934. Gruppo Universitario Sionistico Tehijà/ Mensa casher per studenti stranieri/ Corrispondenza. (Zionist Student Group Techiyah/Kosher canteen for foreign students/Correspondence.) Archivio Storico della Comunità ebraica di Bologna (Archives of the Jewish Community of Bologna). 98

“Lettera di Giovanni Füller al rettore public security, Division for general and (Letter of János Füller to the rector)”, reserved issues) Busta (Envelope) 14, October 4, 1946. Facoltà di medicina Fascicolo (File) 61., ACS. (Faculty of Medicine), Fascicoli degli Pőzel, István. “Milánói Magyar Királyi studenti (Students’ dossiers), 9607 Főkonzulátus levele. (Letter of the Füller Giovanni. ASUB. Hungarian Royal Consulate of Milan.)”, “Lettera di Libia Tassi Lukács”, September April 15, 1928. Ministry of Foreign 15, 1938. SPD. (Special Secretary of the Affairs, K-60-1928. 20. I/6. item: Italy., Duce) CR. (Reserved) 1922-1943. 80R. MNL. Busta (envelope) 143, Fascicolo (file): Prefettura repubblicana di Alessandria 197 Lukács Dott. Emerico. ACS. al Ministero dell’Interno direzione “Lettera di Miklós Lukács alla Segreteria generale della polizia (Republican Particolare del Duce. (Letter of Miklós Prefecture of Alessandria to the Ministry Lukács to the Special Secretary of of I nter ior, Gener a l Di rec tor ate of Pol ice). the Duce.)”, September 8, 1938. SPD. MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3., ACS. (Special Secretary of the Duce) CR. Prefettura repubblicana di Bologna al (Reserved) 1922-1943. 80R. Busta Ministero dell’Interno direzione (envelope) 143, Fascicolo (file): 198. generale della polizia (Republican Lukács Dott. Miklós. ACS. Prefecture of Bologna to the Ministry “Sandor Giorgio. Fascicolo (dossier) of Interior, General Directorate of 8829.” Facoltà di medicina (Faculty Police). MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3., of Medicine), Fascicoli degli studenti ACS. (Students’ dossiers), 8829, Sandor Prefettura repubblicana di Forlì al Giorgio. ASUB. Ministero dell’Interno direz. Gen. “Traubkatz Zoltán, Arányi János, Magvas Pubbl. Sicurezza (Republican László”, September 11, 1938. Segreteria Prefecture of Forlì to the Ministry of Particolare del Duce. (Special Secretary Interior, General Department for Public of the Duce) Carteggio riservato 480R. Security), August 12, 1944. MI.Dir.gen. (Reserved 480/R) “Ebrei”. (Jews) 1922- publ.sic.A16/B.3., ACS. 43. Busta (Envelope) 144, Fascicolo Prefettura repubblicana di Padova al (File) 345. ACS. Ministero dell’Interno direzione “Vámos Sigismondo. Fascicolo (Dossier) generale della polizia (Republican 7550”. Facoltà di medicina (Faculty Prefecture of Padua to the Ministry of of Medicine), Fascicoli degli studenti Interior, General Directorate of Police), (Students’ dossiers), 7550. ASUB. September 5, 1944. MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic. A16/B.3., ACS. Correspondence of the Association of Italian Revisionist Zionists with the President Prefettura repubblicana di Torino of the Nautical Schools’ Council, and al Ministero dell’Interno direz. correspondence of the latter with the Gen. Pubbl Sicurezza. (Republican Department of Public Security in the Prefecture of Turin to the Ministry of Ministry of Interior, 1934, Ministero Interior, General Department for Public dell’ Interno (Ministy of the Interior), Security.) October 27, 1944. MI.Dir.gen. Direzione Pubblica Sicurezza publ.sic.A16/B.3., ACS. (Department for Public Security), A16 Prefettura repubblicana di Trieste al Ebrei Stranieri (Foreign Jews), 70th Ministero dell’Interno direzione item, ACS. denerale della polizia (Republican Pisa. Ministero dell’Interno, Direzione Prefecture of Trieste to the Ministry of generale Pubblica sicurezza, Divisione Interior, General Directorate of Police), Affari generali e riservati. (Ministry July 20, 1944. MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic. of Interior, General department for A16/B.3., ACS. AGNES KELEMEN 99

Roma. Ministero dell’Interno, Direzione generale Pubblica sicurezza, Divisione LITERATURE Affari generali e riservati. (Ministry “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi of Interior, General department for főiskolákon 1925/26-tól 1927/28-ig. public security, Division for general and (Hungarian citizens enrolled in higher reserved issues) Busta (Envelope) 14, education abroad from 1925/26 to Fascicolo (File) 70. ACS. 1927/28.)” Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek (Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks) 36 Szabolcsi Lajos jelentése a Központi Zsidó (1928), p. 278. Diákbizottság működéséről. Jelentés a Magyarországi Izraeliták Országos “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi Irodájának 1929.éviműködéséről. (Report főiskolákon 1926/27-től 1928/29-ig. by Lajos Szabolcsi on the activity of the (Hungarian citizens studying in higher Central Jewish Student Aid Committee education abroad from 1926/27 to to the Office of Israelites of Hungary. 1928/29.)” Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek Report on the activities of the Office of (Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks) 37 Israelites of Hungary in 1929.), 1929, (1929), p. 272. K28 (Department of Nationalities and “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi Minorities), 14/53rd item., MNL. főiskolákon 1928/29-től 1930/31-ig. Tassi, Emilio. “Lettera di Emilio Tassi al (Hungarian citizens studying in higher Capo del Governo. (Letter of Emilio education abroad from 1928/29 to Tassi to the Prime Minister)”, September 1930/31.)” Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek 15, 1938. SPD. (Special Secretary of the (Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks) 39 Duce) CR. (Reserved) 1922-1943. 80R. (1931), p. 285. Busta (envelope) 143, Fascicolo (file): “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi 197 Lukács Dott. Emerico., ACS. főiskolákon 1929/30-tól 1931/32-ig. Telespesso n. 31\1764 Ministero degli (Hungarian citizens studying in higher Affari Esteri Direzione generale education abroad from 1929/30 to Affari Generali. Alla Legazione 1930/31.)” Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek d’Italia a Budapest, alla presidenza (Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks) 40 del consiglio dei ministri, Ministero (1932), p. 293. interno gabinetto, Ministero interno. “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi (Telegraph No. 31\1764 Ministry főiskolákon 1930/31-től 1932/33-ig. of Foreign Affairs, Department for (Hungarian citizens enrolled in higher general foreign affairs to the Italian education abroad from 1930/31 to embassy in Budapest, to the council 1932/33.)” Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek of ministers, council of the Interior (Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks) 41 Ministry, Ministry of Interior). (1933), p. 318. August 21, 1944. MI.Dir.gen.publ.sic. A16/B.3., ACS. “A magyar honosságú hallgatók a külföldi főiskolákon 1931/32-től 1933/34-ig. Telespresso n. 31\1301 dal Ministero degli (Hungarian citizens enrolled in higher Affari Esteri al Ispettoriato generale education abroad from 1932/32 to per la razza, al Ministero dell’interno, 1933/34.)” Magyar Statisztikai Évkönyvek al Ministero dell’Interno gabinetto, (Hungarian Statistical Yearbooks) 42 alla direzione generale Affari politici. (1934), p. 321. (Telegraph No. 31\1301 from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the “A numerus clausus hatodik éve előtt. (Before General Inspectorate for Race, Interior the Sixth Year of the Numerus Clausus.)” Ministry, Department for general Egyenlőség Vol. 44, No. 34 (August, 22, political affairs.) July 10, 1944. MI.Dir. 1925), p. 2. gen.publ.sic.A16/B.3., ACS. “A zsidómentő Göring (The Other Göring, Who Saved Jewish Lives)”. Népszabadság 100

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LIFE AT THE The article deals with the author Josef Mühlberger who is often ranked among the BORDERS: JOSEF “loose circle of Prague German writers“. MÜHLBERGER, JEWS AND He was famous for both his friendship with Max Brod and his public engagement JUDAISM regarding works written by Jewish authors such as Franz Kafka. However, similar to LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA Mühlberger’s political integration in the 1930s this fact is usually overrated. The article analyses the portrayal of Jews in Mühlberger’s short story “Asche” (“Ashes”); it revises the publicly accepted notion of Mühlberger’s philo-Semitism and points toward the ambivalent depiction of Jews in his work, which includes his obscure political views concerning National Socialism and his homosexuality. LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 105

I. JOSEF with Jewish authors such as Max Brod MÜHLBERGER AND JEWS or his interest in the work of Jewish authors, for example, Franz Kafka’s. One of the most discussed chapters Max Brod was Mühlberger’s lifelong in both the private and the artistic friend.2 In 1927, the young Mühlberger biography of the German Bohemian author Josef Mühlberger1 is his contact Germany – in his own words “he was exiled into paradise” [vertrieben in ein 1 * This article was written within the proj- Paradies] (Josef Mühlberger, ‘Leben an ect “Podpora vytváření excelentních výz- Grenzen’, in: Josef Mühlberger, Türkische kumných týmů a intersektorální mobility Novelle. Erzählung. Bad Wörishofen, na Univerzitě Palackého v Olomouci” 1948, pp.71–79, cited p.78.). Here he [Support of Establishment of Excellent worked as a journalist in a local paper Research Teams and Cross-sectional as well as a translator and promoter of Mobility at Palacký University Olomouc] (not only) Czech literature and culture. (ID CZ.1.07/2.3.00/30.0004). However, he failed to pursue his pre- Josef Mühlberger was born in 1903 war literary success. After the Second to a Czech-German family in an East- World War his literary works (novels, Bohemian town called Trutnov situ- short stories, poems) and essays (home- ated at the language border. He studied land studies, history) were published in German and Slavonic studies in Prague many publishing houses. Nevertheless, where he was soon introduced to famous various awards that he received from Czechoslovakian personalities and their institutions for exiled people/Sudeten cultural life. Together with Johannes Germans did not help him to achieve Stauda he published a journal called any wider reception. Mühlberger died al- Witiko (1928-1931) and supported pub- most in oblivion in 1985 in Eislingen near lishing of Jewish and Czech authors. His Stuttgart. For more about Mühlberger’s novella Die Knaben und der Fluß (1934), biography see: Michael Berger, Josef which appeared in the renowned Insel Mühlberger (1903–1985). Sein Leben und Publishing House (Insel-Verlag) was a Prosaschaffen bis 1939. Ein Beitrag zur success, and was positively received by Geschichte der deutschböhmischen Hermann Hesse, among others. His his- Literatur in den 20er und 30er Jahren des torical novel Huss im Konzil (1931) caused 20. Jahrhunderts. Dissertation (Berlin, a fierce discussion in the politically and 1989), or Susanne Lange-Greve, Leben nationally polarized Czechoslovakia. an Grenzen. Josef Mühlberger 1903–1985. After his detention, interogation, and Eine Veröffentlichung zu seinem 100. imprisonment at the beginning of the Geburtstag (Schwäbisch Gmund, 2003). 1940s based on sexual provocation, he 2 See Susanne Lange-Greve, Leben an entered the Wehrmacht voluntarily and Grenzen. Josef Mühlberger (1903 – 1985). spent the WWII at various fronts. In 1946 Ein Weggefährte Max Brods. Ausstellung he left Czechoslovakia under passable und Begleitbroschüre in Zusammenarbeit conditions and settled down in South mit der Stiftung Literaturforschung in 106

asked Brod whether a certain text from research and its influence upon him can Franz Kafka’s estate could be published be traced in his short story “Der Besuch in the Witiko journal, which he published bei Kafka” [Visiting Kafka], as well as in together with Johannes Stauda. Brod his essays on Kafka’s work.5 was excited by the Witiko journal,3 which Mühlberger also maintained his was introduced to him by Mühlberger contact with Brod after the Second World during his short visit and the older Brod War. Brod acknowledged Mühlberger’s suggested Kafka’s fragment Der Bau [The pre-war engagement with Kafka’s Burrow] for publishing. work and commented on it as follows: The publicist-duo considered their “What you have done for Franz Kafka ambitious journal to be a liberal forum and the comprehension of his work where political and cultural animosity coming from its deep understanding would be moderated. Kafka’s unfinished is truly wonderful.”6 Furthermore, short story actually appeared in the having grown up at the German-Czech second issue of the short-lived journal. border, Mühlberger endorsed Czech The beginning of Mühlberger’s interest literature. His admiration for Czech both in Kafka and Jewish literature works occupied him till the end of his from Prague, as such, dates back to this days and encouraged him to give many time. Henceforth, he devoted himself to Jewish literature (more on this topic in some chapters of his dissertation Die

