Proto Mirndi a discontinuous language family in northern Pacific Linguistics 593

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Proto Mirndi: a discontinuous language family in northern Australia

Mark Harvey

Pacific Linguistics Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies The Australian National University Published by Pacific Linguistics Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200 Australia

Copyright in this edition is vested with Pacific Linguistics

First published 2008

National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry:

Author: Harvey, Mark David, 1958– Title: Proto Mirndi: a discontinuous language family in northern Australia / Mark Harvey. ISBN: 9780858835887 (pbk.) Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Mirindi language. Australian languages – Australia, northern. – Languages. Other authors: Contributors: The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. Pacific Linguistics. Dewey number: 499.15

Copyedited by Lila San Roque Typeset by Jeanette Coombes Cover design by Julie Manley Printed and bound by Addcolour Digital Pty Ltd, Fyshwick, Canberra Table of contents

List of tables and maps ...... vii Acknowledgements ...... viii Abbreviations ...... ix 1 Introduction ...... 1 2 The Mirndi languages...... 1 3 Phonological reconstruction...... 4 3.1 Synchronic inventories and patterns...... 4 3.2 Lexical reconstruction...... 5 3.3 Yanyuwa correspondences...... 10 3.4 Correspondences with other northern languages...... 15 3.5 Summary of lexical correspondences and sound changes...... 16 4 Principles of morphological reconstruction...... 22 5 Verbal reconstruction...... 23 5.1 Synchronic verbal predicate structures...... 23 5.2 Proto Mirndi verbal roots and stems...... 28 5.3 Pre-Mirndi verbal structures...... 31 6 Pronominal reconstruction...... 33 6.1 Synchronic free pronoun systems...... 34 6.1.1 Yirram free pronouns...... 34 6.1.2 Jingulu free pronouns...... 35 6.1.3 Ngurlun free pronouns...... 36 6.2 Non-singular pronominals ...... 38 6.2.1 Mood prefixes...... 42 6.2.2 Dative case...... 43 6.2.3 Genitive case ...... 43 6.2.4 Non-singular pronominal roots...... 45 6.2.5 Number marking...... 48 6.3 Singular pronominals...... 50 6.3.1 The conditional...... 50 6.3.2 Bound pronominals ...... 56 6.3.3 Absolutive pronouns...... 59

v vi

6.3.4 Dative and genitive pronouns...... 60 6.4 Summary of pronominal reconstruction...... 61 7 Nominal reconstruction...... 62 7.1 Synchronic nominal classification...... 62 7.2 Outline of Proto Mirndi nominal classification...... 63 7.3 The development of suffixal classification in Eastern Mirndi ...... 64 7.3.1 The Ngurlun languages ...... 65 7.3.2 Jingulu ...... 71 7.4 The development of classification in Western Mirndi...... 73 7.4.1 Jamijungan ...... 73 7.4.2 ...... 74 7.5 Subsection terminologies ...... 79 7.5.1 The origin of subsection terminologies...... 89 7.5.2 The diffusion of subsection terminologies...... 95 7.5.3 Summary of the diachrony of subsections ...... 109 7.6 Proto Mirndi nominal classification and Proto Ngarna nominal classification...... 110 7.6.1 Synchronic nominal classification in Yanyuwa...... 110 7.6.2 Internal evidence for prefixal nominal classification in Proto Ngarna ...... 113 7.6.3 Yanyuwa nominal classification and Proto Mirndi nominal classification...... 116 7.7 The diachrony of nominal classification in Mirndi...... 119 7.8 Case suffixation...... 122 8 The evidence for Proto Mirndi...... 123 9 Subgroups in Mirndi...... 125 9.1 Ngurlun...... 126 9.2 Yirram ...... 126 10 The geographical associations of Proto Mirndi...... 127 Appendix 1: Similar lexemes in Eastern and Western Mirndi...... 130 Appendix 2: Possibly similar lexemes in Eastern and Western Mirndi...... 139 Appendix 3: Similar lexemes in Jingulu and Wambaya ...... 145 Appendix 4: Possibly similar lexemes in Jingulu and Wambaya...... 153 Appendix 5: Similar lexemes in Wambaya and Yanyuwa...... 156 Appendix 6: Similar lexemes in Wambaya and Garrwa...... 162 References ...... 169

vii

List of Tables Table 1: Consonantal Inventories ...... 4 Table 2: Probable Yirram Compound Verbs ...... 32 Table 3: Non-Singular Bound Pronominals ...... 39 Table 4: Non-Singular Conditional Bound Pronominals...... 40 Table 5: Non-Singular Absolutive Pronouns...... 40 Table 6: Non-Singular Dative Pronouns...... 41 Table 7: Non-Singular Genitive Pronouns...... 41 Table 8: Singular Intransitive Bound Pronominal Paradigms ...... 51 Table 9: Some Transitive Bound Pronominal Paradigms...... 51 Table 10: Singular Conditional Bound Pronominals...... 51 Table 11: Singular Absolutive Pronouns...... 52 Table 12: Singular Dative Pronouns...... 52 Table 13: Singular Genitive Pronouns...... 52 Table 14: Yanyuwa Nominal Classification...... 111 Table 15: Yirram Non-Singular Dative and Genitive Pronouns ...... 127

List of Maps Map 1: Mirndi family — geographical groupings...... 2 Map 2: Mirndi family — subgroups ...... 2 Map 3: The Ngarna language family ...... 11 Map 4: The northern section system and known subsection systems...... 89 Map 5: Language varieties with reflexes of *ngarrijpalang ...... 98 Map 6: Subsection root sets ...... 100 Map 7: Language varieties with autochthonous lexicalisation in their subsection terminologies ...... 101 Map 8: Language varieties with feminine subsection terms in nya-...... 102

Acknowledgements

My greatest debt is to Duncan McDonald (Mabulanggid) of Gilwi, near Timber Creek, now sadly deceased. In 1996, I worked extensively with Duncan on Nungali and Jaminjung. Duncan was a fluent speaker of Jaminjung, and by 1996 he was the most knowledgeable partial speaker of Nungali. It was our work on Nungali that stimulated my interest in the potential connection between the Eastern and Western Mirndi languages. As is evident from this volume, among the three Western varieties — Jaminjung, Ngaliwurru, and Nungali — it is Nungali which provides the bulk of the critical evidence for a connection from the western side. In addition to our work on Nungali, Duncan and I also did considerable work on the territorial associations of the three Western varieties. This gave me a much clearer idea of the territorial associations of the Western varieties at colonisation. This is also important from a historical perspective. This work formed part of a larger project financed by the Aboriginal Areas Protection Authority (NT). I would like to thank the Authority and its CEO, David Ritchie, for giving me the opportunity to work on this project. I also owe a great debt to Ian Green and Rachel Nordlinger. This volume grew most directly out of research undertaken with Ian Green and Rachel Nordlinger. We discussed the issues at the heart of this book over many hours, and without their contributions it would never have been written. I would like to thank Brett Baker, Gavan Breen, Frances Kofod, Patrick McConvell, Ilana Mushin, Robert Pensalfini, and Eva Schultze-Berndt for discussions and comments on various points, and for supplying many of the materials on which this work is based. Their assistance has been essential to this volume. I would like to thank Andrew Wilson (Archaeological Computing Laboratory, Spatial Science Innovation Unit, University of Sydney) for all of his time and energy in producing the maps for this volume. John Benjamins Publishing Company (Amsterdam/Philadelphia) gave permission for the reproduction of the following article.

Harvey Mark, Ian Green and Rachel Nordlinger, 2006, From prefixes to suffixes: typological change in Northern Australia. Diachronica 23:289–311.

viii Abbreviations

1, 2, 3 first, second, third person LOC locative I Class I M masculine II Class II NABS non-absolutive III Class III NACT non-actual mood IV Class IV NF non-future ABS absolutive NOM nominative ABST abstract NP non-past ACC accusative NPR non-present ACT actual mood NSG non-singular ALL allative O object CAUS causal OBL oblique CON conditional PERL perlative DAT dative PI past imperfective DL dual PL plural ERG ergative POT potential EXC exclusive PP past perfective F feminine PR present FUT future PST past GEN genitive S subject HAB habitual SG singular HYP hypothetical TWD towards IMP imperative UA unit augmented INC inclusive

Language name abbreviations Bin Binbinka Gud Jam Jaminjung Jing Jingulu Ngali Ngaliwurru Ngarn Ngarnka NPN non-Pama-Nyungan Nung Nungali PN Pama-Nyungan Wamb Wambaya

ix

Proto Mirndi

1 Introduction The Mirndi language family is one of the few discontinuous families that has been proposed in Australia. There are some intriguing features shared among the members of the family, and it was on the basis of these that Chadwick (1978, MS1984, 1997) proposed the family. The most recent survey of Australian languages supports Chadwick’s proposal (Dixon 2002:666). However, there is currently no detailed presentation of a range of evidence which would suffice to establish a Mirndi subgroup (Green and Nordlinger 2004). I examine the four major interpretations of the features shared among the Mirndi languages. (1) a. The feature is shared because it is inherited from a protolanguage, whose only daughter languages are the Mirndi languages. b. The feature is shared because it is inherited from a protolanguage, whose daughter languages include the Mirndi languages, and other languages. c. A feature is shared because of borrowing. d. A feature is shared by chance. We will see that there are a sufficient number of features with the (a) interpretation to support Mirndi as a language family. While the reconstructions are primarily linguistic in focus, there is also an important anthropological component. All of the Mirndi language varieties have subsection terminologies, and subsection terms can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. McConvell (1985) is the principal analysis of the origin and development of subsection terminologies. The reconstruction provided here supports the generality of McConvell’s proposals, but expands and develops on a number of the themes suggested by McConvell.

2 The Mirndi languages There are eight named Mirndi varieties, spread over two geographical blocks (Map 1). These are Jaminjung, Ngaliwurru, Nungali, Jingulu, Ngarnka, Wambaya, Gudanji and Binbinka. These varieties may be grouped into the languages shown in (2).

1 2 Proto Mirndi

Map 1: Mirndi family — geographical groupings

Map 2: Mirndi family – subgroups Proto Mirndi 3

(2) Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan (comprising dialects Binbinka, Gudanji, Wambaya) Jaminjungan (comprising dialects Jaminjung, Ngaliwurru) Nungali Nungali is closely related to Jaminjungan. It is presented here as a distinct language. However, it is not clear from the available materials whether it is better categorised instead as a highly divergent Jaminjungan dialect (Harvey and Schultze-Berndt MS). Whatever the synchronic relation of Jaminjungan and Nungali, we will see that they derive from a common protolanguage which has no other daughter languages (§9.2). Following Chadwick (1978), the language family consisting of Jaminjungan and Nungali is referred to as Yirram.1 Wambayan shares a number of innovations with Ngarnka, and together they constitute the Ngurlun subgroup (following Green and Nordlinger 2004, see also §9.1). Thus, the groupings I assume are as follows: (3) Genetic (Map 2) Jingulu Ngurlun Wambayan and Ngarnka Yirram Jaminjungan and Nungali

(4) Geographical (Map 1) Eastern Mirndi Jingulu, Wambayan and Ngarnka. Western Mirndi Jaminjungan, Nungali Intervening between the two geographical groups are five language varieties — Wardaman, , , Karranga, and Ngalarrunga. Wardaman and Yangman are in a dialectal relationship (Merlan 1994:2–4). This dialect relationship also includes a third variety — . The currently available materials are from Wardaman. Mudburra is a distinct language from Wardaman-Yangman. There is no linguistic material directly on Karranga, but people who heard Karranga spoken reported it as dialectal with Mudburra (McConvell pers. comm.). There are considerable uncertainties concerning Ngalarrunga. The most reliable information is that the area assigned to Ngalarrunga was not associated with Alawa (Baker pers. comm.; Merlan pers. comm.; Sharpe 1972:vi), Jingulu (Chadwick 1975:ii; Pensalfini 2003:3), Mangarrayi (Merlan pers. comm.), Mudburra (Merlan pers. comm.; McConvell pers. comm.; Pensalfini pers. comm.), or Yangman (Merlan pers. comm.). In the 1970s, senior Mudburra speakers gave the name Ngalarrunga as being associated with the area to the north of Mudburra territorial associations (McConvell pers. comm.). These speakers described Ngalarrunga as ‘like Jingulu’. This could indicate that Ngalarrunga was another Mirndi variety. However, there is no material recorded directly on Ngalarrunga, and the Mudburra speakers did not report actually having heard Ngalarrunga spoken.

1 This name derives from the dual suffix which is -yirram/-jirram in these languages. As the Mirndi family is named for the 1+2Minimal (1st person inclusive dual) prefix, it seems appropriate to name the family constituting the western branch in a similar way. 4 Proto Mirndi

There is also the question of the language name Elerri, known to senior Alawa speakers. There is no definitive information on the territorial association of this name. One Alawa speaker described it as an ‘ancestor language’ for Alawa and Ngarnka (Baker pers. comm.), which would indicate a territorial affiliation to the southern portions of Alawa country, in proximity to the apparent Ngalarrunga territorial associations. There is no information on what relationship, if any, there might be between the names Elerri and Ngalarrunga, and their respective territorial associations. There is a considerable range in the quality and quantity of materials on the Mirndi varieties. There are fairly detailed descriptive materials, including complete nominal and verbal paradigms for Gudanji (Chadwick 1978), Jaminjung (Schultze-Berndt 2000), Jingulu (Chadwick 1975, 1978; Pensalfini 1997, 2003), Ngaliwurru (Schultze-Berndt 2000), and Wambaya (Nordlinger 1998). There is a reasonable body of material on Nungali including fairly complete nominal and verbal paradigms (Harvey and Schultze-Berndt MS). The materials on Binbinka and Ngarnka are limited (Chadwick 1978) and there are gaps and inconsistencies in the nominal paradigms. All of the Mirndi languages are extremely endangered and some, such as Binbinka, Ngarnka and Nungali, have no fluent speakers remaining.

3 Phonological reconstruction 3.1 Synchronic inventories and patterns The synchronic segmental inventories of the Mirndi language varieties are virtually identical, and are characteristic of many Australian languages (Dixon 2002:548–550). Table 1 lists the segments found in all varieties for which a reasonable body of lexical material is available.2

Table 1: Consonantal Inventories Labial Apico-Alveolar Apico-Retroflex Lamino-Palatal Dorsal Stop p t rt j k Nasal m n rn ny ng Lateral l rl ly Tap/Trill rr Continuant w r y

Vowels: a, i, u In addition to these segments, the segments shown in (5) are also found in Jaminjungan. (5) /e/: In Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru, this segment is found only in some members of the open lexical class of coverbs (Schultze-Berndt 2000:41). It appears to have been introduced by loan words, from Wagiman and Wardaman.