Dichtung der Sudetendeutschen in den 5 Mühlberger’s both literary and essay- letzten fünfzig Jahren4 [Literary Works istic texts regarding Franz Kafka were of Sudeten Germans of the Last Fifty selected by Susanne Lange-Greve in the compilation Der Besuch bei Kafka, Years]). The fruit of Mühlberger’s Kafka- see Josef Mühlberger, Der Besuch bei Kafka. Schriften von Josef Mühlberger Ostwürttemberg und dem Schriftgut- zu Franz Kafka 1928–1978, selection und Archiv Ostwürttemberg (Haus der introduction by Susanne Lange-Greve Heimat, 2008); Margarita Pazi, ‘Josef (Schwäbisch Gmünd: Einhorn-Verlag, Mühlbergers Beziehung zu Max Brod und 2005). As for critical studies about dem “Prager Kreis”’, in Josef Mühlberger. Mühlberger and Kafka see for example Beiträge des Münchner Kolloquiums Hans Dieter Zimmermann, ‘“Es ist mehr ed. by Peter Becher (München: Adalbert von einem selbst darin, als man sonst zu Stifter Verein, 1991), pp.55–74. sagen wagt.“ Josef Mühlberger über Franz 3 Regarding the journal Witiko, see Kafka’, in: Germanoslavica. Zeitschrift Steffen Höhne, ‘Josef Mühlbergers (1928– für germano-slawische Studien, Vol. 20 1931) Witiko im Kontext böhmischer (2009), Issue 1, pp.69–79. Ausgleichsversuche’, in: Germanoslavica. 6 Brod’s letter to Mühlberger from January Zeitschrift für germano-slawische 1929 cited by: Zimmermann (see note 5), Studien, Vol. 20 (2009), Issue 1, pp.39–59. p.71. 4 See Josef Mühlberger, Die Dichtung der Max Brod mentioned Mühlberger as a Sudetendeutschen in den letzten fünfzig member of the broader Prague circle in Jahren (Kassel-Wilhelmshöhe: Johannes his book Der Prager Kreis, see Max Brod, Stauda Verlag, 1929). Fully revised, the Der Prager Kreis (Kohlhammer, 1982), dissertation was published once again in p.168ff. 1981 as: Josef Mühlberger, Geschichte der “Was Sie für Franz Kafka, das Verständnis deutschen Literatur in Böhmen 1900– seines Werkes aus tiefstem Verstehen 1939 (München, Langen Müller, 1981). hervor tun – ist wirklich wundervoll.” LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 107

lectures, to write scholarly papers, and life (National Socialism). However, this to do translations.7 dejection cannot be reliably documented His engagement (here only shortly by the egodocuments from the private outlined) put the author, in the estate archive (Ostwürttemberg Archive politically and nationally polarized, in Heubach-Lautern, run by Reiner hateful atmosphere of the 1930s, in a Wieland) since the important documents precarious situation. Josef Mühlberger have not been made available to the was seen as a highly suspicious public, even more than 25 years after Judenfreund (a non-Jew sympathizing the author’s death. In contrast to with Jews) and an indecisive Sudeten one direction regarding Mühlberger- German by the national, racist, or research, which unbearably glorifies his National-Socialist propagators of the personality and which injects certain culture in the 1930s and 1940s; apart statements (suitable to the relevant from that he gained dubious fame for political boom) into his texts without any recounting homosexual affairs with proper analysis,9 there have also been young men. He was publicly denounced isolated voices for a longer time that vilify and gradually ostracized from the both his private and political profile. Sudeten German culture.8 For example, Ludvík Václavek The origins of various difficulties in undermined Mühlberger’s political Mühlberger’s life can be traced back to viewpoints and activities, which these two decades. They were manifested were often seen as unswervingly in his dejection regarding both his unblemished: “However, Mühlberger private (his homosexuality) and public had no pronounced ideological basis […], his standpoints regarding national 7 Mühlberger was engaged in translating independence often appear to be hazy and publishing Czech literary works and [and] perplexed; that is, too lenient according to some witnesses he also was an excellent speaker who could hold 9 As representatives of this direc- audiences spellbound. See for example tion compare Frank-Lothar Kroll’s Josef Mühlberger, Linde und Mohn. 100 or Susanne Lange-Greve’s views: Gedichte aus 100 Jahren tschechischer Susanne Lange-Greve, Böhmen, ‘das Lyrik (Nürnberg: Glock und Lutz, 1964); unruhige Herz Europas, hat mich zum Božena Němcová, Großmutter. Bilder Grenzgänger gemacht, aber auch zum aus dem ländlichen Leben, translated by Grenzüberschreiter’, in: Germanoslavica. Josef Mühlberger (München: Deutscher Zeitschrift für germano-slawische Taschenbuch Verlag, 1981, new edi- Studien, Vol. 20 (2009), Issue 1, pp.25– tion 2005); Jan Neruda, Kleinseitner 37; Frank-Lothar Kroll, ‘Ein deutscher Geschichten, translated by Josef Dichter aus Böhmen. Josef Mühlberger’, Mühlberger (Bochum: Winkler, 1965). in: Böhmen. Vielfalt und Einheit einer lit- 8 Compare for example public discussion erarischen Provinz ed. by Frank-Lothar based on the reception of his novel Huss Kroll (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2000), im Konzil (1931): See Michael Berger, ‘Ein pp.83– 93; Frank-Lothar Kroll, ‘Josef deutscher Hus-Roman und sein Autor im Mühlberger. Bemerkungen zu Leben und Lichte der tschechischen und deutschen Werk’, in: Josef Mühlberger, Ausgewählte Presse Prags 1931’, in: Josef Mühlberger. Werke [Selected Works], Vol. 1., ed. by Beiträge des Münchner Kolloquiums Frank-Lothar Kroll (Bonn: Kulturstiftung ed. by Peter Becher (München: Adalbert der deutschen Vertriebenen, 2004), Stifter Verein, 1991), pp.18–34. pp.17–28. 108

towards some nationalistic events which with his fear of the public exposure of he did not support yet he tolerated his homosexuality, which would have them.”10 This political equivocalness was caused his public denunciation.12 Thus, also documented by Peter Becher; first, Mühlberger’s biographer Michael when he denounced the egocentric and Berger observes “that homosexuality pragmatic components of Mühlberger’s had a crucial impact on Mühlberger’s benevolence regarding the inhuman life and fate. […] His erotic and sexual policy of National Socialists based on his life […] took place exclusively in correspondence with the Insel Publishing homosexual relationships. This must House in the late 1930s, second, when have led to constant discouragement he proved that Mühlberger insisted on and endangering situations under the publishing in Germany,11 even though, former penal system and conditions, at the time, he himself was considered especially since such a ‘forbidden as a cultural/political persona non grata, inclination’ could not remain and despite the resentment towards unrevealed in a small town such everything Jewish, leftist, Avant-garde/ as Trutnov/Trautenau. This might decadent, and unvölkisch that was account for his characteristics, i.e. his manifested in violent actions (such despondency and anxious, intentionally as Nazi book burnings, propagandist ambiguous stances, his inclination to expositions against degenerate art etc.), equivocalness; and undoubtedly also i.e. the destructive nature of the regime his tendency to reality-abstinence for was henceforth no secret anymore. the benefit of aestheticism […].”13 However, Mühlberger’s anxious political “weaving” is undoubtedly closely linked 12 Analogous situations in the history of social-political penalization and discrimination of Jewish people and peo- 10 Ludvík Václavek, ‘Dílo Josef Mühlbergera ple in same sex relationships (i.e. ho- v letech 1925–1936. K dějinám německé mosexuals) as well as the literary re- literatury na československém území flection of this discrimination have v době mezi světovými válkami’, in: been subject to many scholarly pa- Ludvík E. Václavek, Stati o německé liter- pers. See Hans Mayer, Der Außenseiter aturě vzniklé v českých zemích (Olomouc: (Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp, 1975), Georg Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, 1991), L. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality. pp.202–225 (p.204). Middle-Class Morality and Sexual “Mühlberger hatte jedoch keine aus- Norms in Modern Europe (Medison/ geprägte ideologische Basis […], seine Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Einstellungen zu der Nationalfrage er- Press, 1985), Heinrich Detering’s ‘Juden, scheinen nicht selten als nebelig, ver- Frauen, Literaten. Stigma und Stigma- legen, d.h. als allzu sehr nachsichtig ei- Bearbeitung in Thomas Manns frühen nigen nationalistischen Erscheinungen Essays (1893–1914)’, in: Thomas Mann und gegenüber, die er nicht unterstützte, je- das Judentum. Die Vorträge des Berliner doch tolerierte.” Kolloquiums der Deutschen Thomas- 11 Peter Becher, ‘“… und ich tat viel zu Mann- Gesellschaft ed. by Manfred wenig dagegen…” Josef Mühlbergers Dierks et al (Frankfurt/M: Klostermann, Korrespondenz mit dem Insel-Verlag, 2004), pp.15–34. 1933–1938’, in: Josef Mühlberger. Beiträge 13 Berger (see note 1), p.10. des Münchner Kolloquiums ed. by Peter “weiteres Leben und Schicksal entsc- Becher (München: Adalbert Stifter Verein, heidend prägen. […] erotisch und 1991), pp.35–54. sexuell war er […] ausschließlich auf LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 109

Josef Mühlberger tried hard to against what? Against the impudence change the perception of his personality of the small and big ex-Nazis who could in the public sphere after the Second even after 1945 (often undisturbed) take World War and to present himself in a back their former little working positions and stations? It seemed so. Nevertheless, different light. He received rich support it seemed that his outbursts must have from Sudeten German organizations carried another meaning; that while his relentless tirades were well-directed and associations for expelled Germans at the vices of that time, they also con- as a Sudeten German author who was cerned other, private conflicts. His hatred often labelled as a regional writer closely was like ‘the head of Janus’ […]. [His] loss lies in the futile endeavour of the young, connected with Sudeten Germany, and promising writer to find a compromise who seemed to have a clean slate after between his own ambitious future plans the Second World War. Therefore, and the ideological directives of the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment Mühlberger became a suitable and Propaganda […]. He was not able to representative for them. During the speak about this certainly painful life period. Had he been able to do so, he would process of the public re-canonisation of not have had to carry his burden of a leg- this author proclaimed as ‘non-German’ end (whatever it may have been based on) and as ‘pervert’ before the war, many throughout his whole life, that is, to become a political victim of the Nazi-regime unpleasant details from Mühlberger’s as a young writer.” life had to be eliminated; for example, [Auffallend an Josef Mühlbergers Abrechnen mit dem Nationalsozialismus once again, his homosexuality or his und seinen Folgen nach 1945 war der ag- inconsequent political views in the gressive, emotional aufgeladener Ton, 1930s. Naturally, he did not completely der sie begleitete, als wollte er einem in viel Jahren angestauten Hass Bahn internalize this process and remained brechen. Einem Hass worauf? Auf die fully aware of his skeleton in the closet, Schamlosigkeit der kleinen und großen Ex-Nazis, die nach 1945 meist unbe- which is confirmed by many statements helligt ihre ehemaligen Pöstchen und of his contemporaries.14 Posten wiederbesetzten konnten? Es schien so. Und dennoch ahnte man, dass seine Ausbrüche auch noch eine andere gleichgeschlechtliche Beziehungen fix- Bedeutung haben mussten; dass seine iert. Das mußte unter den damaligen schonungslosen Tiraden die Missstände strafrechtlichen Verhältnissen zu einer zwar beim Namen nannten, dass sie zugle- ständigen Verängstigung und realen ich aber noch andere, eigene Konflikte Gefährdung führen, zumal eine solche betrafen. Sein Hass war ein Januskopf ‚verbotene Neigung‘ im kleinstädtis- […] [Seine] Niederlage bestand in dem chen Trautenau nicht verborgen bleiben vergeblichen Bemühen des jungen, erfol- konnte. Eben aus jener Veranlagung gversprechenden Schriftstellers, einen […] erklären sich möglicherweise jene Kompromiss zu finden zwischen den ei- Charakterzüge, die sich in einer gewissen genen, hochgesteckten Zukunftsplänen Verzagtheit und ängstlich lavierenden und den ideologischen Direktiven des Haltung offenbarten; zweifellos auch Reichsministeriums für Volksaufklärung jene Tendenz zur Wirklichkeitsabstinenz und Propaganda […] Über dieses gewiss zugunsten eines Ästhetizismus.” schmerzliche Kapitel seines Lebens ver- 14 “Josef Mühlberger’s aggressive, emotion- mochte er nicht zu sprechen. Hätte er es ally loaded tone regarding his reckoning gekonnt, er hätte nicht zeitlebens an der with National Socialism and its conse- Bürde einer wodurch auch immer ent- quences after 1945 was remarkable, as standenen Legende tragen müssen, näm- if he wanted to put forth his hatred ac- lich als junger Schriftsteller politisches cumulated after many years. His hatred Opfer des Nazi-Regimes geworden zu 110

This article demonstrates that II. THE LITERARY Mühlberger’s relationship to Jews, and PORTRAYAL OF JEWS IN Jewishness in general (especially his JOSEF MÜHLBERGER’S portrayal of Jewish characters), was WORK ambivalent: on the one hand, it was interwoven with his sincere interest in In my opinion, the inconspicuous Judaism as well as his frank affection short story Asche [Ashes]16 from for it, on the other hand, also with Mühlberger’s estate provides us with a cultural stereotypes and non-reflective lot of information about the author’s, in resentments,15 as well as his inner angst many ways, ambivalent relationship to and defensive strategies. Herewith, the Jewishness and Judaism. The Christian aim of the article is inter alia to point out narrator of this only four-page-long that literary theoreticians should pay short story retrospectively describes his more attention to the precise analysis close friendship with a Jewish boy. The of his texts and documents rather than temporal frame sets this emotionally relying blindly on his autobiographical loaded relationship in the period statements that usually serve the aim of before the Second World War; the story self-promotion. is told in a sonorous, melancholic tone presuming a rather longer time distance between the actual event and the narration time, which might be connected to reconciliation and the overcoming of hurdles. The geographic place of the narration cannot be clearly sein.] (Friedhelm Röttger, ‘Mich weht kalt die Zukunft an’, in: Germanoslavica. determined, except for the fact that Zeitschrift für germano-slawische the story is placed in a town situated Studien, Vol. 20 (2009), Issue 1, pp.11–20 (pp.16–17). in a German cultural milieu in Central 15 Mühlberger’s insufficient or absent re- Europe. Here, Mühlberger chooses flection of national socialist and völkisch a rare form of narrative: that is, the background in his literature based on second person singular, which is typical the reception of other works provides us with a similar situation, as it was the case for the deep engagement of the narrator of his fictional war diary Die schwarze with the narrated story. The story can Perle (1953) in which Mühlberger unargu- ably copies Walter Flex’ successful novel be understood both as an “intimate Der Wanderer zwischen dem Himmel dialogue”17(30) between the narrator und der Erde. However, his approach to- and his deceased friend, as well as a wards Flex’ ideology in the novel is by no means critical (compare Lukáš Motyčka, ‘Josef Mühlberger als Leser Walter Flex’, in: Brücken 21/1-2 (2012), pp.231–244). His camouflaging depiction of the homosexual erotic oscillating between his 16 Josef Mühlbeger, Erzählungen aus self-disownment and self-acknowledge- dem Nachlaß (Eislingen: Kunstverein ment could be classified as this analogy. Eislingen, n.d.), S. 28-31. Henceforth this It also says a lot about Mühlberger’s in- publication will be cited in this article. ner ambivalence. 17 “Zwiegespräch” LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 111

threnody.18 The opening of the story of homoerotic character constellations), prepares the reader through a direct it can be seen as a story about a introduction of character constellation homosexual liaison between two boys ‘I/me – you’ for a narrative about from ‘feuding camps’.21 The depiction of an intense and intimate friendship: the relationship, quite understandably, “My first look, when I entered the lacks any explicit description of physical luxurious and rich yet somewhat sensuality; the friendship evolves within gloomy apartment of your parents for a strictly circumscribed frame of platonic the first time, focused on a little silver emotionality.22 During the process of box above the doorframe […] You remembering, the first person narrator might have noticed my bashfulness focuses on various elements and […]” (28, emphasis added).19 When events, thereby delineating Christian contextualized with other texts written characteristics from Jewish ones. by Mühlberger,20 this story can be Three pages later, after a dramatic ‘fast clearly interpreted as a short story with forward’ in the narrative, the reader is the subject of homoerotic friendship brought to the present time of the first- between two adolescent boys. Moreover, when cataloguing Mühlberger’s texts 21 This constellation (intimate relationship, according to the variable forms of or erotic sympathy towards the ‘enemy’) is a common subject in Mühlberger’s homosexual relationships (e.g. the type work; for example, in the short story Der Partisan, or in the novel Bogumil, and others. Thereto compare Lukáš Motyčka, 18 More about the genre of threnody for a ‘Warum liebt der Verfolger seinen deceased friend, or the genre of Nänie [a Verfolgten? Zum ‚Konzept‘ der politisch funeral song] that have a firm position in subversiven Gleichgeschlechtlichkeit bei the tradition of homoerotic literature in Josef Mühlberger’, in: German Studies Gerhard Härle, ‘Jetzt aber gehst du mir Review 34/1, February 2011, pp.109–124. aus dem Gesicht“. Klagen um den toten 22 More about the tradition of platonic love in Geliebten’, in: Forum Homosexualität the context of homoerotic literature com- und Literatur ed. by Wolfgang Popp, pare in: Jan Steinhaußen, ‚Aristokraten Gerhard Härle, Marita Keilson-Lauritz, aus Not‘ und ihre ‚Philosophie der zu Dirck Linck, and Wolfram Setz, 50/2007, hoch hängenden Trauben‘. Nietzsche- pp. 45–65. Härle also mentions, among Rezeption und literarische Produktion others, a unique case of this genre: the von Homosexuellen in den ersten lament of a father for his dead children Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts: (ibid., p.45ff). This topos can often be Thomas Mann, Stefan George, Ernst found in Mühlberger’s work, for exam- Bertram, Hugo von Hofmannsthal u.a. ple, in Die schwarze Perle; Der Galgen im (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, Weinberg; Die Tonscherbe, and others. 2001); Evelyn Fox Keller, Erkenntnis 19 Mein erster Blick, als ich die vornehme und sexuelle Liebe bei Plato und und reiche, aber irgendwie düstere Bacon, in: Feministische Studien, 4:1 Wohnung deiner Eltern zum ersten Male (1985, Mai), pp.47–56; Ilija Dürhammer, betrat, galt der kleinen silbernen Kapsel Geheime Botschaften. Homoerotische über dem Türpfosten […] Du magst meine Subkulturen im Schubert-Kreis, bei Hugo Scheu bemerkt haben […]. von Hofmannsthal und Thomas Bernhard 20 On this contextualization in Lukáš (Wien u. a.: Böhlau, 2006); Paul Derks, Motyčka, Die homoerotische Camouflage Die Schande der heiligen Päderastie. im Werk Josef Mühlbergers, Dissertation Homosexualität und Öffentlichkeit in der (Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v deutschen Literatur 1750–1850 (Berlin: Olomouci, 2010). Verlag rosa Winkel, 1990). 112

person narrator and takes part in the After the first superficial reading of the mourning for his friend who was burnt in short story, given the lack of knowledge the “oven”(30).23 However, the concrete regarding other Mühlberger’s texts, it circumstances of the annihilation of his could possibly be (mis)interpreted as a Jewish friend are neither mentioned melancholic tale of sorrow. However, nor described. Mühlberger here treats the story includes two discourses rich in the subject of wartime events and tradition which undermine the simple, incidents connected with the war (such primary interpretation of the tale as a as SS-terror, Holocaust etc.) in the philo-Semitic documentation of historical same way as he processes them in his events and, as such, suggest a different other texts. He usually diverts from the interpretation. In the following, the two concrete brutality of incidents during literary discourses, i.e. the homoerotic the 1930s and 1940s; they are either and the anti-Semitic discourse, shall be sentimentalized, aestheticized, or unveiled in Mühlberger’s short story mythologized (or de-concretized) by Asche. means of vague tirades of hatred.24 The scenery used by Mühlberger to describe the intimate friendship 23 “Feuerofen” between two adolescent boys belongs 24 Mühlberger’s provoking handling and de- entirely to the well-explored inventory of piction of the above described topics can- 25 not be discussed in detail in this article the so called homoerotic camouflage. because of its word limit. Nevertheless, Similar to his other texts, the tale Asche it should be mentioned that it trig- is connected with a homoerotic (or just gered a passionate debate and controversy; see the review of Bogumil, where tinged with a homoerotic) character Mühlberger’s viewpoint was criticized constellation26 that is so typical of as follows: “Something like that is published in 1980. It seems to be a regression Mühlberger’s entire work; i.e. the to the dangerous escapism of the earlier friendship between two boys. In Asche period, that is, to an obscurantist way Mühlberger seems to be referring to of thinking which assigns phenomena such as National Socialism to some de- his famous book Die Knaben und der monic-metaphysical powers that break into an otherwise orderly and innocent was? Zum Problem ‚Heimat‘ bei Josef society.” [So etwas wird im Jahre 1980 Mühlberger’, in: Heimat als Chance und gedruckt. Es scheint mir einen Rückfall Herausforderung. Repräsentationen in den gefährlichen Eskapismus früherer der verlorenen Heimat ed. by Carme Zeiten darzustellen, in ein obskuran- Bescansa, and Ilse Nagelschmidt (Berlin: tistisches Denken, das Erscheinungen Frank & Timme, 2014), pp.207–226. wie den Nationalsozialismus ir- gendwelchen dämonisch-metaphysis- 25 For another important study on the chen Mächten zuschreibt, die in eine subject of the so called homoerotic sonst ordentliche und unschuldige camouflage, see Heinrich Detering, Gesellschaft einbrechen.] (Egon Schwarz, Das offene Geheimnis. Zur liter- Schuldloses Leben, schlimmes Ende. Ein arischen Produktivität eines Tabus Roman von Josef Mühlberger, in: FAZ, von Winckelmann bis zu Thomas Mann Friday, 24 October, 1980, No. 248, p.26.). (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2002). On Mühlberger’s depicton of National 26 See Marita Keilson-Lauritz, Von der Liebe Sozialism, war, homeland etc., which is die Freundschaft heißt. Zur Homoerotik labelled as highly problematic, com- im Werk Stefan Georges (Berlin: Verlag pare Lukáš Motyčka, ‘Alles Heimat oder rosa Winkel, 1987), p.62. LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 113