2 Following Pensalfini (2003:26–30) I do not posit a palato-velar phoneme for any of the Eastern Mirndi varieties. Earlier claims that there was such a phoneme in these varieties are canvassed by Pensalfini, who demonstrates that these sounds are best analysed phonologically as clusters of a palatal followed by a dorsal. Proto Mirndi 5

/th/: The lamino-dental stop appears in Jaminjung in all lexical classes, both closed and open. It corresponds to a lamino-palatal stop in all other Mirndi varieties. As is common among Australian languages, the apical distinction is neutralised in word- initial position in the Mirndi languages, so that there is no phonological contrast between word-initial /n/ and /rn/, for example. The primary sources for these languages vary in their selection of alveolar as opposed to retroflex symbols for word-initial apicals, but this represents differing orthographic choices by researchers, not a phonemic differentiation that needs to be accounted for in reconstruction. Word-initial apicals are represented with alveolar symbols.

3.2 Lexical reconstruction Lexical reconstruction forms the basis of most reconstructions of language families. A central component in any such reconstruction is an examination of the sets of apparently related lexemes to determine if there are principled bases for determining whether the presence of a form results from inheritance or borrowing. The ensuing discussion considers criteria for making this determination. As a preliminary to this discussion, the approximate sizes of the currently available lexicons for the Mirndi varieties and some of their neighbours are provided in (6). This includes the intervening neighbours for which materials are available, Mudburra and Wardaman. (6) Mirndi: Jaminjung/Ngaliwurru 2000, Jingulu 1640, Ngarnka 550, Nungali 650, Wambaya 1337 Neighbours: Garrwa 2700, Mudburra 2500, Wardaman 1900, 1400, Yanyuwa 4300 The reconstruction of lexical cognates is obviously constrained by the considerable variation in the size of available lexicons. If all the lexicons approached the size of the Yanyuwa lexicon, there would certainly be a greater number of sets with corresponding forms. Nevertheless, all of these lexicons, save the Ngarnka and Nungali lexicons, are of a reasonable size. They should suffice for the establishment of a substantial body of sets of apparently related forms from the open lexical classes — coverbs, nominals, particles — among genetically related languages. However, there are remarkably few such sets which can reasonably regularly be related between the Eastern and Western groupings of the Mirndi family — only 98. A complete list of these sets, which could potentially constitute cognate sets, is provided in Appendix 1.3 The sets are summarised in (7), according to semantic domain. (7) Adjectives: *kamamurri ‘blind’, *larrkaja ‘thin’, *murrkun ‘three’, *puntutu ‘full’, *warnayaki ‘strange(r)’, *yalang ‘new’ Body parts: *kumpu ‘urine’, *kunyju ‘flesh’, *kurij ‘fat’, *langa ‘ear’, *manka ‘ear’, *mira ‘upper leg, thigh, root’, *murlku ‘upper arm’, *nungkuru ‘hand’, *ngapulu ‘breast, milk’, *pa(r)turu ‘cicatrice, scar’, *tiya-rtiya ‘feather’

3 I do not consider subsection terms here. They are examined in §7.5. 6 Proto Mirndi

Ceremonial: *jarra(r)ta ‘women’s song style’, *kitpu ‘red ochre’, *marntiwa ‘circumcision ritual’, *pa(r)ntimi ‘women’s dance’, *puwarraja ‘dreaming’, *yarrinti ‘magic song’ Coverbs: *jalalang ‘to hang, to tip, to spill’, *kiji-kiji(k) ‘to tickle’, *lurrpu ‘to return’, *mamaj ‘to wave’, *mu(wu)m ‘to be dark’, *nij ‘to name’, *ngalyak ‘to lick’, *nganya ‘to sing’, *ngartap ~ ngarrap ‘to be hot’, *pank(iy)aja ‘to dream’, *pulukaj(a) ‘to bathe’, *purrp ‘to finish’, *tirrk ‘to be tied up’, *turrp ‘to poke’, *walk ‘to open’, *warr ‘to scratch’, *warrp ‘to be all together’ Fire, Landscape, Weather: *karrij ‘cold’, *kulumarra ‘sky’, *kuyVka ‘fire’, *partangarra ‘moon’, *parung(ku) ‘hot weather’, *puna ‘ashes’, *tarlukurra ‘deep (hole)’, *tili/u ‘flame, light’ Human status and Kin: *jaju ‘MoFa’, *juka ‘woman’s son’, *kaminyjarr ‘DaCh’, *kuwarla ‘single woman’, *lamparra ‘Fa-in-law’, *marluka ‘old man’, *marntak ‘human status (specific meaning unknown)’, *ngapuju ‘FaMo’, *papa ‘older brother’, *parnmarra ‘young woman’, *partarta ‘baby’, *pipi ‘Fa’, *yapa ‘initiated youth’, *yarrulan ‘young man’ Material objects: *kungkala ‘firestick’, *kurrupartu ‘boomerang’, *ku(r)turu ‘club, *kuwarri ‘shield’, *munungku ‘string’, *pinymala ~ pinmala ‘tool, scraper’, *wa(r)lmayi ‘woomera’, *warratirla ‘number seven boomerang’ Natural species: *karrkany ‘chickenhawk’, *(kija-)kija ‘bull ant’, *kulinjirri ‘shitwood’, *kuluku(ku) ‘dove sp.’, *kuntarri ‘pollen’, *kurrkapati ‘bush turkey’, *lawa ‘plant sp.’, *lirraku ‘eagle’, *lungkura ‘blue-tongue lizard’, *manyanyi ‘plant sp.’, *manyingirla ‘gutta percha tree’ *marli-marli ‘butterfly’, *mukmuk ‘owl sp.’, *muntarla ‘scorpion’, *ngalijirri ‘doe kangaroo’, *ngapilipili ‘bauhinia’, *nyurijman ‘bird sp.’, *parnangka ‘spotted nightjar’, *warlujapi ‘black-nosed python’, *warrija ‘freshwater crocodile’, *wilikpan ‘parrot sp.’ Natural species generics: *ju(r)lak ‘bird’, *pulany ‘snake’, *warnta ‘grass’ Miscellaneous: *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’, *kulumpung ‘, throat’, *marntaj ‘all right’, *thangki ‘high, up’ In addition to these sets, there are a further 34 sets, where positing a relationship would involve problematic phonological and/or semantic relationships. These sets, and the problems attendant on them, are listed in Appendix 2. I do not consider the forms listed in Appendix 2 further. As set out in Appendix 1, among the 98 sets which show reasonably regular relationships, there are very few which do not involve a related form in a non-Mirndi language. Among the non-Mirndi languages, Yanyuwa constitutes a special case. Yanyuwa correspondences are examined separately in §3.3. There are also a few lexical forms which have correspondences in other northern languages, principally Gunwinyguan languages. These are examined in §3.4. Given the extensive occurrence of related forms in non-Mirndi languages, it is necessary to consider criteria for determining whether protoforms can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi or not. One criterion that I adopt is discontinuous distribution. If a form is found in both Eastern and Western Mirndi, but not in the intervening languages, then this argues against borrowing and in favour of inheritance. Proto Mirndi 7

Discontinuous distribution requires that the lexicons of the intervening languages — Mudburra and/or Wardaman — can be reliably established as having unrelated forms. The limited sizes of the Mudburra and Wardaman lexicons make this impossible with some sets. In some cases, the absence of a Mudburra and/or Wardaman form could simply reflect a gap in the available materials, rather than the absence of the form from their respective lexicons. Discontinuous correspondences involving only the Mirndi languages, and where the intervening languages have other forms, are set out in (8). No other Australian languages have forms which appear to be related to these forms. (8) *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’: Jam ji ‘s/he’, Ngali ji ‘s/he’, Jing jiyi *karrij ‘to be cold’: Jam karrij, Ngali karrij, Nung n-arrij, Ngarn karrijpala, Wamb karriji *kitpu ‘red ochre’: Jam kitpi, Jing kitpu *kurij ‘fat’: Jam kurij, Ngali kurij, Nung n-urij, Ngarn kurij-ka, Wamb kurija *marntak ‘human status (specific meaning unknown)’: Nung tu-marntak ‘white man’, Ngarn marntak-ji ‘white man’, marntak-nga ‘white woman’, Wamb marntak-pulu ‘white person-DL’4 *nij ‘to name’: Jam/Ngali ji-nij ‘name’, nij ‘to name’, Ngarn nij-pi ‘to sing, to call’, Wamb nij-pi ‘to sing, to name a place’ (?Jing liyijku) *nganya ‘to sing’: Jam nganya, Ngali nganya, Jing nganya *pulany ‘snake’: Jam pulany, Nung t-urlany, Ngarn wulany-ji *thangki ‘high, up’: Jam thangka, Ngali jangka, Nung ti-yangkaku, Jing jaangki, ?Ngarn kayangka, ?Wamb kayangka *warnta ‘grass (generic)’: Jam warnta, Ngali warnta, Nung nu-warnta, Bin warnta, Gud warnta Given their geographically discontinuous distribution and restriction to the Mirndi varieties, these sets are the most unarguably assignable to Proto Mirndi. There are three sets which lack Mudburra and Wardaman forms but which on initial inspection appear to involve forms from other languages. (9) *kuyVka ‘fire’: Jam kuyuk, Ngali kuyuk, Nung nu-wuyuk, Wamb kuyika (?Gulumoerrgin kuyu, ?Yanyuwa puyuka) *manka ‘ear’: Nung ni-na-manka ‘ear of a female’, ni-ya-manka ‘ear of a male’, Wam manka ‘ear’ (?Garrwa mankawurru, ?Yanyuwa mankawurru [avoidance], ?Warluwarra marnkarru) *pulukaja ‘bathe, wash’: Jam pulukaja, Ngali pulukaja, Jing wulukaj (?Garrwa pulukartijpa ‘to soak in water, to water lawn’, ?Ngarinyman wulyuk ‘wring, wash clothes’) On further investigation, the evidence is against analysing the forms from the other languages as in fact related to the Mirndi forms. These three sets may therefore be assigned to Proto Mirndi.

4 This form must obviously have had some other meaning in pre-colonial times. Its pre-colonial meaning is unknown. 8 Proto Mirndi

The forms from the other languages in (9) are better analysed as involving chance resemblances. The potentialities for chance resemblance are quite significant. Australian languages generally show only minimal differentiation in their segmental inventories (Dixon 2002:548–550), and in their range of permitted and preferred phonotactic structures (Dixon 2002:553–557). This includes the Mirndi languages and all their neighbours. The putative Gulumoerrgin correspondent form kuyu for ‘fire’ *kuyuka lacks the final /ka/ syllable of the reconstructed form. There is evidence in Gulumoerrgin for the operation of apocope, as illustrated in (10). (10) ‘crawl’ Reconstruction Past Perfective maki-ng *maki-ng Past Imperfective maki-ni *maki-ni Present maki-m *maki-m Irrealis mak *maki-Ø A number of Gulumoerrgin verbal paradigms have Irrealis forms which historically involved apocope.5 However, it may be observed that apocope does not result in the loss of the preceding consonant. Rather, this consonant is preserved as a coda. Therefore, even allowing for apocope, the Gulumoerrgin reflex of *kuyuka should be kuyuk and not kuyu. The putative Yanyuwa correspondent for ‘fire’ puyuka is examined in §3.3, and again the evidence is that the resemblance is due to chance. The putative Yanyuwa, Garrwa and Warluwarra correspondents for ‘ear’ are also examined in §3.3. As with ‘fire’, the evidence is that the resemblances are chance resemblances. Similarly, with the ‘bathe’ correspondence set, where a Ngarinyman /ly/ appears to correspond to a Mirndi /l/ the evidence is against the Ngarinyman form being related. In all other correspondence sets involving an /l/ in the Mirndi languages, Ngarinyman has /l/, including *ngapulu ‘breast, milk’. There is also the correspondence set for *ngalyak ‘lick’, discussed in (11) following, where an /ly/ in Ngarinyman corresponds to an /ly/ in the Mirndi languages. If the Garrwa form were cognate, then it would involve an unusual /j/ – /rt/ correspondence.6 The meaning of the Garrwa form is also not reliably relatable. There are two sets which lack correspondents in Mudburra and Wardaman, and also Warlmanpa, but which show corresponding forms in Ngarinyman. (11) *ngalyak ‘to lick’: Jam ngalyak, Ngali ngalyak, Jing ngalyak (Ngarinyman ngalyakap) *warlujapi ‘black-nosed python’: Jam warlujapi, Ngali warlujapi, Jing warlujapi-rni (Ngarinyman walijapi) These two sets may also be assigned to Proto Mirndi, with the Ngarinyman forms being analysed as loans. Apart from the sets in (8), (9) and (11), there are a number of other sets which lack forms in the currently available materials on Mudburra and Wardaman. However, with these sets, the absence of a Mudburra or Wardaman form may simply reflect a gap in the available materials, and not the definitive absence of the form from the lexicons of these languages. The relevant sets are listed in (12).

5 It must be noted that there is no direct evidence for the operation of apocope in nominals in Gulumoerrgin. 6 Many verbs in Garrwa have a final -jpa. Proto Mirndi 9

(12) *jarra(r)ta ‘women’s song style’: Jam jarrata, Jing jarrarta (Ngarinyman jarrata, Warlmanpa jarrarta) *kulinyjirri ‘shitwood’: Jam kulinyjirri, Ngal kulinyjirri, Jing kurlunyjurru, Ngarnka wulunyjurra (Warlmanpa kulunyjurru) *kuntarri ‘pollen’: Ngal kuntarri, Jing kuntirri-mi (Ngarinyman kuntarri) *ngapilipili ‘bauhinia’: Jam ngapilipili, Jing ngapilipili ( ngapirlipirli ‘fruit of the bauhinia’) *parnmarra ‘young woman’: Jam parnmarra, Jing pirnmirri-rni, Ngarn parnmarra-rna, Wam parnmarra-rna (Gurindji parnmarra) *yarrinti ‘magic song’: Jam yarrinti, Ngali yarrinti, Jing yarrintu (Miriwoong yarrinting, Wagiman yarrinti) I do not assign these sets to Proto Mirndi. In addition to the sets in (12), there is also the set shown in (13). (13) *pipi ‘father’: Jam pipi, Ngali pipi, Nung pipi, Jing pipa ( piipi ‘father’, Warray pippi ‘father’) This form does appear to be absent from Mudburra and Wardaman. As we will see this set is to be excluded from Proto Mirndi, because the Jingulu form does not show a regular reflex. The Jingulu form should be wipa, with a lenited initial (§3.5). Further, CVCV forms with labial consonants referring to parents are ubiquitous in the world’s languages. They have arisen, and continue to arise, from the structure of child language development. The Jingulu form has developed independently of the Yirram forms, just as the Gaagudju and Warray forms have also independently developed. Apart from discontinuous distribution, the other criterion I adopt for the assignment of a set to Proto Mirndi is the appearance of complex allomorphy and/or lexicalised morphology in the Mirndi language forms. The appearance of either or both of these argues against borrowing and for inheritance. This criterion is operative with sets from the nominal part-of-speech category. All of the Mirndi varieties, save Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru, have nominal classification morphology which involves complex allomorphy and/or lexicalisation. Nungali, in particular, has a very complex system. As discussed in §7.4.2, Nungali prefixal classificatory morphology is a closed lexicalised system with two distinct sources. There is one set of prefixes which attach directly to roots: *ji- ‘Class I’, *na-‘Class II’, *ma- ‘Class III’. This set was inherited from Proto Mirndi into Proto Yirram, and the evidence argues that this set was already closed and lexicalised by Proto Yirram. The second set of prefixes attaches to stems consisting of the root and the first set of prefixes. This second set was innovated at some stage in Pre-Nungali, but is itself synchronically closed and lexicalised. Forms which show the innermost and earliest lexicalised layer of prefixation are best analysed as inherited into Nungali from Proto Mirndi. The sets which may be assigned to Proto Mirndi, on the basis of the appearance of complex allomorphy and/or lexicalised morphology in the Mirndi language forms, are listed in (14). (14) *jurlak ‘bird (generic)’: Jam, Ngali, Nung ti-yurlak, Jing jurlak-pulu ‘bird- DL.F’, Ngarn jurlak-ji ‘bird-male’, jurlak-nga ‘bird female’, Wamb julak-pulu ‘bird-DL’ (Bilinarra julak, Garrwa julaki, Mudburra jurlaka, Wagiman jurlak, Yanyuwa julaki(n)) 10 Proto Mirndi

*nungkuru ‘hand’: Nung ni-na-nungkuru ‘hand of a female’, ni-ya-nungkuru ‘hand of a male’, Jing nungkuru ‘fingernail’ (Mudburra nungkuru, Wardaman nungkuru) *warnayaki ‘strange(r), foreign(er)’: Ngali warnayak, Nung I ti-ya-warnayak, II nya-na-warnayak, IV nu-warnayak, Jing warnayaka, Wamb warnayaki (Mudburra warnayaka) *yalang ‘new’: Jam/Ngali ji-yalang, Nung I ti-y-alang, II nya-na-yalang, III ma-yalang, Ngarn yalang-ka (Wardaman yiyalang ‘to inform, to let know’) The set for *jurlak ‘bird (generic)’ is discussed in detail in §3.3. We may note that the Jingulu form in the *nungkuru ‘hand’ set shows a shift of meaning to ‘fingernail’. The *yalang ‘new’ set is further considered in §7.4.2 and §7.7.

3.3 Yanyuwa correspondences As mentioned previously the correspondences involving Yanyuwa constitute a special case. Yanyuwa is a member of the Ngarna language family (Map 3, Breen 2004). This is one of the very few other discontinuous language families in Australia. Within the Ngarna family, Yanyuwa is an isolate.7 The territorial associations of the other languages Bularnu, Wakaya, Warluwarra, and Yinjilanji, which together form the Warluwarric subgroup, are to the south of Wambaya. There is no evidence that Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna are related, other than as members of the Australian language family. However, there are a few pieces of evidence which suggest that the territorial associations of Proto Mirndi were adjacent to those of Proto Ngarna (§10). This includes one of the correspondences discussed here. This evidence correspondence set is set out in (15). (15) *ma-ngarra ‘III-food’: Jam mangarra, Ngali mangarra, Nung ma-ngarra Yanyuwa ma-ngarra (Bilinarra mangarri, Djaru mangarri, Mudburra mangarri, Ngarinyman mangarri, mangarri) The word form mangarra ~ mangarri ‘food’ is widespread. There are however two critical points about its occurrence in Yanyuwa. Firstly, it is an isolated occurrence. None of the neighbours of Yanyuwa have reflexes of this form. This includes the Mirndi neighbours of Yanyuwa — Binbinka and Gudanji. Indeed, none of the Eastern Mirndi varieties have a reflex of this form. Consequently, the presence of ma-ngarra ‘III-food’ in Yanyuwa cannot result from borrowing in any recent period. There is no possible donor language. The second critical point is that this word form is morphologically divisible in Yanyuwa, as shown in (16), based on Kirton (1971a, b).

7 Map 3 shows Wilangarra, which is the northern neighbour of Yanyuwa as a member of the Ngarna family. There is no direct linguistic information on Wilangarra. However, John Bradley (pers. comm.) reported that, in the period 1963–2007, Yanyuwa speakers who had heard Wilangarra spoken consistently described it as close to Yanyuwa. In this period, Yanyuwa speakers consistently described Garrwa as different from Yanyuwa. Place names provide some support for a connection between Yanyuwa and Wilangarra. Of the recorded language varieties in the Borroloola area — Binbinka, Garrwa, Marra, Yanyuwa — only Yanyuwa has interdentals. A number of unanalysable place names in Wilangarra country involve interdentals, including place names on the northern border with Marra. Therefore, I include Wilangarra within Ngarna, but do not consider it further. Proto Mirndi 11

(16) Class/Case prefix Root Case suffix Absolutive ma- ngarra -Ø Absolutive Oblique mungku- ngarran -tu Oblique Oblique mungku- ngarran -ta Locative Dative mu- ngarran -ku Dative As illustrated, substantive nominal forms in Yanyuwa are generally divisible into a class/ case prefix and a root. They may also involve a variety of suffixes. As also illustrated in (16), the root for ‘food’ shows an irregular allomorphy. It is ngarra in the Absolutive and ngarran in the Non-Absolutive. There are 11 other nominals which show this irregular root allomorphy in Yanyuwa (Kirton 1971b:46).

Map 3: The Ngarna language family 12 Proto Mirndi

The evidence that the Nungali form mangarra is similarly divisible as ma-ngarra is presented in §7.4.2. As also discussed in §7.4.2, the prefix ma- appears in Nungali only as an inheritance from Proto Mirndi. Given this, the form ma-ngarra cannot be analysed as a loan in Nungali. Rather it must appear in Nungali by inheritance. Given the great distance between Nungali and Yanyuwa, the common appearance of ma-ngarra ‘III-food’ as a morphologically analysable form can only be explained by descent from their respective protolanguages, Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna. As discussed, Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna cannot be subgrouped together, and there is some other evidence suggesting that their territorial affiliations were adjacent. Therefore, the most plausible explanation of the common presence of *ma-ngarra in these two protolanguages is that it reflects borrowing between neighbours. The irregular root allomorphy in Yanyuwa argues against borrowing from Proto Mirndi into Proto Ngarna. If *ma-ngarra was borrowed from Proto Mirndi into Proto Ngarna, then no explanation can be provided for how this borrowing has ended up in a small class of nominals showing irregular root allomorphy. If the Absolutive form *ma-ngarra was borrowed from Proto Ngarna into Proto Mirndi, then its diachronic development follows from general processes operating across the nominal lexicon. A corollary of this direction of borrowing is that Proto Ngarna had a nominal classification system, which has been preserved in Yanyuwa and lost in the other Ngarna varieties. We shall see that there is other evidence for nominal classification in Proto Ngarna (§7.6.2). The most plausible explanation for the mangarri form, with a final /i/ vowel, that appears in the other languages of the area is transmission via Warumungu. In Warumungu, there is evidence for a change of word-final *a > i (J. Simpson pers. comm.). I posit that Warumungu borrowed *ma-ngarra from either Proto Mirndi or some later Mirndi variety. The borrowed form then underwent the Warumungu sound change, *mangarra > mangarri. It was then borrowed into various other languages. It should be noted that no converse explanation is possible. There are no examples of changes of final *i > a in the Yirram varieties, so if *mangarri was posited as a source form there would be no support for a change *mangarri > mangarra. There is one other correspondence set between Yanyuwa and Mirndi varieties that must involve a considerable time depth of genetic transmission within the Mirndi family. (17) *jurlak ‘bird (generic)’: Jam, Ngali, Nung ti-yurlak, Jing jurlak-pulu ‘bird- DL.F’, Ngarn jurlak-ji ‘bird-male’, jurlak-nga ‘bird female’, Wamb julak-pulu ‘bird-DL’ (Bilinarra julak, Garrwa julaki, Mudburra jurlaka, Wagiman jurlak, Yanyuwa julaki(n)) This root shows a complex allomorphy in Jingulu and Wambayan. (18) Ngarnka Root Absolutive Ergative Dual Abs Class I ‘bird (male)’ jurlak jurlak-ji jurlak-ngi-ni jurlak-pulu Class II ‘bird (female)’ jurlak jurlak-nga jurlak-nga-ni jurlak-pulu Wambaya Class I ‘bird (male)’ julak jula-ji jula-ngi-ni julak-pulu Class II ‘bird (female)’ julak jula-nga jula-nga-ni julak-pulu Jingulu Class I ‘bird (male)’ jurlak jurli-ji jurla-rti jurlak-pila Class II ‘bird (female)’ jurlak jurli-rti jurla-ka jurlak-pulu Proto Mirndi 13

I provide the Ngarnka forms in (18), as these show the root straightforwardly. In Jingulu and Wambayan, sound changes have obscured the boundary between the root and the suffixes. In all three varieties, nominal classification involves an opposition in underlying portmanteau class/case suffixation (§7.3). There is one underlying form of the class suffix in the Absolutive, and a different underlying form elsewhere. For Class I, the underlying Absolutive suffix is -ji, and this appears on the surface. For Class II, the underlying Absolutive suffix is -rna in Ngurlun languages and -rni in Jingulu. The surface forms of the Class II Absolutives reflect various phonological processes which have affected the initial consonant of this suffix and the root-final consonant — assimilation, deletion, and merger. In the Non-Absolutive, Jingulu and the Ngurlun languages show different structures. In Jingulu, Classes I and II show distinct underlying suffix forms in the Ergative. The Class I Ergative is -rni and the Class II Ergative is -nga. Again the surface forms reflect assimilation, deletion, and merger involving the root-final consonant. In the Ngurlun languages, there is a underlying general Non-Absolutive suffix. This is -ngi for Class I and -nga for Class II. The root and the Non-Absolutive suffix combine to form a stem to which all other case suffixes, such as the Ergative -ni are then added. As elsewhere, the surface form of this stem (Root+Non-Absolutive) reflects assimilation, deletion, and merger. As illustrated in (18), the full form of the root appears only in the Dual in Jingulu and Wambayan. It appears in a reduced form in the Singular. The reduced form in the Singular results from various deletion and merger processes operating across the boundary between the root and the following suffix. Thus, for example, the historical developments for the Wambayan Class I Absolutive and Non-Absolutive forms were *julak-ji > jula-ji and *julak-ni > jula-ngi (§7.3.1). The combination of complex morphological structure with both deletion and merger processes argues that the root has not been recently acquired in these languages, and borrowing into non-Mirndi languages is more probable than borrowing into Mirndi. There is some other evidence for this direction of borrowing. The root forms listed for ‘bird’ in (17) vary between a disyllabic ju(r)lak and a trisyllabic ju(r)lakV form, as shows in (19). (19) Disyllabic: Jam jurlak, Ngali jurlak, Nung -yurlak, Jingulu jurlak, Ngarn jurlak, Wamb julak, Birlinarra julak, Wagiman jurlak Trisyllabic: Garrwa julaki, Mudburra jurlaka, Yanyuwa julaki(n) None of the languages with the trisyllabic forms permit nominal roots with final stops. Given this, the most plausible explanation of the variation between the trisyllabic and disyllabic forms is that the trisyllabic forms arose historically through final epenthesis to avoid an impermissible stop-final root. We may note that the epenthetic vowel varies. The Yanyuwa form julaki(n) appears in two paradigms. One involves a consistent root julaki, which inflects like other /i/ final roots in Yanyuwa. The other shows the same root allomorphy as ngarra ‘food’ (Kirton 1971b:46–47). 14 Proto Mirndi

(20) Class/Case prefix Root Case suffix Absolutive Ø- julaki -Ø Absolutive Oblique ji- julaki -nyju Ergative/Instrumental Oblique ji- julakin -tu Ergative/Instrumental Oblique ji- julaki -nyja Locative Oblique ji- julakin -ta Locative Dative ji- julakin -ku Dative8

Apart from *ma-ngarra ‘III-food’ and *ju(r)lak ‘bird’, there are two sets, potentially of considerable time depth, where Yanyuwa shows some interestingly similar forms. (21) *manka ‘ear’: Nung ni-na-manka ‘ear of a female’, ni-ya-manka ‘ear of a male’, Wamb manka Yanyuwa mankawurru ‘ear (avoidance register)’, manka(n) ‘body’, Garrwa mankawurru ‘ear’, mankanyi ‘body’, Warluwarra marnkarru ‘ear’ [Wanyi kuwata ‘ear’] *kuyVka ‘fire’: Jam kuyuk, Ngali kuyuk, Nung nu-wuyuk, Wamb kuyika ?Yanyuwa puyuka (?Gulumoerrgin kuyu) The correspondence set for *manka ‘ear’ can be assigned to Proto Mirndi as none of the languages intervening between Nungali and Wambaya have correspondents for this form. On the basis of the Yanyuwa avoidance form mankawurru and the Warluwarra form marnkarru Breen (2004: Appendix 1) reconstructs *marnkawurru for ‘ear’ in Proto Ngarna. We may note that this form also occurs in Garrwa, where it is the ordinary form for ‘ear’. However, it is absent in the intervening languages, including Wanyi. The first two syllables of this reconstructed form are virtually identical to the Proto Mirndi form *manka. However, there is no evidence that *marnkawurru is divisible into *ma(r)nka + *wurru. Examination of the Garrwa dictionaries shows no evidence of wurru as a formative. Nor is there any evidence for wurru as a formative in any of the Eastern Mirndi varieties, or in Proto Mirndi.9 Further, we may note that there is a Yanyuwa form manka(n) ‘body’. This belongs to the same small irregular class as ngarra(n) ‘food’. The root is manka in the Absolutive and mankan in the Non-Absolutive. In this case as well, there appears to be a Garrwa cognate. There is no evident semantic connection between ‘body’ and ‘ear’, so the resemblance would appear to reflect chance. Given this, the possibility that the resemblance between the Proto Ngarna *marnkawurru ‘ear’ and the Proto Mirndi form *manka ‘ear’ is due to chance cannot reasonably be excluded. Similarly, it is not possible to reasonably exclude chance in the apparent correspondence between the Yanyuwa form puyuka ‘fire’ and the Proto Mirndi *kuyVka ‘fire’. Appendix 5 lists the correspondence sets found between Yanyuwa and the neighbouring Mirndi language Wambayan. There are no examples of a correspondence between /p/ in Yanyuwa and /k/ in Wambayan. There are a number of examples of