Fluss [The Boys and the River] from puts emphasis on Mann’s “identificatory 1934 when he once again focuses on the relationship [to Jewishness]”, which intensive friendship: “We worried about can be deduced from the “commonality each other when we didn’t see each between the stigmata”29 and results in other for a day […]” (30).27 Since these a dialectic strategy (concerning text intensive relationships between men production), which is understood as cannot fully develop in Mühlberger’s a “tension between the explicit philo- work, the story is enriched with social- Semitic negation of the cliché and political components on the surface its de facto anti-Semitic recurrence”30 of the text that function as the main (concerning text reception). While reason for the destruction of the listing differences between Christians relationship or the death of one of the and Jews, the narrator from Asche only friends. In Asche, the alleged reason seemingly blurs the borders between for the subconscious renunciation of them; in fact, he deepens the divide and the socially contested relationship thereby repeats the old familiar literary (because of its homosexuality) is the stereotypes about Jews. The result Jewish origins of the beloved friend. is a highly polarized and contrasted Herewith, both groups of outsiders are way of description. Thus, the family of united. With regards to the motivation his Jewish friend is suggested to be a for camouflage and Mühlberger’s ‘typically’ upper-middle class educated literary dealing with the Jewish subject, ‘merchant family’ (“distinguished Heinrich Detering’s conclusions and wealthy”31, 28) already in the first concerning Thomas Mann can be sentence. Also, the stereotype of ‘Jewish smoothly transferred to Mühlberger. decadence’ is activated immediately Detering points out that Thomas Mann’s in the depiction of the apartment. The suppressed homosexuality had to be Christian narrator considers it to be taken into account when discussing his “somewhat gloomy”32 (28) and later “early and henceforth ambivalent stance remarks in a seemingly innocent way: towards Jews and Jewishness”.28 He “I was never ill, whilst you sometimes were, and then I sat at your bedside for 27 „Wir hatten umeinander gebangt, wenn many hours so as not to leave you alone wir einander einen Tag nicht gesehen hatten […]“ (30). Compare for example Thomas Manns frühen Essays (1893– the defaming review of Die Knaben und 1914)’ (see note 12), p.19; “frühe und stets der Fluß by W. Pleyer who criticises the ambivalente Einstellung zu Juden und author especially for this intensity of Judentum”. the relationship: “Waschek’s affection 29 Ibid., p.21; “identifikatorisches Verhältnis to Jenjik is repulsive – this ‘boy’ cannot [zum Judentum]”, “verbindenden Aspekt spend a single day without the other des Stigmas”. one […].” [Widerlich diese Zuneigung Wascheks zu Jenjik – keinen Tag kann der 30 Ibid., p.17; “Spannungsverhältnis ‘Junge’ ohne den anderen sein […]] (cited zwischen explizit philosemitischen by Becher, ‘“…und ich tat viel zu wenig Bestreitung des Klischees und seiner de dagegen…”’ (see note 11), p.38. facto antisemitischen Wiederholung”. 28 Detering, ‘Juden, Frauen, Literaten. 31 “vornehm[] und reich[]” Stigma und Stigma-Bearbeitung in 32 “irgendwie düster[]” 114

[…]” (29).33 Thereupon, the narrator actually feminine” (28).35 The discourse tries to dissipate one of the most wide- of misogyny typical of Mühlberger’s spread stereotypes and lets the Jewish work is easily discernible here. boy take the mezuzah off the wall to Furthermore, the ‘ecumenical show his friend “that there wasn’t a endeavour’ of the narrator in Asche drop of Christian blood in it, as people is confirmed by the Christian boy’s used to believe” (28)34. This rectification interest in the writing and religion of does not lack a certain unintended his Jewish friend. The careful pedantry comic effect with regard to the whole regarding the production of the writing story as well as the narrator’s immediate and religious practice (“the strict following memory of his “bewilderment rules”, 2836) is accentuated. Together by the fact that your evil spirits were with the gesture of an interreligious understanding, other stereotypes about Jews are pulled out of the hat. 33 The fact that Jewish people and homo- The narrator remembers the name of sexuals are in various discourses bur- his friend: “Your parents as admirers dened with negative meanings is usually given. Therefore, they used to be publicly of Richard Wagner named you stigmatized as ‘witches’ in theological Siegmund.”37 (28) At first, this little discourse (see Andreas Kraß, ‘Der erotis- detail evokes Wagner’s ambivalent che Dreieck. Homosoziales Begehren in einer mittelalterlichen Novelle’, in: personality, e.g. his open anti-Semitism Queer Denken. Queer Studies ed. by together with the unscrupulous Andreas Kraß (Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp, 2003), pp.277–279), in the medical-psy- exploitation of his Jewish friends and chiatric discourse of the 19th and 20th colleagues for his own purposes.38 In centuries they were often presented as case the reader is familiar with the “fragile, close to death, the victims of premature old age” (George L. Mosse, function of Richard Wagner’s music Nationalism and Sexuality. Middle-Class in Mühlberger’s work, serving as a Morality and Sexual Norms in Modern Europe (see note 12), p.135), or as ner- metaphor for a rootless and decadent vous and insane. In juridical discourse they were seen as criminals, within the debate about the integrity of a modern man (‘modern crisis of manhood’), de- 35 “Staunen[], daß eure bösen Geister famed as feminine or virility-threatening Geistinnen waren” (see Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality. Middle-Class Morality and Sexual Norms 36 “die strengen Vorschriften” in Modern Europe (see note 12), p.23), and 37 “Die Eltern hatten dir […] aus ihrer in the sexual-moral or hygienic context, Begeisterung für Richard Wagner den they were denigrated as particularly ani- Namen Siegmund gegeben.” malistic, obsessed with sex, and virulent. 38 Wagner, as an Anti-Semite, is a re- (see Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality. search topic causing huge controversy Middle-Class Morality and Sexual both for scholars and publicists. See Norms in Modern Europe (see note 12), Dieter Borchmayer: ‘Richard Wagners p.133–152). Antisemitismus’ (http://www.bpb.de/ “Ich war niemals, du zuweilen krank, und apuz/160065/richard-wagners-antisem- dann saß ich stundenlang an deinem itismus?p=all, 28 February 2015), or Bett, um dich nicht allein zu lassen […]” see television documentaries such as 34 “daß darin, wie so gesprochen wurde, ‘Richard Wagner und die Juden’, broad- kein Tropfen Christenblut war” cast by Arte, 19 May 2014, and others. LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 115

world predestined to wither,39 this of the name Siegmund and cannot resist allusion can be seen rather as an implicit commenting on it in a patronizing criticism of the decadent Jewishness way: “This name did not seem to suit in terms of Max Nordau and it can be you and when we were alone, I called seen – I do not think I am overstretching you Joshua.” (28)40 The portrayal of the interpretation here – as an attempt the Jewish upper-middle class, as a of dissipating feelings of guilt and social group destined to disappear, is responsibility regarding political events furthermore intensified: by a detailed from the 1930s and 1940s. The narrator description of the social status of the draws the attention to the misplacement Jewish friend; he is given music classes (see 28), or visits the theatre (see 29). At 39 See Mühlberger’s novels Im Schatten the same time, Böcklin’s painting called des Schicksals and Das Tal der Träume. Mühlberger’s literary depiction of Isle of the Dead is hanging in the Jewish Richard Wagner also manifests the mul- apartment and provides the reader with tiple overlapping of the aforementioned discourses in his often inconsequen- another intertextual reference implying tial worldview. The fact that ‘Richard the fatal decadence of Jews.41 There is Wagner’ becomes a concrete metaphor one more reference to his own texts present in homoerotic literature is often emphasized. Jan Steinhaußen explains signalizing the homoerotic substrate that “Wagner’s operas were ciphers for that is worth mentioning at this point: the homosexual state of mind. His music did not put the feeling in order but Mühlberger uses the motif of ‘seeing expressed the chaotic aspect of the feel- each other home’ in Asche. This plays a ing. Nietzsche and Thomas Mann were constitutive role in his late novel Bogumil moved to tears by Wagner’s music. Their ‘confused’ passions were reflected in his oder Das unschuldige Leben [Bogumil or music.” [Wagners Opern waren Chiffren The Innocent Life] (1980) and is heavily homosexueller Befindlichkeit. Seine Musik ordnete nicht das Gefühl, son- loaded with eroticism: “The seeing off dern drückte nur noch das Chaotische after the theatre performances took des Gefühls aus. Nietzsche und Thomas a long time because, when you were Mann waren von Wagners Musik zu Tränen gerührt. Ihre ‚verworrenen‘ seeing me home, I didn’t want you to Leidenschaften spiegelten sich in der go back home alone […]” (29).42 The Musik.] (Jan Steinhaußen, ‘Aristokraten narrator describes the ecumenically aus Not’ und ihre ‘Philosophie der zu hoch hängenden Trauben’ (see note 22), p.202.) Mühlberger’s strict defamation 40 “Mir schien der Name nicht zu dir zu pas- of Wagner as a decadent artist as well sen und ich nannte dich, wenn wir allein as his denouncing doubts regarding waren, Joshua.” Wagner’s ambivalent sexuality (“Richard Wagner admitted: ‘I’m drawn to both men 41 On the cultural-critical interpretation and women’, a word rising from his ex- of Böcklin’s Isle of the Dead see Franz perience” [Richard Wagner hat bekannt: Zegler, Arnold Böcklin. Die Toteninsel. ‘Mich drängt es zu Männern und Frauen’, Selbstheroisierung und Abgesang der ein Wort, das aus der Erfahrung stammt.] abendländischen Kultur (Frankfurt/M: Josef Mühlberger, Im Schatten des Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1991). Schicksals, pp.74–75), and further also 42 “Den [Theater-]Aufführungen folgte das his implicit criticisms regarding Jews who Heimbegleiten, das lange dauerte, weil, love their ‘judges’ points out once again wenn du mich heimgebracht hattest, ich Mühlberger’s rejection and projection dich nicht allein den Weg nach Hause strategies. machen lassen wollte […].” 116

tinged message concerning their can observe everything beneath without getting to know each other and their being noticed” (29)44. tolerance in the following scene. The Furthermore, both religions are Christian narrator remembers one of compared and contrasted with each their first meetings: “After I had already other using the example of Christmas. accompanied you to the temple and The narrator mentions “our song bashfully experienced the pulling of the of yearning for the Messiah” (29)45 curtain, the opening of the metal door, and the Jewish boy – who, from the and the taking out of the Torah scrolls perspective of the narrator, also – you eventually expressed your wish to experiences a religious elevation (“your attend a mass one day – and you meant by face, your praying hands appear in that to see me in a white choir shirt with a the light bright, clear and beautiful”, wide red collar during the mass service.” 3046) – reciting “[his own] prayers in (29)43 The subversive clarification of the his rough language” (30)47. It is hard reason why the Jewish friend would like to decide what the contrasting of both to experience the holy mass (that is, religions is aiming at: whether at their to enjoy the appearance of his beloved stereotypical distinction - Christianity friend) borders on heresy and, once as a religion of love versus Judaism as more, brings in stereotypes about Jews a religion of the word; or whether it which accuse them of a hateful attitude tries to compare both religions in their towards Christianity. Next to the rather relationship to emotions (hence also sub-textual and highly delicate message to eroticism and sexuality). Yet, the about a possible agreement between attempt to get closer to Jewishness and the ‘feuding camps’ through emotional- on the sub-textual level closer to the erotic liaisons, the passage provides friend are undermined by an insistent us with a sceptical picture about the usage of concepts which underline the understanding of both the monotheistic division between the ‘other’ and ‘one’s religions and cultures. The Christian own’. Thus, borders are rather created narrator is allowed to enter the temple than removed. “I wasn’t a bystander; without any obstacles. The Jew, on the the strange and unusual filled me with other hand, has to “hide himself at a ancient dread and this dread was mixed certain spot in the choir from where you with happiness because I could see you in the glare of the light, far away in the