8 The Dative does not apparently vary, showing only the longer root allomorph. 9 The Western Mirndi (Yirram) varieties all have -purru ~ -wurru (after V) as the Comitative suffix (Schultze-Berndt 2000:62). This suffix is found widely among the Ngumbin neighbours of the Yirram varieties. As stated, there is no evidence for this suffix among the Eastern Mirndi varieties, and consequently no reason to reconstruct it for Proto Mirndi. Proto Mirndi 15 correspondences between /k/ in Yanyuwa and /k/ in Wambayan, and /p/ in Yanyuwa and /p/ in Wambayan. One of the /k – k/ correspondence sets is of some antiquity. (22) Wamb kamparr-ngan- ‘sun-II.NABS’, kampa-ta ‘sun-II.ABS’ (*kamparr-na), Garrwa kampa ‘sun’, Yanyuwa kampa ‘sun’ There is root allomorphy in the Wambayan form (§7.3.1), which argues that this root has not been borrowed in any recent period. Similarly, the lack of /rr/ in the Yanyuwa and Garrwa forms argue that these have not been borrowed in any recent period.

3.4 Correspondences with other northern languages There are a few correspondence sets which are more widely distributed among northern languages, but have reflexes only in Eastern or in Western Mirndi. These correspondence sets can be assigned to Proto Mirndi on the basis of inheritance from a more remote protolanguage. The first correspondence set, presented in (23), is relatively straightforward. (23) Proto Mirndi *thanga ‘foot’: Wamb janga Proto Gunwinyguan *thenge ‘foot’: Dalabon tengv,10 Gunwok -tenge, theng, janga Wardaman jeng As discussed in §3.1, there is no reason to reconstruct mid vowels for Proto Mirndi. It is therefore reasonable to relate /a/ vowels in Mirndi to /e/ vowels elsewhere. As discussed in §3.5, a contrast between *th and *j is provisionally to be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi, with the Eastern Mirndi varieties including Wambaya showing only /j/ reflexes. There is evidence for a contrast in Proto Gunwinyguan between *th and *j (Harvey 2003a:215– 217). The Gunwinyguan reflexes for ‘foot’ mostly fall within the *th set. The exception is Rembarrnga, where the reflex of *thenge should be tenge. Given that the Gunwinyguan reflexes generally support *th, I have reconstructed *th for Proto Mirndi. The second correspondence set is less straightforward. (24) Proto Mirndi *wanyku ‘armpit’: Jing wanyku, Wamb wanyka Proto Gunwinyguan *-wany ‘armpit’: Dalabon wany, -wanycal, Bininj Gunwok -wany, wanykol, Ngandi -wany(kol), Rembarrnga wany, Warray –wanymili, Gungarakany -weny The basic root is *wany. A number of the Gunwinyguan languages have augmented this root, by compounding it with various elements. I propose that this also occurred in Proto Mirndi, with the /ku/ portion having originally been a distinct compounded morpheme. The third set is suggestive, but cannot be ascribed to Proto Mirndi with confidence. (25) Jing pirimilyi ‘shoulder blade’ Proto Gunwinyguan *-peremelk ‘shoulder blade’: Jawoyn -peremelk, Bininj Gunwok perimelq ‘kangaroo shoulder blade’, Ngalakgan peremelk, Ngandi peremelk, Nunggubuyu wirimil, Warray -pimek

10 The /v/ symbolises a high central vowel. 16 Proto Mirndi

The Jingulu form is very similar to the Proto Gunwinyguan form. However, there are two facts that cannot presently be explained. Firstly, there is the /yi/ portion of the Jingulu form. Secondly if Proto Gunwinyguan *e in *thenge ‘foot’ corresponds to Proto Mirndi *a in *janga, it is unclear why Proto Gunwinyguan *peremelk should correspond to Mirndi forms with /i/. In addition to these nominal forms, it is also possible to reconstruct two inflected verbal forms for Proto Mirndi, on the basis of correspondences with other northern languages. One of these is *ruma-ny ‘come-Past Perfective’, which is discussed in §5.2. The other is *wunga-ny ‘leave-Past Perfective’. The correspondence sets for this ‘leave’ form are set out in (26) and (27). (26) ‘to leave’ Jam/Ngali Nungali Proto Yirram Past Perfective unga-ny unga *unga-ny Past Imperfective/Potential unga-na unga *unga-na Present unga-m *unga-m Conditional unga unga *unga (27) ‘to leave’ Jawoyn Warray Past Perfective wonga-ny wunga-ny Past Imperfective wonga-y wunga-rl-any Non-Past wonga-r wunga-rl The reconstruction of verbal categories in Proto Yirram is discussed in §5.2. It may be noted that these correspondences all involve the Gunwinyguan languages. This suggests some kind of connection, areal or genetic, between the Gunwinyguan languages and Proto Mirndi. As we will see (§5.3), there is one structural pattern also supporting this connection.

3.5 Summary of lexical correspondences and sound changes Only 24 sets of shared forms, those listed in (28), can be assigned to Proto Mirndi on a principled basis. (28) Adjectives: *warnayaki ‘strange(r), foreign(er)’, *yalang ‘new’ Body parts: *kurij ‘fat’, *manka ‘ear’, *nungkuru ‘hand’, *thanga ‘foot’, *wanyku ‘armpit’ Coverbs: *karrij ‘to be cold’, *nij ‘to name’, *ngalyak ‘to lick’, *nganya ‘to sing’, *pulukaja ‘to bathe, to wash’ Generics: *jurlak ‘bird’, *ma-ngarra ‘III-food’, *pulany ‘snake’, *warnta ‘grass’ Inflected verb forms: *ruma-ny ‘come-Past Perfective’, *wunga-ny ‘leave-Past Perfective’ Miscellaneous: *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’, *kitpu ‘red ochre’, *kuyVka ‘fire’, *marntak ‘human status (specific meaning unknown)’, *thangki ‘high, up’, *warlujapi ‘black-nosed python’ The lexical evidence is by itself insufficient to establish that the Mirndi languages constitute a family. The critical evidence for the Mirndi languages constituting a family comes from correspondence sets in grammatical morphemes. Proto Mirndi 17

The low level of lexical correspondence is not a result simply of the geographical separation of Eastern and Western Mirndi. There are also low levels of correspondence within Eastern Mirndi between Jingulu and the Ngurlun languages. There are relatively substantial dictionaries for Jingulu and Wambaya. The Jingulu dictionary contains 1640 open class lexical morphemes, and the Wambaya dictionary contains 1337 open class lexical morphemes. Appendix 4 lists 160 pairs where sound and meaning correspondences appear reasonably straightforward. Appendix 5 lists 20 pairs where there are problems with sound and/or meaning correspondences. Even if all 20 problematic pairs are analysed as related, there is still only a total of 180 corresponding pairs. It is almost certainly the case that a reasonable percentage of these 180 pairs result from borrowing rather than inheritance. Some of the forms appear in a number of the languages neighbouring Jingulu and Wambaya. However, even if all 180 pairs did reflect inheritance, the lexical cognacy percentages between Jingulu and Wambaya would still be low, as set out in (29). (29) Percentage of Jingulu lexicon cognate with Wambaya: 180/1640 = 11% Percentage of Wambaya lexicon cognate with Jingulu: 180/1337 = 13.5% The percentage of similar forms between Jingulu and Wambaya is not fundamentally distinguishable from the percentage of similar forms found between Wambaya and its eastern neighbour Garrwa. Appendix 6 lists 161 forms that are common to Wambaya and Garrwa. These result from a detailed, but not exhaustive, comparison of the Wambaya and Garrwa lexicons. An exhaustive comparison would increase the number. Even allowing only for the 161 so far established, Wambaya shows essentially the same percentage relationship to Garrwa as it does to Jingulu. (30) Percentage of Wambaya lexicon cognate with Garrwa: 161/1337 = 12% The factors operating to produce such low levels of lexical cognacy between related varieties, such as Jingulu and Wambaya, remain to be determined. The protoforms listed in (28) appear to require the reconstruction of an opposition between two laminal stops *j and *th, at least root-initially. (31) *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’: Jam ji ‘s/he’, Ngali ji ‘s/he’, Jing jiyi *jurlak ‘bird (generic)’: Jam jurlak, Ngali jurlak, Nung ti-yurlak, Jing jurlak- pulu ‘bird-DL.F’, Ngarn jurlak-ji ‘bird-male’, jurlak-nga ‘bird female’, Wamb julak-pulu ‘bird-DL’ (Bilinarra julak, Garrwa julaki, Mudburra jurlaka, Wagiman jurlak, Yanyuwa julaki(n)) *thangki ‘high, up’: Jam thangka, Ngali jangka, Jing jaangki, ?Ngarn kayangka, ?Wamb kayangka As illustrated in (31), Jaminjung shows both /th/ and /j/ corresponding to /j/ in the other Mirndi languages. It is possible that either Jaminjung preserves an original distinction, later lost in all the other Mirndi languages, or that Jaminjung has innovated the distinction. No conclusive case can be made for innovation in Jaminjung, and consequently, the contrast is reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. The protoforms listed in (28) also provide evidence for some sound changes. The commonest change is lenition. The most extensive range of lenitions is found with prefixed nominals in Nungali. In root-initial position, the lenitions *k > w, *p > w, and *j > y are found. 18 Proto Mirndi

(32) *jurlak ‘bird (generic)’: Nung ti-yurlak *kuyVka ‘fire’: Nung nu-wuyuk *pulany ‘snake’: Nung t-urlany The Nungali reflex t-urlany of *pulany ‘snake’ involves a further, irregular reduction of *uwu > u. The historical development of the Nungali form for ‘snake’ is set out in (33). (33) *tu-pulany > *tu-wurlany > t-urlany The lenited reflex of *p is preserved in other Nungali forms. (34) *paj ‘language’: Ngaliwurru paj, Nungali nu-waj The irregular reduction is not limited to *pulany ‘snake’. It is more widely, but unpredictably distributed in Nungali. (35) *jumpul ‘man’: Ngali jumpul, Nung ti-yimpul *jungurniny ‘man’: Ngali jungurniny, Nung t-ungurniny *kuyVka ‘fire’: Nung nu-wuyuk *kurij ‘fat’: Nung n-urij The protoforms reconstructed in (28) also provide evidence for the lenition of word-initial *p > w in Jingulu and Ngarnka. (36) *pulany ‘snake’: Jam pulany, Nung t-urlany, Ngarn wulany-ji *pulukaja ‘bathe, wash’: Jam pulukaja, Ngali pulukaja, Jing wulukaj (?Garrwa pulukartijpa ‘to soak in water, to water lawn’, ?Ngarinyman wulyuk ‘wring, wash clothes’) We will see that there is evidence for the lenition of word-initial *p > w in grammatical morphemes in all varieties save Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru (§6.2.1, §6.2.4). We will also see that reconstruction of subsection terminologies provides evidence for lenition of medial stops more generally in Mirndi, at least in morphemes belonging to closed classes (§7.7). Given these lenitions, a number of the sets listed in Appendix 1 must be excluded from Proto Mirndi, as they involve non-lenited reflexes in Jingulu, Ngarnka, or Nungali. The set in (37) provides an example. (37) *partangarra ‘moon’: Nung ta-parangarra,11 Jing partangarra, Wamb wartangarri (Mudburra partangarra, ?Jam parrangan, ?Ngali parrangan, Yanyuwa parlangarra) If the form *partangarra was assigned to Proto Mirndi, then the Jingulu reflex should be wartangarra, and the Nungali ta-warangarra. The other sets which may be excluded on this basis are listed in (38). (38) *pank(iy)aja ‘to dream’, *papa ‘older brother’, *parnangka ‘nightjar’, *parnmarra ‘young woman’, *pa(r)ntimi ‘women’s dance’, *partarta ‘baby’, *parung(ku) ‘hot weather’, *pa(r)turu ‘cicatrice’, *pin(y)mala ‘scraper’, *pipi ‘father’, *puna ‘ashes’, *punturr/tu ‘full’, *purrp ‘to finish’, *puwarraja ‘dreaming’

11 The ta- prefix allomorph is irregular in Nungali. The Nungali form also shows lenition of *rt > r. There is insufficient evidence to determine whether this is a regular process or not. In the set for *ngartap ~ ngarrap ‘to be hot’, Nungali shows ngartap. Proto Mirndi 19

While these forms cannot be assigned to Proto Mirndi, this does not mean that they are necessarily loans into the Mirndi varieties. They could have originated at some later stage in a Mirndi variety and spread from that source. It is not in general possible to establish a direction of borrowing for forms found in both Mirndi and non-Mirndi varieties. There is only one set where there is evidence for borrowing into the Mirndi varieties. (39) *langa ‘ear’: Jaminjung langa, Jingulu langa (Mudburra langa, Ngarinyman langa, Warlpiri langa) The Proto Mirndi root for ‘ear’ is reconstructable as *manka (§3.3), and therefore langa must be a borrowing into the Mirndi languages. An examination of the correspondence sets in Appendix 1 provides evidence for apocope having affected trisyllabic words in the Yirram varieties. The operation of this apocope was dependent on phonotactic structure. It is attested most consistently in words with the final sequence Vowel-Stop-Vowel. (40) *kuyVka ‘fire’: Jam kuyuk, Ngali kuyuk, Nung nu-wuyuk, Wamb kuyika (?Gulumoerrgin kuyu, ?Yanyuwa puyuka) *larrkaja ‘thin’: Jam larrkaj, Jing larrkaja (Bilinarra larrkaj, Miriwoong larrkajang, Mudburra larrkaja, Ngarinyman larrkaj, Wardaman larrkaja) *warrija ‘freshwater crocodile’: Jam warrij, Ngali warrij, Nung warrij, Wamb warriji (Bilinarra warrija, Ngarinyman warrija, Wardaman warrija) The apocope has not applied in two cases. (41) *marluka ‘old man’: Ngali marluka, Jing marluka (Bilinarra marluka, Mudburra marluka, Ngarinyman marluka, Wagiman marluka, Wardaman marluka) *ngapuju ‘father’s mother’: Ngali ngapuju, Jing ngapuji-rni ‘father’s mother’, ngapuja ‘father’s mother’s brother’, Wamb ngapuji ‘father’s mother’s brother’ (Bilinarra ngapuju, Mudburra ngapuju, Ngarinyman ngapuju) Among the Yirram varieties, these two forms are only found in Ngaliwurru, and they are almost certainly loans. In Ngaliwurru, the primary term for ‘old man’ is warlatpari, and the primary term for ‘father’s mother’ is ngabubu. The evidence as to whether the change applied to words with the final sequence Vowel- Nasal-Stop-Vowel is equivocal. (42) *kunyju ‘flesh’: Nung kuwunyju, Ngarn kunyju, Wamb kunyju (Wardaman kunyju, Warlmanpa kunyju ‘muscle’) *munungku ‘string’: Jam munungku, Ngali munungku, Nung munungku, Jing munungku-mi, Wamb munungku-ma (Bilinarra munungku, Mudburra munungku, Ngarinyman murnungku) *parung(ku) ‘hot weather’: Jam parung, Ngali parung, Nung parung, Jing parungku (Mudburra parungkula, Ngarinyman parungkarla ‘hot dry wind’) The form *parung(ku) ‘hot weather’ has apparently undergone apocope. With the loss of the final vowel, the stop would also delete as nasal-stop clusters cannot occur finally in any of the Yirram varieties, or indeed in any of the languages of the area. On the other hand *munungku ‘string’ has not undergone apocopic change. This could indicate that it was a later loan into the Yirram varieties after the operation of apocope. The form *ku(wu)nyju similarly does not show apocope, and this is an inherited form. However, as discussed in 20 Proto Mirndi

§2 the sources on Nungali are not extensive. There is no recording of this form from a fluent speaker, and it may not in fact have synchronically been a trisyllable in Nungali. It may have been a disyllable kunyju, as in Wambaya. The apocope appears to have operated on one quadrisyllable. (43) *warnayaki ‘strange(r), foreign(er)’: Ngali warnayak, Nung -warnayak, Jing warnayaka, Wamb warnayaki (Mudburra warnayaka) Apocope did not affect other quadrisyllables. (44) *kurrkapati ‘bush turkey’: Jam kurrkapati, Ngali kurrkapati, Jing kurrkapati, Ngarn kurrkapati (Mudburra kurrkapati) [Note Jing syn. karninyinyji] *kurrupartu ‘boomerang’: Jam kurrupartu, Ngali kurrupartu, Nung kurrupartu, Jing kurrupartu (Bilinarra kurrupartu, Miriwoong kurrupartu, Mudburra kurrupartu, Ngarinyman kurrupartu) *pank(iy)aja ‘to dream’: Jam pankiyaja, Jing pankaja (Mudburra pankaja) *puwarraja ‘dreaming’: Ngali puwarraja, Wambaya puwarraja (Mudburra puwarraja, Ngarinyman puwarraja, Wagiman puwarraja, Wardaman puwarraja) *warlujapi ‘black-nosed python’: Jam warlujapi, Ngali warlujapi, Jing warlujapi-rni (Ngarinyman walijapi) It may be noted that (44) includes the discontinuously distributed *warlujapi ‘black-nosed python’ form. The apocope did not operate on word forms with final Vowel-Liquid-Vowel sequences. (45) *kungkala ‘firestick’: Jam kungkala, Ngali kungkala, Nung nu-wungkala, Jing kungkuli-mi, Ngarn kungkala-ma (Bilinarra kungkala, Garrwa kungkala ‘light a fire’, Mudburra kungkala, Ngarinyman kungkala) *kuwarri ‘shield’: Jam kuwarri, Ngali kuwarri, Nung kuwarri, Jing kuwarri-mi (Mudburra kuwarri, Ngarinyman kuwarri) *lungkura ‘blue-tongue lizard’: Ngali lungkura, Nung lungkura, Jing lungkura (Bilinarra lungkura, Mudburra lungkura, Ngarinyman lungkura) *ma-ngarra ‘III-food’: Jam mangarra, Ngali mangarra, Nung ma-ngarra, Yanyuwa ma-ngarra (Bilinarra mangarri, Djaru mangarri, Mudburra mangarri, Ngarinyman mangarri, Warumungu mangarri) *muntarla ‘scorpion’: Ngali muntarla, Nung muntarla, Jing muntarla (Bilinarra muntarla, Mudburra muntarla, Ngarinyman muntarla, Wardaman muntarla) *nungkuru ‘hand’: Nung ni-na-nungkuru ‘hand of a female’, ni-ya-nungkuru ‘hand of a male’, Jing nungkuru ‘fingernail’ (Mudburra nungkuru, Wardaman nungkuru) *ngapulu ‘breast, milk’: Jam ngapulu, Ngali ngapulu, Nung ngapulu, Jing ngapulu, Ngarn ngapulu, Wamb ngapurlu (Bilinarra ngapulu, Miriwoong ngapoeloeng, Mudburra ngapulu, Ngarinyman ngapulu, Wardaman ngapulu) *pinymala ~ pinmala ‘tool, scraper’: Jam pinymala, Ngali pinymala, Jing pinymala ~ pinmala, Wam pinmala (Miriwoong pinypalang, Mudburra pinymala) Proto Mirndi 21

There is one form where the status of the last consonant varies. (46) *puntutu ~ punturru ‘full’: Nung puntut, Jing ‘food, full’ punturru, Wamb punturru (Mudburra puntunturra) There are a number of possible scenarios with correspondence set (46). It could be that the original form was *punturru, and that it irregularly underwent apocope followed by an irregular fortition to conform to the general output of apocope (i.e. a stop-final disyllable). Alternatively the original form may have been *puntutu and the other varieties show irregular lenition. A further alternative is that there may have been variation in the form. I adopt this third alternative as it does not require irregular sound changes. There are three pieces of evidence which argue that the apocope applied in Proto Yirram, as opposed to developing at a later stage in one Yirram variety and then spreading to the others. Firstly, the apocope applies uniformly in the Yirram varieties. For each lexical item, the Yirram varieties agree in either showing or not showing apocope. If apocope was a later diffused phenomenon, then we would expect some variation. Secondly, the apocope applies to items which bear class prefixation in Nungali. (47) *kuyVka ‘fire’: Jam kuyuk, Ngali kuyuk, Nung nu-wuyuk, Wamb kuyika (?Gulumoerrgin kuyu, ?Yanyuwa puyuka) *warnayaki ‘strange(r), foreign(er)’: Ngali warnayak, Nung -warnayak, Jing warnayaka, Wamb warnayaki (Mudburra warnayaka) Class prefixation in Nungali is a highly lexicalised system, and therefore of some time depth in Nungali (§7.4.2). The form for ‘fire’ only standardly undergoes apocope as a trisyllabic *kuyVka > kuyuk. In the prefixed form *nu-kuyVka, it would be a quadrisyllable, and as we have seen these do not standardly undergo apocope. The Nungali form is best explained by apocope operating first *kuyVka > *kuyuk, and the innovated prefix system then coming into operation *kuyuk > *nu-kuyuk > nu-wuyuk. Given the time depth of prefixation within Nungali, the apocope is best assigned to Proto Yirram. Thirdly, the apocope applies to items inherited from Proto Yirram. It operated on *kuyVka ‘fire’ and *warnayaki ‘strange(r), foreign(er)’, as illustrated in (47). It also operated on the non-singular Dative pronouns (§6.4). (48) Dative pronouns Proto Mirndi Jam/Ngali Nungali 1DL.INC *mirnta-ku minta-k minta-k 1DL.EXC *y/ngi-(rri-)nya-ku yi-nya-k yi-nya-k 2DL *ku-(rri-)nya-ku ku-nya-k wu-nya-k 3DL *pi-(rri-)nya-ku pu-nya-k wi-nya-k 1PL.INC *y/ngu-rra-ku yu-rra-k yu-rra-k 1PL.EXC *y/ngi-rra-ku yi-rra-k yi-rra-k 2PL *ku-rra-ku ku-rra-k wu-rra-k 3PL *pi-rra-ku pu-rra-k wi-rra-k We may note that the apocope did not apply to the Dual Absolutive pronouns in Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru. 22 Proto Mirndi

(49) Absolutive pronouns Proto Mirndi Jam/Ngali 1DL.INC *mirnti minti 1DL.EXC *y/ngi-(rri-)-nya yi-rri-nyi 2DL *ku-(rri)-nya ku-rri-nyi 3DL *pi-(rri-)-nya pu-rri-nyi 1PL.INC *y/ngu-rri yu-rri 1PL.EXC *y/ngi-rri yi-rri 2PL *ku-rri ku-rri 3PL *pi-rri pu-rri These Duals have a final Vowel-Nasal-Vowel sequence. There are no examples of this final sequence in any of the lexical correspondence sets. The failure of apocope to apply to the Jaminjungan Dual Absolutive pronouns argues that the apocope was restricted to forms where the last consonant was a stop.

4 Principles of morphological reconstruction Koch (1996:220) proposes the following procedures for morphological reconstruction. 1. Match tentative morphs, that is, formal bits that are potentially cognate according to established phoneme correspondences and changes. These matches may be found in the same language (so we have internal reconstruction), in different but related languages (so we have comparative reconstruction), or in different but not necessarily related languages (so we have an analysis of borrowing). Note that this assumes the prior establishment of phonological changes on the basis of lexical cognates. 2. Assess the relative likelihood of each of the compared forms and/or paradigms being archaic or innovative. 3. Posit an appropriate protoform and a series of plausible processes of morphological change that (in combination with phonetic and semantic changes) would transform the protoform into each of the attested forms. We have already seen that it is not possible to follow the first step in the usual way, as the lexical cognates are insufficient. It is however possible to follow the second and third steps proposed by Koch. In considering the second step — whether particular forms are innovative or archaic — I adopt the following heuristics. (50) In paradigms of closed class forms, phonological reduction processes are pervasive. In particular, forms of three or more syllables are likely to lose syllables, and consonant clusters are likely to be reduced to singletons. Consequently, where correspondence sets involve longer and shorter forms, the longer forms are to be preferentially reconstructed. Similarly, where correspondence sets involve clusters and singletons, the clusters are to be preferentially reconstructed. (51) Vowel harmony is a pervasive pattern in paradigms of closed class morphemes. Where correspondence sets involve both harmonic and disharmonic forms, the disharmonic forms are to be preferentially reconstructed. The harmonic forms may be analysed as having arisen from the later operation of vowel harmony. Proto Mirndi 23

(52) The regularity of relationships between members of closed class paradigms can vary. Some correspondence sets involve a paradigm in one language variety whose internal relationships are synchronically irregular, and a paradigm in another language variety whose internal relationships are synchronically regular. In this case, the forms showing irregular relationships are to be preferentially reconstructed. The forms showing regular relationships may be attributed to paradigmatic remodelling. These heuristics describe the default principles of reconstruction. As we will see, there are particular cases where the evidence argues against their adoption.

5 Verbal reconstruction 5.1 Synchronic verbal predicate structures The synchronic verbal predicate structures of the Mirndi languages are similar. However, there are slight differences between the structures found in each of the three genetic groupings which are of importance in reconstructing the verbal system of Proto Mirndi. I begin by presenting the Yirram system, as the system that can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi most closely resembles this. In the Yirram languages, the most common predicate type consists of two parts, as illustrated by the following sentence from Jaminjung (Schultze-Berndt 2000:314). (53) Coverb Verb walik kani-ma-m kurrurrij walk around 3SG>3SG-hit-PR car ‘He walks right around the car.’ The first constituent of the predicate is here termed a ‘coverb’. A coverb is a non-finite, non-derived part-of-speech which conveys the primary predicate information. Coverbs may inflect to convey aspectual information, but they cannot convey information about argument structure, mood, or tense. The second constituent is finite. In Yirram, this second constituent may reasonably be termed a ‘verb’, as it can appear independently as the sole predicate element in a sentence. So, the form kani-ma-m can appear independently as a predicate meaning ‘he/she/it hits him/her/it’. The ordering illustrated in (53) is the most common ordering of the two constituents, but they may occur in the reverse order and/or with other intervening constituents. In Jaminjungan and Nungali verbs form a small closed class with approximately 30 members (Schultze-Berndt 2000:83; Harvey and Schultze-Berndt MS). All verbs may appear independently in the Yirram varieties. Only a subset appears in combination with coverbs. The class of coverbs, on the other hand, is open and new coverbs may freely be created or borrowed in. It is evident from (53) that the contribution of the two constituents to the overall predicate meaning is not always straightforward. Thus (53) does not mean ‘he walks around the car, hitting it’, despite the fact that it contains the verb kani-ma-m. Rather, it indicates that the action of ‘walking around’ affects another entity. In this case, the entity is encircled. This notion of ‘affecting another entity’ is a central component of the meaning of ‘hit’. However, ‘hit’ has other components of meaning such as ‘contact’ and ‘force’, and these are not carried over into the complex predicate. 24 Proto Mirndi

As illustrated in (53), Jaminjungan verbs have a complex internal structure. There are three principal parts to the verb — the prefix complex, the verb root, and the tense/aspect suffixes. This is illustrated in (54). (54) Prefix complex Verb root Tense/Aspect suffixes [ku-rr-u-rru-] [ngarna] [-ny] ku-rr-u-rru-ngarna-ny 2S-PL-3O-PL-give-PP ‘You lot gave it to them.’ The verb root and the tense/aspect suffixes together constitute the verb stem. The form in (54) is a Past Perfective. The other forms in the paradigm of this verb are illustrated in (55). (55) ku-rr-u-rru-ngarna-nyi ku-rru-p-u-rru-ngarna-nyi 2S-PL-3O-PL-give-PI 2S-PL-POT-3O-PL-give-PST ‘You lot used to give it to them.’ ‘You lot should have given it to them.’ Past Imperfective Past Irrealis ku-rr-u-rru-ngarna-m ku-rru-p-u-rru-ngarna 2S-PL-3O-PL-give-PR 2S-PL-POT-3O-PL-give ‘You lot are giving it to them.’ ‘You lot will give it to them.’ Present Future pa-wu-rr-u-rru-ngarna ya-wu-rr-u-rru-ngarna IMP-2S-PL-3O-PL-give CON-2S-PL-3O-PL-give ‘You lot give it to them!’ ‘(Lest) you lot should give it to them.’ Imperative Conditional The prefix complex contains positions for two different kinds of information – pronominal information and mood information (Schultze-Berndt 2000:85–94).12 The general ordering of pronominal information is as set out in (56). (56) Subject Person – Subject Number – Object Person – Object Number There are three mood prefixes. These may be divided into two groups, as indicated in (57). (57) a. pa- ‘Imperative’, ya- ‘Conditional’ b. p(i/u)- ~ w(i/u)- ‘Potential’ [Future and Past Irrealis] The Imperative and Conditional prefixes occur initially in the prefix complex, before the Subject prefixes, and show only minimal allomorphy. The Potential prefix occurs medially following the Subject prefixes and before the Object prefixes. It shows a considerable range in allomorphy, much of which is not predictable in synchronic terms. The overall order of information within the prefix complex is set out in (58). (58) Con/Imp-SPers-SNum-Pot-OPers-ONum- Determining the tense/mood/aspect interpretation of a particular verb form often involves combining information from both the prefix complex and the tense/aspect suffixes.