44 “einer Stelle auf dem Chor [verstecken], 43 “Schließlich sagtest du, nachdem ich von dem du alles betrachten konntest, dich schon in den Tempel begleitet ohne selber gesehen zu werden.” und mit Scheu das Zurückschlagen des 45 “unser Sehnsuchtslied nach dem Vorhangs, das Öffnen der erzernen Tür, Messias” das Hervorholen der Thora-Rollen er- lebt hatte – sagtest mir den Wunsch, 46 “tauchen mir dein Gesicht, deine betend du möchtest einmal eine Messe sehen ausgebreiteten Hände aus dem Schein – und du meintest doch, mich im weißen auf, hell, klar, schön” Chorhemd mit dem breiten roten Kragen 47 “in der herben Sprache [die eigenen] bei meinem Meßdienst zu sehen.” Gebete” LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 117

distant past but, even so, in an ineffable a thorn in the side of some leftist way, much closer than ever.” (30)48 authors after the Second World War. At the end of this Nenia, Mühlberger As early as 1952, Louis Fürnberg stated uses a dramatic means of fast motion that “Josef Mühlberger, the author through which the happy life together of the [prestigious] Insel Publishing transforms into the catastrophe of House and his newest [politically] the Holocaust: “The dreadful feeling inflammatory books” prove how “he became terror. When I recall you in my [Mühlberger] converted from a gentle memories – reminisce about you, since poet into a militarist who courageously you are dead. […] Ashes – I can smell crusades against the East with his pen”.51 them, I can taste them.” (30)49 By contrasting the portrayal of political III. CONCLUSION events on the surface of the text with the camouflaged contents of the sub- In conclusion we might assume that text, this article intended to show that the two discourses, i.e. the anti- the literary depiction of Mühlberger’s Semitic discourse and discourse worldview is at the intersection of various about homosexuality with their rich discourses. Mühlberger cannot be seen traditions, fundamentally problematize as an upright antagonist of the völkisch, and differentiate the seemingly simple national, or National Socialist ideas – as short story Asche, as well as, indirectly, he was perceived and depicted by the Mühlberger’s position towards Judaism. editor of his Ausgewählte Werke [Selected Mühlberger’s attitude of downplaying Works] Frank-Lothar Kroll: “[…] a the actual problems by considering detailed examination of Mühlberger’s everybody a victim, including murderers works would have revealed a writer and bystanders that were described who, more than anybody else, raised as “victims of illusions”,50 became the idea of mediation, reconciliation, and friendship between Germans and 48 “Ich war dabei nicht Zuschauer, das Czechs to the main aim of his multi- Fremde und Ungewöhnliche erfüllte mich mit uraltem Schauer, und in den Schauer mischte sich das Glück, dich im Glanz der “Opfer der Illusionen” Lichter zu sehen, in eine ferne Vorzeit en- 51 Cited by Michael Berger, ‘Von trückt, aber gerade so in einer unauss- Bescheidwissenschaft und prechlichen Weise näher als je.” Halbwissen. Ein Nachtrag zur neuer- 49 “Der Schauer wurde zum Schauder, lichen Wiederentdeckung eines wenn ich mich deiner erinnere – deiner Schriftsteller’, in: Brücken nach Prag, gedenke, da du tot bist. […] Asche – ich Deutschsprachige Literatur im kulturel- rieche sie, ich schmecke sie.” len Kontext der Donaumonarchie und der 50 Cornelia Fritsch/Wynfrid Kriegleder, ‘“Ich Tschechoslowakei ed. by Klaas-Hinrich werde Ihnen sagen, was Nationalismus Ehlers et al (Wien: Lang, 2000), pp.395– ist. Ein Wahnsinn, eine Krätze, eine an- 418 (p.396). steckende Krankheit, eine Epidemie…” “die neuesten Hetzbücher des Insel- Der Nationalsozialismus und seine Verlag-Autors Josef Mühlberger“ Folgen im Werk Josef Mühlbergers’, in: bezeugten, wie „sich [Mühlberger] Josef Mühlberger. Beiträge des Münchner von einem sanften Lyriker zu einem Kolloquiums, ed. by Peter Becher, pp.75– Militaristen entwickelt [habe], der auf 87 (p.78). dem Federhalter mutig gen Osten reitet” 118

layered literary activity, consisting of a thorough revision based on exact more than seventy books. Mühlberger textual and contextual analyses that do almost stubbornly incorporated this idea not advocate actual political needs. By in all phases of his literary development, doing so, it could finally be specified on resisting all political changes and which limits his life bordered. turning points. Eventually, this intense stubbornness assigned him the painful experience of a lonely outsider in the ever prevailing literary scene.”52 On the other hand, Fürnberg’s perception, which presents Mühlberger as a mummified militarist and National Socialist, should also be put into perspective. The inflationary use of metaphors regarding border, border crossing, and overcoming of borders, which Mühlberger related to himself in a self-promoting gesture and which are henceforth cherished by some Mühlberger-scholars, should be critically re-assessed. In my opinion, the rather simplified depiction of Mühlberger’s border-crossing requires

52 Frank-Lothar Kroll, Josef Mühlberger. Bemerkungen zu Leben und Werk (see note 9) p.17–18. Highlighted by Lukáš Motyčka. “Dabei hätte eine genauere Auseinandersetzung mit Mühlbergers Schaffen einem Schriftsteller gegolten, der kaum wie ein anderer den Gedanken der Vermittlung, Aussöhnung und Freundschaft zwischen Deutschen und Tschechen zum Hauptanliegen seiner vielfältig differenzierten, in über 70 selb- stständigen Buchveröffentlichungen ausgebreiteten literarischen Tätigkeit erhob. Mühlberger hat dieses Anliegen in allen Phasen seiner dichterischen Entwicklung verfochten, unbeirrt von politischen Wandlungen und Brüchen und mit einer geradezu hartnäckigen Konsequenz, deren Intensität ihm bis zuletzt die schmerzlich erfahrene Rolle eines einsamen Außenseiters im jew- eils vorherrschenden zeitgenössischen Literaturbetrieb zuwies.” LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 119

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Germanoslavica. Zeitschrift für germano- Motyčka, Lukáš. ‘Alles Heimat oder slawische Studien. Vol. 20 (2009), Issue 1. was? Zum Problem ‚Heimat‘ bei Josef Mühlberger’. In: Heimat als Chance Härle, Gerhard. ‘“Jetzt aber gehst du mir und Herausforderung. Repräsentationen aus dem Gesicht”. Klagen um den toten der verlorenen Heimat. Ed. by Carme Geliebten’. In: Forum Homosexualität Bescansa, and Ilse Nagelschmidt. Berlin: und Literatur. Ed. by Wolfgang Popp, Frank & Timme, 2014. pp.207–226. Gerhard Härle, Marita Keilson-Lauritz, Dirck Linck, and Wolfram Setz. 50/2007 Motyčka, Lukáš. ‘Josef Mühlberger als pp.45–65. Leser Walter Flex’. In: Brücken 21/1-2 (2012), pp.231–244. Keller, Evelyn Fox. ‘Erkenntnis und sexuelle Liebe bei Plato und Bacon’. In: Feministische Motyčka, Lukáš. Die homoerotische Studien. 4:1 (1985, Mai) pp.47–56. Camouflage im Werk Josef Mühlbergers. Dissertation. Olomouc: Univerzita Queer Denken. Queer Studies. Ed. by Andreas Palackého v Olomouci, 2010. Kraß. Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp, 2003. Motyčka, Lukáš. ‘Warum liebt der Kroll, Frank-Lothar. ‘Ein deutscher Dichter Verfolger seinen Verfolgten? Zum aus Böhmen. Josef Mühlberger’. In: ‘Konzept’ der politisch subversiven Böhmen. Vielfalt und Einheit einer Gleichgeschlechtlichkeit bei Josef literarischen Provinz. Ed. by Frank- Mühlberger’. In: German Studies Review Lothar Kroll. Berlin: Duncker & 34/1, February 2011, pp.109–124. Humblot, 2000. pp.83–93. Schwarz, Egon. ‘Schuldloses Leben, Kroll, Frank-Lothar. ‘Josef Mühlberger. schlimmes Ende. Ein Roman von Bemerkungen zu Leben und Werk’. In: Josef Mühlberger’. In: FAZ, Friday, 24 Josef Mühlberger, Ausgewählte Werke. October 1980, No. 248, p.26. Vol. 1. Ed. by Frank-Lothar Kroll. Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Steinhaußen, Jan. ‘Aristokraten aus Vertriebenen, 2004. pp.17–28. Not’ und ihre ‘Philosophie der zu hoch hängenden Trauben’. Nietzsche- Lange-Greve, Susanne. Leben an Rezeption und literarische Produktion von Grenzen. Josef Mühlberger 1903-1985. Homosexuellen in den ersten Jahrzehnten Eine Veröffentlichung zu seinem 100. des 20. Jahrhunderts: Thomas Mann, Geburtstag. Schwäbisch Gmund: 2003. Stefan George, Ernst Bertram, Hugo Lange-Greve, Susanne. Leben an Grenzen. von Hofmannsthal u. a. Würzburg: Josef Mühlberger (1903 – 1985). Ein Königshausen & Neumann, 2001. Weggefährte Max Brods. Ausstellung und Václavek, Ludvík. ‘Dílo Josef Mühlbergera Begleitbroschüre in Zusammenarbeit v letech 1925–1936. K dějinám německé mit der Stiftung Literaturforschung in literatury na československém území Ostwürttemberg und dem Schriftgut- v době mezi světovými válkami’. In: Archiv Ostwürttemberg. Haus der Ludvík E. Václavek, Stati o německé Heimat: 2008. literaturě vzniklé v českých zemích. Keilson-Lauritz, Marita. Von der Liebe die Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého Freundschaft heißt. Hur Homoerotik im v Olomouci, 1991. pp.202–225. Werk Stefan Georges. Berlin: Verlag rosa Zegler, Franz. Arnold Böcklin. Die Toteninsel. Winkel, 1987. Selbstheroisierung und Abgesang der Mayer, Hans. Der Außenseiter. Frankfurt/M: abendländischen Kultur. Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp, 1975. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1991. LUKÁŠ MOTYČKA 121