12 I use slightly different glosses in some cases to Schultze-Berndt, to allow for easier comparison with the Eastern Mirndi varieties. Proto Mirndi 25

The patterns illustrated in (55) are standard for Jaminjungan. Thus the Past Irrealis and the Future both take a Potential prefix complex. The two categories are differentiated by distinct verb stem forms. Similarly, the Past Perfective, Past Imperfective and Present all take the same prefix complex and are differentiated by having distinct verb stem forms. Just as certain categories share prefix complexes, there are also sharings of verb stem forms. Thus the Past Imperfective and Past Irrealis take the same verb stem. The Future, Imperative and Conditional also take the same verb stem. The Past Perfective and Present normally take their own distinctive verb stem forms. Nungali has the same basic system as Jaminjungan, with some minor differences.The Nungali paradigm for the ‘give’ verb is set out in (59). (59) wi-rr-i-rri-ngarna wi-rri-p-i-rri-ngarna-nyi 2S-PL-3O-PL-give 2S-PL-POT-3O-PL-give-PST ‘You lot gave it to them.’ ‘You lot should have given it to them.’ ‘You lot used to give it to them’ Past Realis Past Irrealis wi-rr-i-rri-ngarna-m wi-rri-p-i-rri-ngarna-m 2S-PL-3O-PL-give-NP 2S-PL-POT-3O-PL-give-NP ‘You lot are giving it to them.’ ‘You lot will give it to them.’ Present Future wa-wu-rru-ngarna ny-i-rr-i-rri-ngarna IMP-2S-PL-give CON-2S-PL-3O-PL-give ‘You lot give it to him!’13 ‘(Lest) you lot should give it to them.’ Imperative Conditional The Nungali paradigm differs structurally in the following ways from the Jaminjungan paradigm. (60) a. There is only a single Past Realis tense in Nungali, corresponding to the Jaminjungan Past Perfective and Past Imperfective. The Nungali Past either corresponds to the Jaminjungan Past Imperfective or it shows a -Ø suffix. The Jaminjungan Past Perfective shows complex irregular allomorphy and suppletion. It is therefore reconstructed as a category for Proto Yirram, and Nungali is analysed as having lost this category. b. In Nungali, the Future shows the same verb stem as the Present. In Jaminjungan, the Future shows the same verb stem as the Conditional and Imperative. Otherwise, the Nungali and Jaminjungan paradigms are structurally identical. Jingulu has the same coverb and verb classes as the Yirram languages. However, the verb class differs significantly. Jingulu has only three verbal paradigms ‘be/do’, ‘come’ and ‘go’ (Pensalfini 2003:226–230). These paradigms can be analysed as consisting of a prefix complex conveying information about the person and number of Subject and Object, and stem conveying the verb meaning and tense, mood and aspect information. However the stem cannot be divided into a root conveying the verb meaning and suffixes conveying tense, mood and aspect. Rather the paradigms use suppletive stems to distinguish tense,

13 The materials on Nungali do not contain a reliable 2PL>3PL imperative form. Consequently, a 2PL>3SG imperative is provided. 26 Proto Mirndi mood and aspect. This is illustrated with the following examples for the ‘come’ verb (Pensalfini 2003:59). (61) ya-miki murtika-mpili 3SG-come.PST car-LOC ‘He came in a car.’ (62) ya-jiyimi pininya 3SG-come.PR man ‘The man is coming.’ (63) ya-ngku ngurrarrungka 3SG-come.FUT tomorrow ‘He will come tomorrow.’ Given that there are only three verbs in Jingulu, all other ‘verbal’ meanings must be expressed with coverb + verb combinations. In Jingulu, the coverb always precedes the verb, and nearly always immediately precedes it. There are only a very few instances with an intervening constituent. In transitive prefix complexes, Jingulu shows the same ordering as the Yirram varieties: Subject Person – Subject Number – Object Person – Object Number (Chadwick 1975:29– 32, 1978:241–256). This ordering is illustrated with coverb constructions involving the coverb ngaja ‘see’ in (64). (64) ngaja=gu-ny-ana-nu ngaja=ngayi-ngi-rru-nu see=2NSG.S-DL-1O-DID see=3F.ERG-1EXC.O-PL-DID ‘You two saw me.’ ‘She saw us.’ Synchronically, Jingulu does not permit transitive prefix complexes with number marking both for the Subject and the Object. (65) *ngaja=gu-nyu-ngi-rru-nu see=2NSG.S-DL-1EXC.O-PL-DID ‘You two saw us.’ Constructions where both Subject and Object are augmented require a free pronoun as in (66) (Chadwick 1975:31–32). (66) ngaja=gu-ny-ana-nu ngi-rra-ku see=2NSG.S-DL-1O-DID 1EXC-PL-ACC ‘You two saw us.’ Imperative prefix complexes involve a first position prefix wa- (Chadwick 1975:76, 1978:257). (67) wa-ngku wa-nyu-ngku wa-rru-ngku IMP-come IMP-DL-come IMP-PL-come ‘You come!’ ‘You two come!’ ‘You mob come!’ The Ngurlun languages have constituents corresponding to the Jingulu and Yirram classes of verb and coverb, but they do not function in the same way. The Ngurlun correspondents of verbs cannot function as independent predicates. Synchronically, they are not classified as verbs, but rather as a special ‘auxiliary’ constituent. The auxiliary occurs in second Proto Mirndi 27 position and conveys information about the person and number of Subject and Object, about tense, mood and aspect, and about direction of motion (Nordlinger 1998:137–156). The Ngurlun correspondents of coverbs are synchronically categorised as ‘verbs’, and as such the synchronic Ngurlun ‘verb’ category does not correspond to the synchronic Yirram or Jingulu ‘verb’ categories. The Ngurlun verbs are non-finite in Gudanji and Binbinka, but in Ngarnka and Wambaya, they inflect for tense (Chadwick 1978:84–85). The interaction between tense marking on the auxiliary (=Yirram/Jingulu verb) and the verb (=Yirram/Jingulu coverb) in Wambaya is illustrated in (68) by the constructed paradigm for the verb part ‘run’ based on Nordlinger (1998:144, 161–164). (68) part-pi ny-a part-pi ny-i run-NF 2SG.S-PST run-NF 2SG.S-PR ‘You ran.’ ‘You are running.’ part-pi ny-aji part-pi ny-ala run-NF 2SG.S-HAB.PST run-NF 2SG.S-HAB.PR ‘You used to run.’ ‘You always run.’ part-pi ny-uta part-pi ny-uti run-NF 2SG.S-NACT.PST run-NF 2SG.S-NACT.PR ‘You should have run.’ ‘You want to run [but can’t].’ part-pi ny-u part-pa ny-u run-NF 2SG.S-FUT run-FUT 2SG.S-FUT ‘You will run right now.’ ‘You will run.’ part-pa part-pi ny-akpa run-FUT run-NF 2SG.S-HYP ‘(You) run!’ ‘You might run.’ The auxiliary also conveys directional information — away ‘go’ and towards ‘come’. (69) part-pi ny-any part-pa ny-upa run-NF 2SG.S-AWAY.PST run-FUT 2SG.S-AWAY.NP ‘You ran away.’ ‘You will run away.’ (70) part-pi ny-amany part-pa ny-ulama run-NF 2SG.S-TWD.PST run-FUT 2SG.S-TWD.NP ‘You came running.’ ‘You will come running.’ It may be noted that the Ngurlun auxiliary has the same semantic range as the verb class in Jingulu. The difference, as already mentioned, is that the Ngurlun auxiliary constituents cannot occur independently in the Ngurlun varieties, whereas their equivalents can occur independently as the sole clausal predicate in Jingulu. Within the auxiliary, the ordering of pronominal morphemes is the same as in the other Mirndi languages. Subject person appears before Subject number, which appears before Object. (71) ngaj-bi ki-rri-ng-a see-NF 2NSG.S-PL-1O-PST ‘You mob saw me.’ In the Ngurlun varieties, there are only two Object pronominals: ng- ‘1st person’ and ny- ‘2nd person’. In the absence of further information, these have a singular interpretation. 28 Proto Mirndi

To achieve a non-singular interpretation, an accusative free pronoun is required (Nordlinger 1998:139–140). Third person Objects are not registered in the auxiliary (Nordlinger 1998:145–146).

5.2 Proto Mirndi verbal roots and stems The relationships between the verbal structures of the various Mirndi languages are best accounted for by reconstructing Proto Mirndi with the same kind of verbal predicate structure as the Yirram languages. There would have been an open class of coverbs and a small closed class of verbs. Most verbal predicate meanings would have been conveyed by a loose combination of a coverb with a verb. All verbs would, however, have been able to occur independently as the sole predicate in a clause. The differences between the Mirndi languages follow from the degree to which they have reduced the verbal class. The more reduced the class, the more verbs developed towards being purely grammatical constituents. In Jingulu, they have become tightly bound and virtually affixal to the coverb. In the Ngurlun languages, they have become clause- level grammatical words, synchronically classified as auxiliaries rather than verbs (Green 1995). This model predicts that there will be relationships between members of the synchronic coverb category of the Yirram varieties and Jingulu and the synchronic verb category of the Ngurlun varieties. As we have seen, the lexical evidence is very limited, but there are two examples of this predicted correspondence. (72) *karrij ‘to be cold’: Jam karrij, Ngali karrij, Nung n-arrij, Ngarn karrijpala, Wamb karriji *nij ‘to name’: Jam/Ngali ji-nij ‘name’, nij ‘to name’, Ngarn nij-pi ‘to sing, to call’, Wamb nij-pi ‘to name a place’ (?Jing liyijku) This model also predicts that there will be relationships between members of the synchronic verb category of the Yirram varieties and Jingulu and the synchronic auxiliary category of the Ngurlun varieties, and this is the case. Given that the verbal/auxiliary inventories of the Eastern Mirndi languages are so reduced, there is very little in the way of cognates among either verb roots or tense/aspect suffixes that can be reconstructed. There is only one correspondence set where the relationship of both form and meaning is immediately evident. This correspondence set involves a ‘come’ verb. The paradigm reconstructable for this verb in Proto Yirram is set out in (73). The acute accent indicates primary stress. (73) ‘to come’ Jam/Ngali Nungali Proto Yirram Past Perf ruma-ny ruma *ruma-ny Past Imperf and Past Irrealis ruma ruma *ruma Past Imperf (Redup) rá-ruma *rá-ruma Present ra-m ruma-m *ra-m Present (Redup) rá-ra-m *rá-ra-m Fut/Imp/Con rum rum *rum In Nungali, the Past Perfective has been lost as a category (§5.1). For the ‘come’ verb, forms which were historically Past Imperfective now convey all past realis meanings. In Jaminjungan, the Past Imperfective and the Past Irrealis share a stem — the standard Proto Mirndi 29 pattern for Jaminjungan. However, for the Past Imperfective category, there is also an alternate stem involving an irregular *ra- reduplicant. The Jaminjungan Present shows the same pattern, with this alternate stem involving this *ra- reduplicant. The Jaminjungan Present is irregular, whereas the Nungali Present is regular — the great majority of Yirram Present verb stems consist of the root + an -m suffix. I reconstruct the Jaminjungan Present for Proto Yirram, and attribute the Nungali form to regularisation resulting from paradigmatic remodelling. In its non-reduplicated form, this verb is one of those verbs in the Yirram languages where synchronically the root does not attract stress. (74) ‘1SG-come-PP’ ngá-ruma-ny *nga-rúma-ny There are two factors which favour this pattern. The initial syllable of the root is light and its onset is an approximant. In Wambaya, there are cognate past auxiliary forms which convey a ‘come’ meaning (§5.1). (75) *nga-ruma-ny ‘1SG-come-PP’ Jam ngá-ruma-ny Wamb ng-ámany *ka-ruma-ny ‘3SG-come-PP’ Jam ká-ruma-ny Wamb k-ámany The Wambayan forms may plausibly be related to the Jaminjungan forms through loss of a medial unstressed syllable. The structure of the initial syllable of the ‘come’ root is such that it is universally likely to fail to attract stress. It may have failed to attract stress in Proto Mirndi. Alternatively, it may have attracted stress in Proto Mirndi and then separately lost stress in Yirram and Wambayan. These past tense ‘come’ verb forms are not distinctive of Proto Mirndi, but must be assigned to a much more ancient protolanguage, as cognate forms are found in the paradigm of the ‘move (come/go)’ verb in the quite distant language Nunggubuyu (Heath 1984:411). (76) Nunggubuyu ‘move (come/go)’ verb paradigm ruma-ny came, went ya-ngi was coming/going, would have come/gone, did not come/go ruma-ng will come/go, does not come/go yaa-rri is coming/going, will be coming/going rumi will not come/go ya-ngan might (not) come/go As illustrated in (76), Nunggubuyu does not make a lexical distinction between ‘come’ and ‘go’. Rather, it has a single ‘motion’ verb which historically merges forms from ruma ‘come’ and a ‘go’ verb with a root ya (Dixon 1980:404). There is another potential correspondence involving directional verbs. Example forms from the relevant paradigms are set out in (77) and (78). (77) Jaminjungan ku-ny-ijka-ny ya-wu-ny-ijka pa-wu-ny-ijka 2S-DL-go-PP CON-2S-DL-go IMP-2S-DL-go ‘You two went’ ‘(Lest) you two should go’ ‘(You two) go!’ Nungali ny-u-ny-ijka wa-wu-ny-ijka CON-2S-DL-go IMP-2S-DL-go ‘(Lest) you two should go’ ‘(You two) go!’ 30 Proto Mirndi

(78) Ngarnka ku-rlu-la ku-rlu-l-ajkani 2S-DL-MOVE.NP 2S-DL-MOVE.NP-HITHER ‘You two will go/are going’ ‘You two will come/are coming’ ku-rl-iyarra ku-rl-Ø-ajkani 2S-DL-MOVE.PST 2S-DL-move.PST-HITHER ‘You two went’ ‘You two came’ A root *ijka ‘go’ can be reconstructed for Proto Yirram, and a root ajkani ‘hither’ appears in Ngarnka. At first sight, the two meanings would not appear reconcilable, but the Nunggubuyu paradigm in (76) suggests that a relationship would be possible through a paradigm with a generalised ‘move’ meaning. Comparison with other languages suggests that the Ngarnka root ajkani could historically be divisible into a verb root *ajka + a tense/aspect suffix *-ni. A considerable number of NPN languages have a Past Imperfective suffix which is either -ni or reconstructable as *-ni (Alpher, Evans and Harvey 2003:315; Green 2003:372–376). This probably includes Proto Yirram, for which a Past Imperfective suffix *-na may be reconstructed. However, there is no clear supporting evidence for these potential connections. The fact that the *ruma forms maintain a ‘come’ meaning in both the Yirram varieties and Wambaya makes it unlikely that there was a merger of directional paradigms sufficient to allow the putative root *Vjka to have a reflex of ‘go’ in Yirram, and ‘come’ in Ngarnka. Similarly, it is not evident how a form *ajka-ni ‘come/move-PI’ would develop into a general ‘hither’ suffix. Consequently, it is not possible to establish a relationship between the Yirram forms in (77) and the Ngarnka forms in (78). There is one other reasonably certain verbal correspondence, involving a root akpa. (79) Jam/Ngali akpa-Ø ‘be-PP’, akpa-nyi ‘be-PI’, Ngarn akpa-nki ‘Past Habitual’, akpa-Ø ‘Conditional’, Wamb akpa-Ø ‘Conditional’ The relationship in meaning between the Jaminjungan Past Imperfective akpa-nyi which conveys past habitual meanings and the Ngarnka akpa-nki form is unproblematic. However, the suffix forms cannot be reconciled. In order to understand the relationships between the Jaminjungan forms and the Ngurlun Conditional forms, it is helpful firstly to examine the ‘be’ paradigms of the Yirram languages. The ‘be’ verb is one of those areas where Nungali diverges significantly from Jaminjungan. (80) ‘be’ Jam/Ngali14 Nung Past Perf akpa ni/nantiyi Past Imperf akpa-nyi ni/nantiyi Past Irrealis yi Present yu nu/nantuyu Future ya-j nu Con/Imp ya-j ya-j

14 This verb is irregular in Jaminjungan in showing distinct forms for the Past Imperfective and Past Irrealis. Proto Mirndi 31

These paradigms obviously involve suppletion. This suppletion has arisen historically from the merger of previously distinct verbal paradigms. It appears likely that the ya ~ yu ~ yi roots found in Jaminjung, Ngaliwurru and Nungali all derive from ‘lie’ which may be reconstructed for Proto Australian (Dixon 1980:407). Similarly the ni/nu roots found in Nungali probably derive from another Proto Australian verb ‘sit’ (Dixon ibid). No specific source can be suggested for the akpa root which appears in Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru, nor the nantiyi ~ nantuyu roots which appear in Nungali. Given that ‘lie’ and ‘sit’ have lost their more specific lexical meanings and become purely existential, it seems likely that both akpa and nantiyi ~ nantuyu derive historically from verbs with more specific meanings. In these more specific meanings, they presumably had complete paradigms covering all tense and mood categories. Verbal paradigms among the Yirram languages show a wide range of variation. However, for present purposes, there is one pattern of importance. If a verb takes a -Ø suffix in the Past Perfective in Jaminjungan, then it also takes a -Ø suffix in the Conditional. The Jaminjungan ‘cook’ verb illustrates this pattern. (81) ku-ny-kirrika-Ø ku-ny-kirrika-na 2S-DL-cook-PP 2S-DL-cook-PI ‘You two cooked it.’ ‘You two were cooking it.’ ku-ny-p-irrika-na ku-ny-kirrika-m 2S-DL-POT-cook-PST 2S-DL-cook-PR ‘You two should have cooked it.’ ‘You two are cooking it.’ ku-ny-p-irrika-Ø ya-wu-ny-kirrika-Ø 2S-DL-POT-cook-NP CON-2S-DL-cook-NP ‘You two will cook it.’ ‘(Lest) you two should cook it.’ I reconstruct this paradigmatic pattern, with -Ø marking both the Past Perfective and Conditional for Proto Yirram, and by extension for Proto Mirndi. I reconstruct akpa as having had a more specific lexical meaning in Proto Mirndi, with a complete paradigm for all tenses. This complete paradigm included a *-Ø suffixed Past Perfective and Conditional, as illustrated in (82). (82) *ng-akpa-Ø *nya-ng-akpa-Ø 1SG.S-X-PP CON-1SG.S-X-NP ‘I X-ed’ ‘I might X, (lest) I should X’ Jaminjungan preserves the Past Perfective, whereas the Ngurlun varieties preserve the Conditional.

5.3 Pre-Mirndi verbal structures As discussed in §5.2, Proto Mirndi predicate structures are reconstructed as consisting of two distinct words — the coverb and the verb. However, the Yirram varieties show traces of a different structure, one where the coverb and the verb were directly compounded together. 32 Proto Mirndi

Table 2: Probable Yirram Compound Verbs15 ‘put’ (Jam) ‘follow’ (Jam/Ngali) Past Perfective karra-ny partakarra-ny Past Imperfective karra-nyi partakarra-nyi Past Potential p-arra-nyi p-artakarra-nyi Present karra-m partakarra-m Future p-arra p-artakarra Conditional karra partakarra ‘put’ (Nung) ‘follow’ (Nung) ‘send’ (Nung) Past karra partakarra yalkarra Present karra-m partakarra-m Future p-arra-m p-artakarra-m pi-yalkarra-m Conditional karra partakarra yalkarra ‘see’ (Jam/Ngali) ‘hear’ (Ngali) Past Perfective ngawu malangawu Past Imperfective ngayi-na malangayi-na Past Potential pi-ngayi-na Present ngayi-m malangayi-m Future pu-ngawu Conditional ngawu ‘see’ (Nung) ‘hear’ (Nung) Past ngayi-na malangayi-na Past Potential pi-ngayi-na Present ngayi-m Future pi-ngayi-m p-alangayi-m Conditional ngawu malangawu

-marliny ‘good’ (Nungali – adjective root) ‘make’ (Ngali) ‘make’ (Nung) Past Perfective marlinyma-ny Past marlinyma Past Imperfective marlinyma-na Past Potential p-arlinyma-na Present marlinyma-ya Present marlinyma-m Future p-arlinyma Future p-arlinyma-m Conditional marlinyma Conditional marlinyma

Comparison of the paradigms in Table 2 suggests the following: (83) a. The ‘follow’ verb found in all three Yirram varieties consists historically of a root parta compounded with the ‘put’ verb. b. The Nungali ‘send’ verb also consists historically of a root yal compounded with the ‘put’ verb.

15 In some paradigms, some of the inflected forms are not attested in the available materials. Proto Mirndi 33

c. The Ngaliwurru and Nungali ‘hear’ verbs consist historically of a root mala compounded with the ‘see’ verb. d. The Ngaliwurru and Nungali ‘make’ verbs consist historically of the adjective root marliny ‘good’, found synchronically only in Nungali, and a causative denominaliser.16 This type of verbal structure, where coverbs and nominal roots are compounded directly with verb roots is not characteristic of any language bordering on any of the Mirndi varieties. It is characteristic only of the Gunwinyguan languages further to the north (Alpher, Evans and Harvey 2003). The historical interpretation of this shared verbal structure is examined in §10.

6 Pronominal reconstruction All the Mirndi languages have both free and bound pronominals, and both types of pronominals may be reconstructed. All the Mirndi languages have the categories of pronominals as listed in (84). (84) a. Free Base/Absolutive Pronouns: These pronouns refer to intransitive Subjects, and depending on the language also to either or both of the transitive Subject and Object. b. Free Dative/Oblique, and Genitive Pronouns c. Bound Pronominals: these cross-reference the Subject and the Object. The Mirndi languages distinguish feminine vs masculine pronominals in all 3rd Singular paradigms, other than the bound Absolutive paradigm. Jaminjungan is the only exception — it has no gender distinction in its 3rd Singular paradigms. In the Yirram varieties and in Jingulu, the bound pronominals are found only with verbs. In the Ngurlun varieties, they appear only with the auxiliary. As discussed in §5.2, I reconstruct the Ngurlun auxiliaries as deriving from verbs. Consequently, I reconstruct all bound pronominals as forming part of the prefix complex attaching to verb stems in Proto Mirndi. In all Mirndi varieties, bound pronominals cross-reference subcategorised arguments only. There are no applicatives in any of the Mirndi varieties. All oblique arguments must be expressed either by the appropriate nominal(s), or by a Dative pronoun. Within bound pronominal complexes, all of the Mirndi varieties show the same ordering of pronominal morphemes. (85) Subject Person – Subject Number – Object Person – Object Number As we have seen (§5.1), the Yirram varieties show a more complex structure for bound pronominals, also involving the marking of mood categories. (86) Conditional/Imperative-SPers-SNum-Potential-OPers-ONum-

16 Jaminjung has a cognate ‘make’ verb, with the paradigm PP irlinyma-ny, PIMP irlinyma-na, PPOT p-irlinyma-na, PR irlinyma-ya, FUT p-irlinyma, CON irlinyma. However, as illustrated, it has lost its initial segment in Jaminjung, and consequently the relationship to the Nungali adjective root -marliny ‘good’ is no so evident as in Ngaliwurru and Nungali. 34 Proto Mirndi

As we will see (§6.2.1), there is evidence from the Eastern Mirndi varieties for the reconstruction of both the Conditional and Imperative morphemes, in the same initial position that they occur in the Yirram varieties. The Eastern Mirndi varieties do not show any reflexes of the Potential prefix. However, cognates for this prefix in the position following the Subject prefixes are found widely geographically distributed in a number of NPN languages. It is evidently a reflex in the Yirram varieties from a more remote ancestor than Proto Mirndi (§6.2.1). Given the antiquity of mood marking within the prefix complex, it is necessary to include reconstruction of the mood prefixes in any reconstruction of the pronominal prefixes. Given also the general antiquity of bound pronominals, it is not possible to reconstruct bound and free pronominals independently from one another (Harvey 2003c). Rather, given their long term mutual influence, their reconstruction must proceed in tandem.

6.1 Synchronic free pronoun systems 6.1.1 Yirram free pronouns Jaminjungan contrasts three sets of free pronouns. (87) Jaminjugan Free Pronouns Abs and Acc Dative Genitive 1SG ngayuk ngarr-ku ngarr-kina 2SG nami ngung-ku ngung-kina 3SG ji nu nu-wina 1DL.INC minti minta-k minta-j-kina 1DL.EXC yi-rri-nyi yi-nya-k yi-nya-j-kina 2DL ku-rri-nyi ku-nya-k ku-nya-j-kina 3DL pu-rri-nyi pu-nya-k pu-nya-j-kina 1PL.INC yu-rri yu-rra-k yu-rra-j-kina 1PL.EXC yi-rri yi-rra-k yi-rra-j-kina 2PL ku-rri ku-rra-k ku-rra-j-kina 3PL pu-rri pu-rra-k pu-rra-j-kina The Absolutive/Accusative pronouns serve as the stem for suffixation of cases other than the Dative and Genitive. Ergative suffixation is not obligatory, and these pronouns commonly have an ergative function in an unaffixed form (Schultze-Berndt 2000:64–65). Both the Dative and Genitive are standard case suffixes in Jaminjungan, attaching freely to all nominals. The regular forms of the Dative are -ku and -wu (after vowels). The regular form of the Genitive is -kina. The other allomorphs of these case suffixes which appear with the free pronouns are all irregular. There are a number of oppositions between various groupings of stems, revolving around the singular vs non-singular and minimal vs augmented number oppositions.17 The

17 The minimal vs augmented opposition was in fact more significant in Jaminjungan than is evident from (87). There was a series of 1+2UA pronominals, both free and bound — e.g. yu-nya-k ‘for you, me and X’ (contra Schultze-Berndt 2000:64). However, these had fallen into desuetude by the 1990s, when intensive fieldwork on Jaminjungan began. There is evidence that Nungali also had 1+2UA forms (Harvey and Schultze-Berndt MS). However, as none of the Eastern Mirndi varieties have a 1+2UA category, I do not consider these forms further. Proto Mirndi 35 augmented pronouns all have stems which are divisible into a person marker followed by the number markers -rri/-rra ‘Non-Singular’, -nyi/-nya ‘Dual’. The augmented dual Absolutive pronouns involve both number markers, with the Dual following the Non- Singular. The minimal pronouns, by contrast, have unanalysable roots. The singulars have one root in the Absolutive and another in the Dative and Genitive. The stems for the non-singulars involve the same set of person and number markers in all three paradigms. The non-singulars all show an irregular -j augment to the stem in the Genitive. The singulars do not show this augment. The Nungali pronoun system has the same structure as the Jaminjungan system, and nearly all the forms are evidently cognate. (88) Nungali Free Pronouns Abs and Acc Dative Genitive 1SG ngayuk ngarr-ku -ngarr-kina 2SG ngaminyju ngung-ku -ngung-kina 3SGM nu-wu -nu-yina 3SGF ngayu-wu -ngayi-na 1DL.INC piti-yirram minta-k -minta-j-kina 1DL.EXC yi-nyki-yirram yi-nya-k -i-nya-j-kina 2DL wu-nyki-yirram wu-nya-k -u-nya-j-kina 3DL wi-nya-k -wi-nya-j-kina 1PL.INC yu-rru-mulu yu-rra-k -u-rra-j-kina 1PL.EXC yi-rri-mulu yi-rra-k -i-rra-j-kina 2PL wu-rru-mulu wu-rra-k -u-rra-j-kina 3PL wi-rra-k -wi-rra-j-kina There are a number of minor structural differences. Nungali does not have any 3rd person Absolutive pronouns. Nungali, like the Eastern Mirndi varieties, distinguishes feminine from masculine in the 3rd singular Datives and Genitives. The Genitive pronouns take class/case prefixation (§7.4.2). The non-singular Absolutive pronouns bear the general number markers -yirram ‘Dual’ and -mulu ‘Plural’, in addition to the pronominal number markers -nyki/-nya and -rri/-rra (§6.2.5). Unlike Jaminjungan, the dual augmented Absolutives bear only the pronominal Dual, and not both the pronominal Non-Singular and Dual.