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Lukáš Motyčka studied German and Czech Philology in Olomouc where he also graduated in the field of German literature in 2010 (with his dissertation Homoerotische Camouflage im Werk Josef Mühlbergers). Since 2012 he has been a head of the Research Centre for German Moravian Literature. He deals with regional literature from Bohemia and Moravia, homoerotic literary camouflage, modern German and Austrian literature, as well as translation theory and criticism. 122

BASIC LAWS OF THE This article focuses on the constitutional system of Israel with an emphasis on the STATE OF ISRAEL: historical background surrounding the CONTROVERSIES, adoption of Basic Laws. First, it briefly explains the situation in which the new CONFLICTS AND state was established with regard to POLITICS BEHIND THE specific law systems that have influenced the current Israeli legal system. Secondly, CONSTITUTIONAL it deals with the conflicts between religious SYSTEM OF ISRAEL and secular groups that have been affected, as well as the constitutional creation of the SÁRA VALACHOVÁ State of Israel until today. It highlights the fact that these conflicts and collisions have shaped the constitutional system and will continue to affect it in the future. SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 123

When David Ben Gurion declared social and political circumstances, the “the establishment of a Jewish state as well as the evolving role of Israeli in Eretz-Israel, to be known as the State Supreme Court. th of Israel“ on the 14 of May 1948 in Tel ESTABLISHMENT OF Aviv, he started a new chapter, not only in the history of the Jewish nation, but THE STATE OF ISRAEL also in the history of a geographical The key document setting up the area which is central to one of the most background for the establishment of persistent international conflicts. The a new state was Resolution 181, passed new state has faced many challenges due by the General Assembly of the United to its specific geopolitical and historical Nations in November 1947. It stipulated position, which has been reflected in its conditions under which two states were constitutional setting. to be established in the area of former In this paper, the constitutional the British Mandate of the Palestine setting of the State of Israel will be – the Jewish state and the Arab state. analyzed with an emphasis on the The UN required the two future states, background conflicts that shaped its in addition to other conditions, to historic constitutional development. adopt a democratic constitution and More than a half century after its resume their position among other establishment, Israel has no formal democracies in the post-World War constitution and instead has adopted a II world. Both states were to elect a series of Basic Laws. The specific legal constituent assembly which would pass system of Israel has been influenced by a constitution meeting the necessary many factors, including the reception of prerequisites set up by the UN.1 laws from previous rulers over the area, Israeli leaders respected the political ambitions of Israeli leaders and Resolution and promised to adopt such conflicts between religious and secular constitution on a rather short term2 by groups. The adoption of the Basic Laws, which have served as a constitutional 1 UN Resolution 181 (II). Future government basis for the State of Israel throughout of Palestine. A/RES/181(II). 29 November 1947. the years of Israel’s existence, has been 2 Gideon Gordon, Arye Naor, Assaf further influenced by the changing Meydani, Law and Government in Israel 124

including the following provision when The reasons for this development drafting the Declaration of Establishment: were complex but the key missing “Constitution which shall be adopted piece was a lack of a political will from by the Elected Constituent Assembly the early political leaders of the newly not later than the 1st October 1948.“3 established State. The Declaration of (Declaration of Establishment) Establishment was drafted and declared However, when looking at the by the Provisional State Council, legal order of the State of Israel, we which also assumed a temporary can easily see that no statute called role of a legislative body. By January Constitution has ever been passed. 1949, already several months after More than 60 years after the promise the promised date of 1st October 1948, of the Declaration, Israel still does not the Provisional State Council adopted have a formal written constitution. a decision to dissolve itself as soon as The division of powers, basic human the Constituent Assembly was elected rights, powers of the Army, and other in general elections.5 The first Israeli key issues of a modern democratic state elections, postponed due to a war in are instead regulated in a series of laws which a vast part of Israel’s population called Basic Laws. This compilation of participated, were set up with a single laws has been adopted throughout the aim – to choose representatives that history of the State of Israel, the latest would draft and adopt the Constitution. being the novelization of Basic Law: This fact was well reflected in the election Government from March 2001. The campaigns of the candidates who current list of Basic Laws is: Basic Law: focused mainly on their propositions The Knesset (1958), Basic Law: Israel for a future constitution.6 Lands (1960), Basic Law: The People’s David Ben Gurion’s party, Mapai, Lands (1960), Basic Law: The President gained a majority in these historical of the State (1964), Basic Law: The State elections and had a decisive say on the Economy (1975), Basic Law: The Army future of Israel’s legal system. It was (76), Basic Law: Jerusalem, the Capital David Ben Gurion who, in fact, read of Israel (1980), Basic Law: The Judiciary the Declaration of Establishment on (1984), Basic Law: The State Comptroller the radio and yet, not even two years (1988), Basic Law: Human Dignity and afterwards, seemed to forget that he Liberty (1992), Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation (1994), and Basic Law: The 5 The Transition to a Constituent Assembly Ordinance, 13th January 1949 Government (2001).4 6 Rivka Weill, “Reconciling Parliamentary Sovereignty and Judicial Review: On the (Oxon: Taylor & Francis, 2010), p. 7. Theoretical and Historical Origins of 3 Declaration of Establishment of the the Israeli Override Power”, in Hastings State of Israel, 14th May 1948 Constitutional Law Quarterly 39.2 (2011), 4 The complete list of the valid Basic p. 465; a documentation of the elec- Laws can be found on the website of the tion campaign is accessible at http:// Knesset, web.nli.org.il/sites/NLI/English/collec- http://www.knesset.gov.il/description/ tions/treasures/elections/all_elections/ eng/eng_mimshal_yesod1.htm. Pages/e1949.aspx SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 125

had promised, and failed, to adopt a The Constituent Assembly therefore formal constitution even though he chose to take a different route. In was politically strong enough to do February 1949, less than a month after so. On the contrary, his reluctance to the general elections, the representatives draft and pass a working constitution passed the Transition Law11 in which has been viewed as a direct result of they transformed themselves into a his political strength. With his majority legislative assembly – the First Knesset. in the Constituent Assembly7 he was The role of the Knesset was legislative not willing to strand himself and as well as constituent not only to pass elected politicians by a piece of paper.8 regular laws enabling the country to His official reasons were, however, function but also to eventually adopt the different. He raised the valid point that postponed constitution. there was only a minority presence of To show its willingness to meet the world Jewry in the newly established conditions set in the UN Resolution Jewish State. Ben Gurion mentioned 181, the Knesset decided to pass the that he did not wish to adopt a binding so called Harari Decision named after constitution without an involvement, a Knesset member Yizhar Harari. through election, of a majority of Jews.9 Through this act, the Knesset set upa More importantly, he was afraid of Commission whose single task was to the new state losing its momentum as draft the Constitution. In the meantime, he believed that the new constitution the Commission along with other would give too much power to the parliamentary bodies was supposed minorities and the government would to propose the above mentioned Basic lose the ability to act swiftly. And above Laws, which at that time did not enjoy all, Ben Gurion feared that differences any special mode of majority different between religious and secular groups from other laws, allowing the State to could threaten the very nature of the function on a democratic basis. Later, new State and would possibly destroy it these Basic Laws were supposed to be by constant fighting.10 compiled in a single constitutional document. Needless to say, that is yet to 7 The results of 1949 elections allowed Ben Gurion to form a coalition government happen. with a majority of 73 out of 120 members. The Decision Harari was a political Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz, Christof compromise and even that was difficult Hartmann, ed, Elections in Asia and the Pacific: data handbook (Oxford: Oxford to carry out. In fact, some legal scholars University Press, 2001). call it “decision not to decide”.12 Some of 8 Gordon (see note 1), p. 8, Weill (see note the key issues had to wait for decades to 6), p. 466. be regulated through a Basic Law and for 9 http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/ jsource/Judaism/jewpop.html almost every single one, a political battle 10 Joshua Segev, “Who Needs a Constitution? In Defense of the Non- decision Constitution-making Tactic in 11 The Transition to a Constituent Assembly Israel”, in Albany Law Review, 70 (2007), p. Ordinance, 13th January 1949. 420. 12 Segev (see note 10), p. 430. 126

had to be fought first. Some of the basic also a mix of various legal orders which issues of constitutional character are the State inherited from its previous part of normal laws and do not possess rulers. Shortly after the establishment a constitutional authority manifested of the State of Israel, the Law and by special entrenchment,13 e.g. Women’s Administration Ordinance of 1948 Equal Rights Law of 1951 or The Law was adopted by the Provisional State of Return of 1950. Nevertheless, they Council which, in accordance with the form a part of the material constitution principle of continuity, stated that which must be distinguished from a “[t]he law which existed in Palestine on constitution in the formal sense – a the 5th Iyar 5708 (14th May 1948) shall document called ‘constitution.’ While remain in force, insofar as there is nothing Israel has in fact failed to adopt a formal therein repugnant to this Ordinance or to constitution, one cannot argue that it the other laws which may be enacted by does not have a material constitution. or on behalf of the Provisional Council of Approximately 40 years after the State, and subject to such modifications as establishment of the new State of may result from the establishment of the Israel, the Knesset adopted after a lot of State and its authorities“.16 Previously, debates and delays two Basic Laws, Basic after Britain had taken over the rule Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (1992), of this territory from the Ottoman and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation Empire, it also proclaimed in 1921 that (1994), which according to some the majority of Ottoman law will stay in caused a “Constitutional Revolution” force.17 Israel thus inherited a law that and resulted in the pronouncement of had been previously enforced by the a formal constitution by the Supreme two former authorities – British and Court in a ground-breaking decision Ottoman. United Mizrahi Bank vs. Migdal Ottoman law itself was composed Cooperative Village.14 In this decision by a numerous set of rules and its the Supreme Court cemented the codes were based on different legal process of Constitutional Revolution by orders. Islamic law played a major declaring the power of constitutional role but it was accompanied by French review and normative superiority of law through the reception of Code Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.15 Napoleon. The questions of personal 1. COLLISION OF status and religious issues were decided VARIOUS LEGAL ORDERS under the principle of personality of As much as Israel is a mix of various 16 Law and Administration Ordinance of 1948. cultures, religions and origins, it is 17 Palestine Order in Council of 1921, Art. 46; Menachem Elon, Jewish Law: history, sources, principles (Philadelphia: The 13 Weill (see note 6), p. 471. Jewish Publication Society, 1994), p. 1611, 14 CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank v. Migdal for more details see Robert Eisenman, Cooperative Village (1995) Islamic Law in Palestine and Israel 15 Segev (see note 10), p. 462. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976). SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 127

law which brought into the Ottoman turned to German and Italian codes Empire aspects of various other legal to help write new Israeli legislation.23 orders. Namely, in the area of the State However, despite the number of civil of Israel, it was the Jewish law decided law concepts embedded through this upon by the Jewish courts and Islamic reception in the Israeli legal system, law with Islamic courts. Other religious Israel cannot be accepted as a civil law groups had their own courts ruling country. It is the Knesset who enacts according to their own religious laws. new legislations which serve as the The British authority adopted all these main source of law under the doctrine of concepts and, moreover, it introduced parliamentary sovereignty (see below); the common law and equity.18 judges treat these acts similarly to their Individual branches of law (e.g. English colleagues. They interpret them criminal law, commercial law) were creatively and try to fill in the gaps. based on different legal orders and Precedents form a crucial role in the even concepts within these branches Israeli legal system and the doctrine of had different backgrounds (including stare decisis is followed giving a major the language differences).19 The formal importance to the decisions made by the connection with English common law Supreme Court.24 Judges even formulate was broken only after more than 30 their rulings after the English common years of Israel’s independence, in the law examples.25 20 21 year 1980. Justice Silberg compared 2. ENGLISH AND the state of law in which Israel was being established to “a mosaic, destined perhaps AMERICAN SYSTEM to excite the eyes of an archaeologist, but Newly established states usually take as a not able to serve as a firm basis for healthy model the United States of America and and normal legal relations“.22 its Constitution. Constituent assemblies We can easily see that when of new states would adopt fundamental compared to the situation of new laws usually called constitutions and states in Europe or elsewhere, Israel the written law would be accompanied was given a mix of numerous legal by traditions and the interpretation orders with which it was supposed to by constitutional courts. On the other build its own Israeli system. Trying to hand, Great Britain stands as a model fill the holes in its legal system, Israel for states without a written constitution where the central role is given to the 18 Ginossar, S. “Israel Law: Components and legislative assembly in accordance Trends”, in Israel Law Review 1.3 (1966), p. 384. 23 Further information can be found e.g. in 19 Elon (see note 17), p. 1611. Kurt Siehr and Reinhard Zimmermann, 20 Eliezer Rivlin, “Israel as a Mixed ed., The Draft Civil Code for Israel in Jurisdiction”, McGill Law Journal 57.4 Comparative Perspective (Tübingen: (2012), p. 782. Mohr, 2008). 21 Former Deputy President of the Israel 24 The Supreme Court, http://knesset.gov. Supreme Court (1900-1975) il/lexicon/eng/upper_crt_eng.htm. 22 Elon (see note 17), p. 1612. 25 Rivlin (see note 20), p. 783. 128

with the doctrine of parliamentary a gradual process towards the American sovereignty26 and “unqualified constitutional model. supremacy of the legislature”.27 Moreover, many of the judges, The early leaders of the State of lawyers and other educated jurists Israel had disparate perceptions of the chosen by the state oriented themselves ideal model of Israel’s constitutionality toward Britain, as the majority of them based, to a large extent, on their political studied there, were familiar with the ambitions. The member of the Knesset system and the precedents and used and the leader of the opposition, the rulings of English courts to support Menachem Begin, supported the their decisions.30 Israel thus chose to American model that would give Israel go the British way and it is accurate to a written constitution and limit the describe the Israeli constitutional set powers of the parliament. On the other up until the 1990’s as a parliamentary side stood David Ben Gurion, leading sovereignty. During the 1990’s, the the ruling Mapai party who opposed system received the first blow when the the adoption of a constitution. Apart Supreme Court decided the Bergman31 from the arguments mentioned above, case and declared a law passed by the his main political reason was an effort Knesset null and void for its conflict to retain his current powers. By not with the Basic Law: Knesset, thereby adopting a constitution, his majority in challenging the rules of parliamentary Knesset would have a free hand. sovereignty. The Supreme Court ruled Ben Gurion avoided adopting similarly three more times after this a formal constitution for fears of precedent.32 The scholar Rivka Weill limiting the elected politicians in the identified this era as critical in her essay Knesset. He, and a group of like-minded Reconciling Parliamentary Sovereignty politicians, believed that the Harari and Judicial Review33 and considers Resolution signified the adoption of the 1990’s as the time when Israel’s the British constitutional model of constitutional system started swinging parliament sovereignty – “in the form towards the American model. of an unqualified majority rule”.28 Even In 1995, the Supreme Court of limitations originating in the Knesset Israel ruled again a law invalid for its itself had no validity because the present conflict with a Basic Law in the case Knesset could not bind its successors.29 Other politicians saw the resolution as 30 Weill (see note 6), p. 464. 31 HCJ 98/69 Bergman v. Minister of Finance 26 Daniel J. Elazar, “The Constitution of the and State Comptroller (1969). State of Israel” in Jerusalem Center for 32 Anne Jussiaume, “La Coursuprême et la Public Affairs (April 2013). Accessible at Constitution en Israël: Entre activisme http://jcpa.org/dje/articles/const-in- et prudence judiciaire” in Jus Politicum tro-93.htm. (April 2013). Accessible at http://www. 27 Segev (see note 10), p. 431. juspoliticum.com/La-Cour-supreme-et- 28 Segev (see note 10), p. 426. la-Constitution.html. 29 Ibid. 33 Weill (see note 6). SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 129

United Mizrahi Bank.34 In this decision, the Israeli constitutional history but is the Court stated that it perceived the intertwined with the next decades of Basic Laws as a constitution of Israel adopting Basic Laws as well as regular and had the right for a judicial review legislature. It is central to the identity of an ordinary, non-constitutional, of Israel as a Jewish state and cannot be legislation. The Court stipulated that separated from the discussion about the in the future, the Knesset could change Israeli constitutional system. Moreover, the existing Basic Laws only by adopting Israel is a state where religion lies at the another Basic Law; by doing so it made bottom of most of its political conflicts a distinction between Basic Laws and – be it between secular and religious non-constitutional laws. The Supreme groups within Judaism or when trying to Court showed in this decision an cope with other religions of non-Jewish attempt to shift the Israeli constitutional citizens, namely Muslims. The ongoing system towards a constitutional regime debate on the position of religion within accompanied by the American model of the Israeli legal system arouses general judicial review.35 It needs to be pointed discussions, passionate proclamations, out that this decision has been broadly demonstrations and antipathies. disputed and does not represent the Ordinary Israeli citizens are not majority opinion of the judiciary and likely to know much about the remnants jurists, most of whom would not agree of the Ottoman law but would probably with the attempted shift and would be willing to express an opinion on argue that the doctrine of parliamentary how the state should deal with religion. sovereignty remained intact.36 Such a public discussion was recently, 3. SECULAR AND in the spring of 2014, triggered by a bill allowing a military draft of religious RELIGIOUS GROUPS communities which were previously The clash between secular and religious exempted from the military service. The groups was already mentioned when Haredi communities organized protests discussing Ben Gurion’s motives in the form of a mass prayer in the center for abandoning the idea of a formal of Jerusalem, as well as in several cities constitution. He was afraid of a cultural within North America.38 The estimated fight that would mark such disputes numbers of protesters in Jerusalem would define the Israeli legal system ranged from 250,000 to 600,000,39 and potentially destabilize the new and 38 Lily Wilf, “Ultra-Orthodox in NYC Protest 37 fragile state. The question of religion Israeli Draft Law“, in TabletMag, Online marked not only the very beginning of 10th April 2014. http://www.tabletmag. com/scroll/165549/ultra-orthodox-in- nyc-protest-israeli-draft-law. 34 CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank v. Migdal Cooperative Village (1995) 39 Crispian Balmer, “Ultra-Orthodox Jews stage mass protest against Israeli 35 Weill (see note 6), pp. 499 – 504, Segev draft law“, in Reuters, Online 10th (see note 10), p. 469. April 2014 http://www.reuters.com/ 36 Segev (see note 10), p. 463. article/2014/03/02/us-israel-conscrip- 37 Segev (see note 10), p. 423. tion-idUSBREA210I820140302. 130

either way being impressive since the Moshe Shapira,45 demanded that the total number of Israel’s population Declaration should include a reference amounts to about 8 million people and to God and the leftist Mapam party a number of Haredi Jews is estimated at refused to sign a document that would about 11%.40 incorporate such a reference. Ben Religion runs deeply through the Gurion was pushing for a quick approval Israeli society with all the disputes that of the document that would enable accompany it. Even the Declaration its declaration before Shabbat. The of Establishment was not saved when mentioned compromise was the easiest the drafting parties could not agree solution both sides were able to agree whether to include the word God or on. Ben Gurion himself saw it as an not. This conflict made a mark on the agreeable outcome and later expressed establishment of Israel and became his view that for him the adopted phrase an inseparable part of the public represented the Hebrew Bible and its discourse.41 The adopted wording of history and traditions. The Declaration of Establishment Prior to the establishment of the new State, religious courts had jurisdictionלארשי רוצ eventually included the phrase which was used as a compromise and is only in matters involving personal usually translated as “Rock of Israel”,42 status or family law. With the change of although earlier translations use the legal orders, the proponents of a Jewish phrase Almighty God.43 law were given hope to acquire a bigger This term was chosen for its meaning role with the incorporation of Halacha to both religious and secular Jews. into the new legal order.46 This started While religious circles saw this term a debate that continues until today and as a reference to God,44 secular circles is not limited to a mere question of interpret it as a cultural and historical incorporation or non-incorporation but heritage of the Jewish community. to the issues of the extent and means of Religious circles, represented by a possible incorporation. At one end of the spectrum of

40 Central Bureau of Statistics, Long‐ opinions, stood the leaders of Agudat Range Population Projections for Israel. It was originally a group of ‐ Israel: 2009 2059 (2012). orthodox activists that came to Israel 41 Elazar (see note 20). mainly from Germany and Poland 42 “Placing Our Trust in the ‘Rock of Israel’, […]” http://www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/for- and formed a party in 1912. They eignpolicy/peace/guide/pages/declara- distinguished themselves from the tion%20of%20establishment%20of%20 Zionist organizations and formulated state%20of%20israel.aspx, Elazar (see note 20). their opinion concerning the possible 43 “With trust in Almighty God,(…)“ Elon (see future of Palestine in 1938. They viewed note 1712). the Torah as the primary source of translates as יְהוָה, צוּרִי וְגֹאֲלִי - Psalm 19:15 44 “o Lord, my Rock, and my Redeemer“, e.g. English translation published by the 45 Israeli politician (1902-1970). Judaica Press. 46 Elon (see note 1712), p. 1613. SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 131

law that regulates all aspects of life the basis of the legal order”.49 Other including the government and the left-wing parties, e.g. Mapam wanted judiciary. In their view, the State is by no a secular state were Jewish law would means separated from religion. Slightly have no power even in the questions of less extreme opinions still consider personal status. the Torah as the primary source, but The State was established as a agree to a division between the rabbinic secular State whose leaders did not have courts and the general courts. The latter to follow the Torah and whose running ones should not decide solely basing is based on a secular law.50 Judaism is their rulings on the Torah but should not a state religion. Nevertheless, Israel nevertheless follow its spirit and comply is not a classic secular state in the Euro- with its provisions regarding, e.g. the American sense. Despite its proclaimed procedural law. secularity, Israel acknowledges religious Some rabbis viewed this approach institutions as state bodies, supports as objectionable. They pointed to the them financially through a state budget conditions set in the UN Resolution 181 and enforces some of the religious rules which required the new states to adopt through acts passed by the Knesset. As a democratic constitution. While they Eliezer Rivlin states:51 “Although there is did not dispute that values embedded in no separation between church and state Torah do not oppose democratic values in the country, Israel is not a religious of a modern state, they emphasized that state and the Jewish religion is not a state not all inhabitants were Jewish.47 The religion.”52 opinions of the religious community Instead, it would be more accurate were numerous and varied significantly. to talk about the Jewish character of When the time came to unite and let the State which was expressed in the the religious public speak in a common Declaration of Establishment and voice, they failed to do so. The group recognized by the Supreme Court.53 was not able to find a common ground The historical legitimacy of a Jewish and raise their claims while the State character of the State of Israel can was being established. The question of be drawn from two concepts. First, incorporating Halacha into the new legal as was already mentioned, the UN order was not presented in such a form as Resolution 181 proposed the division of to be taken seriously and was therefore the mandate into an Arab and a Jewish not dealt with.48Mapai, the strongest 49 Segev (see note 10), p. 416. political party, favoured a secular state 50 Yeahayahu Leibowitz, Judaism, Human with a possible “introduction of the Values and the Jewish State (Cambridge: jurisprudence of historic Judaism as Harvard University Press, 1992), p. 175. 51 Former Supreme Court Justice (born 1942). 52 Rivlin (see note 2015), p. 786. 47 In fact, in 1947 only 32% of Israel‘s popu- 53 Suzie Navot, The Constitutional Law of lation was Jewish. Israel (Alphen aan den Rijn: Kluwer Law 48 Elon (see note 17), pp. 1613- 1618. International, 2007), p.309. 132

state. Second, it was based on a general here and are willing to hear the case. idea of the right to self-determination of However, the Supreme Court ruled in the Jewish people as developed during Amir vs. Great Rabbinical Court57 that the 20th century in Europe and defined the jurisdiction of rabbinical courts by the international law.54 is limited by law and they cannot go Both sides, religious and secular, beyond the scope of their statutory perceive the current status of religious jurisdiction and decide the case even law differently. From the secular point with the consent of all parties involved. of view, the religious courts derive This contradictory understanding their authority from acts enacted by the has led to a conflict of two normative Knesset and they have to follow them as systems in which neither acknowledges they were interpreted by the Supreme the superiority of the other. It is no Court according to the principle of wonder then that the constitutional set- stare decisis even where it means up for the incorporation of religious law going against the religious rules.55 The has always been controversial. religious courts have a different opinion The provisions of the Basic Laws do on their position. They consider not make the situation any clearer. In two themselves as having their authority of the newer Basic Laws – Human Dignity derived from the religious normative and Liberty and Freedom of Occupation, system which historically precedes the the phrase “Jewish and democratic state” State of Israel and is valid irrespective was used. The interpretation of this of its recognition by a secular state. provision has been diverse. According The restrictions set on the religious to some, it admits that Jewish law is in courts by laws or by decisions made by fact a source of law in Israel. However, a Supreme Court are therefore highly there is no such provision in any act problematic.56 passed by the Knesset which is the only A particularly controversial situation source of law in Israel. The legislative can arise when two parties request their body has only once decided to include case to be heard in front of a rabbinic the following phrase into one of its court, even though the case would not laws: “[...] it shall decide it in the light of otherwise fall under its jurisdiction. The the principles of freedom, justice, equity rabbinical courts do not see a problem and peace of Israel’s heritage“.58 The combination of Jewish and 54 Art. 55 of the UN Charter, Art. 1/1 of the International Covenant on Civil and democratic caused such a controversy Political Rights, the Covenant was signed that the Supreme Court took the by Israel in 1966 but ratified only in 1991. opportunity to interpret its meaning and 55 Haim H. Cohn, Jewish Law in Ancient and ruled in United Mizrahi Bank vs. Migdal Modern Israel (New York: Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1971), pp. 176, 183. Cooperative Village that democratic 56 Anat Scolnicov, “Religious Law, Religious Courts and Human Rights Within 57 HCJ 8636/03 Amir v. Great Rabbinical Israeli Constitutional Structure”, in Court (2003). International Journal of Constitutional 58 Foundations of Law Act (1980); Scolnicov Law (2006). (see note 56). SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 133

does not mean solely free elections and The status quo came into being the rule of majority but the protection simultaneously with the State of Israel. of human rights and independent It was set up as a political document judiciary as well;59 Jewish values were and agreed upon by the political interpreted then as universal values leaders prior to the declaration of inclusive of the above mentioned the State. David Ben Gurion from his democratic principles.60 This very broad position of a chairman of the Jewish interpretation has allowed the Supreme Agency Executive65 (the main Zionist Court to ensure the coexistence of institution controlled by the secular democratic and Jewish values.61 The Labour Party) sent a letter to the leaders exact understanding of what it means of the Haredi political party Agudat to be a Jewish and democratic state Israel in June 1947,66 addressing their has caused a heated debate which has concerns about the status of religion in inspired many academic publications, the newly emerging State. Due to the conferences and even newspaper character of this document, it does not articles. have a legally binding character and Various legal arrangements were despite many attempts it has not been adopted in order to ensure that the incorporated into legislation or even special status of religion in Israel into a Basic law.67 is preserved. Such arrangements Despite its lack of legal validity, it inevitably infringe different individual has the form of a political compromise rights, such as freedom of religion, that has been shaping Israeli society and freedom of occupation or freedom of politics until today. It is not the single movement. The careful balance between source for the status quo regime, but it these two aspects of modern Israel came serves as the first and most important to be known as the status quo. It is a document and its provisions have been “system of arrangements in numerous partly fulfilled by various laws and areas in which a balance is struck administrative acts.68 The main areas between the Jewish character of the concerned by this letter are family law, State and individual rights”.62 Within “the framework of preserving the status Compromises and Constant Change”, in quo,”63 the State is enabled to take into Cardozo Law Review 30.6 (2009), p. 2496. consideration religious demands and 65 Itamar Rabinovich and Jehuda Reinharz, ed., Israel in the Middle East: Documents 64 choose not to decide on these matters. and Readings on Society, Politics, and Foreign Relations, Pre-1948 to the Present (Lebanon: Brandeis University 59 CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank vs. Press, 2008), p.59. Migdal Cooperative Village (1995). 66 Ibid, p. 58. 60 CA 506/88 Shefer vs. State of Israel (1993). 67 Navot (see note 53), p. 313. 61 Rivlin (see note 20), p. 786. 68 E.g. The Hours of Work and Rest Law 62 Navot (see note 53), p. 313. of 1951, The Kasher Food for Soldiers 63 Ibid. Ordinance of 1948, The Rabbinical Courts 64 Daphne Barak-Erez, “Law and Religion un- Jurisdiction (Marriage and Divorce) Law der the Status Quo Model: Between Past of 1953, The State Education Law of 1953. 134

which remains under the jurisdiction occupation of individuals desiring to of rabbinical courts, the keeping of the purchase and to sell pork.”71 Sabbath as a day of rest, keeping kashrut It might seem a surprise that the in the kitchens of official institutions founding figures of the State of Israel of the State and full autonomy to the were willing to provide the religious different Jewish denominations in circles with as much influence as they matters of education.69 in fact did. Most of the early leaders While the above mentioned regime had a very secular worldview and saw under which certain religiously Haredi Jews as a marginal part of the sensitive issues are dealt with is called Jewish community. The establishment the status quo, it cannot be said there of status quo had rational reasons for is no evolution about it. It balances the national leaders at the time but the between religious consideration and consequences are probably not what individual rights of Israeli citizens. they expected. Following the above mentioned Basic The Zionist leaders wanted a wide Law: Freedom of Occupation and Basic support for their cause and saw the Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, the status quo as a bargain with the Haredi Israeli Supreme Court, sitting as the community.72 However, such a support High Court of Justice, ruled on this topic would not be complete since a part of in the Solodkin judgement.70 This case the Haredi community did not see the dealt with the power to prohibit the sale establishment of the State of Israel as of pork, i.e. the religious consideration, legitimate. Another possible reason that and with individual freedom to sell and the Zionist leaders were considering purchase pork. was the support of the Jewish diaspora. The Court stressed that the authority The secular leaders wanted to show to to prohibit sale of pork remains with the diaspora Jews, who were thought local authority but it must ensure that of as the future Jewish citizens, that whoever wishes to sell or purchase they did not lose the connection to the pork must be able to do so within their Jewish past and were determined to place of settlement therefore carefully preserve Judaism and Jewish culture. finding a middle ground between the David Ben Gurion saw this support for two principles. The Court ruled that Orthodox Jews as a “legitimating and “it is essential to balance between the unifying force”.73 aspiration to protect religious and national feelings that are wounded by the sale of pork, and the protection of 71 Navot (see note 53), p. 314. 72 Gila Stopler, “National Identity and freedom of conscience and freedom of Religion-State Relations: Israel in Comparative Perspective”, in Israeli Constitutional Law in the Making, ed. by Gideon Sapir, Daphne Barak-Erez, Aharon 69 Rabinovich (see note 54), pp. 58-59. Barak (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2013), p. 70 HCJ 953/01 Solodkin vs. Beit Shemesh 514. Municipality. 73 Ibid. SÁRA VALACHOVÁ 135

It should be stressed that at the time political process itself is fairly difficult of the proclamation of the status quo, in Israel notwithstanding the tension in Haredi Jews were a marginal part of the the society and the state of Israel’s legal Jewish society in Israel and were seen as order. While the issue of a constitution a gradually disintegrating group which is being discussed, it is essential to was not expected to survive in the face look back to history and to see what the of modernity and Israeli nationalism. reasons for the current situation are. Taking into consideration this reason, it As all of the points raised above would can be seen that status quo did not seem deserve to be elaborated, this paper to Ben Gurion as important a document serves more as an introduction to the as it eventually became. Contrary to issue. Ben Gurion’s expectations, the Haredi The constitutional and legal system community did not disappear; instead it of the State of Israel is based on a grew both in numbers and in influence. fragile construction that supports a 4. CONCLUSION major conflict within Israel. While it is the religious controversy that raises There is no agreement among jurists most questions and is the most visible and scholars whether Israel has or does to the general public, it is not the only not have a written constitution. Some problem of the Israeli legal system. A Israeli lawyers, e.g. Joshua Segev, argue political compromise, which is inherent that Israel does not have “a formal to all democracies, played a key role in Constitution.” However, that did not most of the above mentioned issues and hinder Israel from having a “fair and is in fact the basis for a number of laws stable cooperation based on democratic including the Basic Laws. This situation foundation and the protection of human proved complicated and uncertain in rights.”74 Not having a formal written the long term. A constitution aiming to constitution does not mean that Israel resolve the main issues can be a viable never had a material constitution written solution for Israel. and scattered across various documents. However, the question of whether Israel has a clear political arrangement Israel will in fact one day adopt a single based on democratic values of rule document called The Constitution of law, democratic elections, judicial remains open. Nevertheless, we can review and the Jewish nature of the say that Israel has, to a certain extent, state.75 The occasional call for a formal wasted the best moment to do so when it written constitution is heard but the did not use the exceptional opportunity political will to adopt even Basic Laws is of its establishment. It is hard to imagine missing, let alone a whole constitution. a situation that will be more convenient The conflicts outlined above are just than year 1948. However, Israel might a few and the most visible issues. The not need to enact a formal constitution, as the Supreme Court did not hesitate 74 Segev (see note 10), p. 410. to call the collection of Basic Laws a 75 Segev (see note 10), p. 433. 136

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for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution ABOUT THE AUTHOR 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 1966, Sára Valachová is a graduate entry into force 23 March 1976, in student at the Law Faculty of Charles accordance with Article 49. University in Prague. She is also Law and Administration Ordinance of enrolled in Hebrew Studies at the 1948. Faculty of Arts. Sara’s research focuses The Transition to a Constituent Assembly on the legal systems of Middle Eastern Ordinance, 13th January 1949. countries. Currently, she is a Visiting UN Resolution 181 (II).Future government Graduate Student at the Hebrew of Palestine. A/RES/181(II), 29 November 1947. University in Jerusalem.