6.1.2 Jingulu free pronouns Unfortunately, the materials on the Jingulu free pronouns are not entirely consistent, specifically the materials on the Absolutive and Ergative pronouns. Chadwick presents three versions of the Absolutive paradigm (1975:38, 1978:230, 1984:10). The 1975 version also includes an Ergative paradigm, as set out in (89). 36 Proto Mirndi

(89) Jingulu Absolutive and Ergative Pronouns Abs Masc Erg Masc Abs Fem Erg Fem 1SG ngaya ngayi-rni ngaya ngayij-ka 2SG nyama nyami-rni nyami-rni nyami-nga 2SG nama nami-rni 1DL.INC minti-yila minti-yili-rni minti-wulu minti-yili-nga 1DL.EXC ngi-nyi-yila ngi-nyi-yili-rni ngi-nyi-wulu ngi-nyi-yili-nga 2DL ku-nyi-yila ku-nyi-yili-rni ku-nyi-wulu ku-nyi-yili-nga 1PL.INC ngu-rru-wala ngu-rru-wala-rni ngu-rri-wili-rni ngu-rru-wala-nga 1PL.EXC ngi-rri-wala ngi-rri-wala-rni ngi-rri-wili-rni ngu-rru-wala-nga 2PL ku-rru-wala ku-rru-wala-rni ku-rru-wili-rni ku-rru-wala-nga

The 1SG Feminine Ergative form ngayij-ka, which is listed only in the 1975 version, is irregular. The regular form would be ngaya-nga (§7.3.2). The alternate 2SG forms nama and nami-rni are listed only for the masculine in the 1975 version, which is somewhat problematic. They are absent from the 1978 version, and also from Pensalfini (1997, 2003). They appear as generic 2SG pronouns in the 1984 version. Given that the 1984 version is the latest version based on Chadwick’s work with older speakers, I list nama as a variant of the 2SG Absolutive/Ergative, but its status is uncertain. Fortunately with the Accusative, Dative and Genitive paradigms, the various versions — Chadwick (1975:38–40, 57–59, 1978:231–232, 306–308, 1984:12–13) — agree with one another. (90) Jingulu Accusative, Dative and Genitive Pronouns Accusative Dative Genitive 1SG ngaya ngarr-u ngarr-ini- 2SG nyama ~ nama nga(a)ng-ku nga(a)ng-kini- 3SGM ngarn-u ngarn-u ni-yini- 3SGF ngaying-i ngaying-i ngaji-ni- 1DL.INC minta-ku minta-ku minta-kini- 1DL.EXC ngi-nya-ku ngi-nya-ku ngi-nya-kini- 2DL ku-nya-ku ku-nya-ku ku-nya-kini- 3DL wu-nya-ku wu-nya-ku wu-nya-kini- 1PL.INC ngu-rra-ku ngu-rra-ku ngu-rra-kini- 1PL.EXC ngi-rra-ku ngi-rra-ku ngi-rra-kini- 2PL ku-rra-ku ku-rra-ku ku-rra-kini- 3PL wu-rra-ku wu-rra-ku wu-rra-kini-

Chadwick (1975:38–40) states that the 1SG and 2SG show a different pattern to the other persons, with the Absolutive forms being used in the Accusative, whereas the other persons use the Dative. He also reports this distinction for the Ngurlun varieties (Chadwick 1978:49–50). Nordlinger (1998:126) agrees in reporting this pattern for Wambayan.

6.1.3 Ngurlun free pronouns The pronoun paradigms of the Ngurlun varieties are structurally very similar to the Jingulu paradigms. The principal difference is that there are no distinct Ergative forms. Proto Mirndi 37

(91) Ngarnka Free Pronouns Nom/Erg Accusative Dative Genitive 1SG ngarnija ngarnija ngarr-i ngarri- 2SG nyama nyama ngang-i ngangi- 3SGM nang-i nangi- 3SGF ngayang-i ngayang- 1DL.INC mirnti-yanija mirnta-ka mirnta-ka mirnta-kan- 1DL.EXC ngu-rli-yanija ngu-rla-ka ngu-rla-ka ngu-rla-kan- 2DL ku-rli-yanija ku-rla-ka ku-rla-ka ku-rla-kan- 3DL u-rli-yanija wu-rla-ka wu-rla-ka wu-rla-kan- 1PL.INC ngu-rri-yanija ngu-rra-ka ngu-rra-ka ngu-rra-kan- 1PL.EXC ngi-rri-yanija ngi-rra-ka ngi-rra-ka ngi-rra-kan- 2PL ki-rri-yanija ki-rra-ka ki-rra-ka ki-rra-kan- 3PL i-rri-yanija i-rra-ka i-rra-ka i-rra-kan-

(92) Gudanji Free Pronouns Nom/Erg Accusative Dative Genitive 1SG ngawu ngawu ngarr-a ngarri- 2SG nyami nyami ngang-a ngangi- 3SGM nang-a nangi- 3SGF ngaya ngaya-ng- 1DL.INC mirnti-wani mirnta-ka mirnta-ka mirnta-kan- 1DL.EXC ngu-rlu-wani ngu-rla-ka ngu-rla-ka ngu-rla-kan- 2DL ku-rlu-wani ku-rla-ka ku-rla-ka ku-rla-kan- 3DL wu-rlu-wani wu-rla-ka wu-rla-ka wu-rla-kan- 1PL.INC ngu-rru-wani ngu-rra-ka ngu-rra-ka ngu-rra-kan- 1PL.EXC ngi-rri-wani ngi-rra-ka ngi-rra-ka ngi-rra-kan- 2PL ki-rri-wani ki-rra-ka ki-rra-ka ki-rra-kan- 3PL wi-rri-wani wi-rra-ka wi-rra-ka wi-rra-kan-

(93) Wambaya Free Pronouns Nom/Erg Accusative Dative Genitive 1SG ngawu(-rniji) ngawu(-rniji) ngarr-a ngarri- 2SG nyami(-rniji) nyami(-rniji) ngang-a ngangi- 3SGM nang-a nangi- 3SGF ngaya ngaya-ng- 1DL.INC mirnti-yani mirnta(-ka) mirnta(-ka) mirnta-kan- 1DL.EXC ngu-rlu-wani ngu-rla(-ka) ngu-rla(-ka) ngu-rla-kan- 2DL ku-rlu-wani ku-rla(-ka) ku-rla(-ka) ku-rla-kan- 3DL wu-rlu-wani wu-rla(-ka) wu-rla(-ka) wu-rla-kan- 1PL.INC ngu-rru-wani ngu-rra(-ka) ngu-rra(-ka) ngu-rra-kan- 1PL.EXC ngi-rri-yani ngi-rra(-ka) ngi-rra(-ka) ngi-rra-kan- 2PL ki-rri-yani ki-rra(-ka) ki-rra(-ka) ki-rra-kan- 3PL i-rri-yani i-rra(-ka) i-rra(-ka) i-rra-kan- 38 Proto Mirndi

(94) Binbinka Free Pronouns Nom/Erg Accusative Dative Genitive 1SG ngawu ngawu ngarr-i ngarri- 2SG nyami nyami ngang-i ngangi- 3SGM nang-i nangi- 3SGF ngaya ngaya-ng- 1DL.INC mirnti-wani mirnta mirnta mirnta-kan- 1DL.EXC yu-rlu-wani yu-rli-nya yu-rli-nya yu-rli-nya-kan- 2DL ku-rlu-wani ku-rli-nya ku-rli-nya ku-rli-nya-kan- 3DL wu-rlu-wani wu-rli-nya wu-rli-nya wu-rli-nya-kan- 1PL.INC yu-rru-wani yu-rra yu-rra yu-rra-kan- 1PL.EXC yi-rri-wani yi-rra yi-rra yi-rra-ng- 2PL ki-rri-wani ki-rra ki-rra ki-rra-kan- 3PL wi-rri-wani pi-rra pi-rra pi-rra-ng- The Ngurlun varieties all show an unusual pattern in the non-singular for the 1st person exclusive and the 2nd and 3rd persons. In these persons, the Dual morpheme has a /u/ vowel, whereas the Plural has an /i/ vowel. No other NPN language shows this kind of pattern, that is, one in which a number opposition matches to an opposition in the phonological structure of the person prefix. In all other NPN languages, non-singular person prefixes generally show a constant phonological structure. If there is allomorphic variation, then it relates to phonological factors such as vowel harmony and not to morphological oppositions such as number. I reconstruct this otherwise unattested pattern as an innovation in Proto Ngurlun (§9.1). Among the Ngurlun varieties, Binbinka is the most distinctive. It shows the following differences from the other Ngurlun varieties: (95) a. Binbinka has /y/ initial pronominal person markers in the 1st Non-Singular yi- and yu-, where the other Ngurlun varieties have /ng/ initial forms ngi- and ngu-. b. The general Dual marker in Ngurlun is -rlV. In the Dual Accusative/Dative and Genitive pronouns, Binbinka shows a second Dual marker -nya. c. The general pronominal Genitive suffix is -kan. Binbinka show another form -ng in some Genitive pronouns. As we will see, all of these distinctive variations are of importance in the reconstruction of Proto Mirndi.

6.2 Non-singular pronominals I begin by considering the non-singulars, as these have comparatively transparent paradigms. In the great majority of cases, non-singular pronominals can be analysed as consisting of two morphemes: a person marker, and a following number marker. Further, most transitive forms can be divided into distinct Subject and Object morphemes in a relatively straightforward way. It is a general principle of historical linguistics that paradigms of bound grammatical morphemes become less analysable over time. Consequently, I posit that the protoparadigms would have had a more transparent structure than the synchronic systems. I therefore reconstruct distinct Subject and Object pronominals, and not portmanteau transitive forms, unless there are portmanteau forms that are clearly cognate.

Table 3: Non-Singular Bound Pronominals18

Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka NPR 1DL.INC minti- minti-piti- minti- mirnti- mirnti- mirnti- mirnti- 1DL.EXC yi-ny(ji)- yi-ny(ki)- ngi-nyi- ngu-rlu- ngu-rlu- ngu-rlu- yu-rlu- 2DL ku-ny(ju)- wu-ny(ki)- ku-nyu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- 3DL pu-ny(ju)- wi-ny(ki)- wu-nyu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- 1PL.INC yu-rru- yu-rru- ngu-rru- ngu-rru- ngu-rru- ngu-rru- yu-rru- 1PL.EXC yi-rii- yi-rri- ngi-rri- ngi-rri- ngi-rri- ngi-rri- yi-rri- 2PL ku-rru- wu-rru- ku-rru- ki-rri- ki-rri- ki-rri- ki-rri- 3PL pu-rru- wi-rri- wu-rru- i-rri- yi-rri-19 wi-rri- wi-rri-

Proto Mirndi

18 The forms given here are found with intransitive verbs, and transitive verbs with a 3rd person singular Object. 19

There is no contrast word-initially in Wambaya between /i/ and /yi/ and /u/ and /wu/. The Wambaya orthography inconsistently represents /i/ and /yi/ as /i/, and /u/ 39

and /wu/ as /wu/ (Nordlinger 1998:28). I normalise representation to /yi/ and /wu/. 40

ProtoMirndi Table 4: Non-Singular Conditional Bound Pronominals20

Jam/Ngali Nungali Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka PRES 1DL.INC ya-minti- nya-minti- yi-mirnt-akpa yi-mirnt-a ya-mirnta 1DL.EXC ya-rri-ny- ny-i-ny(ki)- yi-ngu-rl-akpa yi-ngu-rl-a ya-ngu-rla 2DL ya-wu-ny- ny-u-ny(ki)- yi-ku-rl-akpa yi-ku-rl-a ya-ku-rla 3DL ya-wu-ny- nya-wi-ny(ki)- yi-wu-rl-akpa yi-wu-rl-a ya-wu-rla 1PL.INC ya-rri- ny-u-rru- yi-ngu-rr-akpa yi-ngu-rr-a ya-ngu-rra 1PL.EXC ya-rri- ny-i-rri- yi-ngi-rr-akpa yi-ngi-rr-a ya-ngi-rra 2PL ya-wu-rru- ny-u-rru- yi-ki-rr-akpa yi-ki-rr-a ya-ki-rra 3PL ya-wu-rru- nya-wi-rri- ? yi-wi-rr-a ya-wi-rra

Table 5: Non-Singular Absolutive Pronouns Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka 1DL.INC minti piti-yirram minti-yila mirnti-yanija mirnti-yani mirnti-wani mirnti-wani 1DL.EXC yi-rri-nyi yi-nyki-yirram ngi-nyi-yila ngu-rli-yanija ngu-rlu-wani ngu-rlu-wani yu-rlu-wani 2DL ku-rri-nyi wu-nyki-yirram ku-nyi-yila ku-rli-yanija ku-rlu-wani ku-rlu-wani ku-rlu-wani 3DL pu-rri-nyi u-rli-yanija wu-rlu-wani wu-rlu-wani wu-rlu-wani 1PL.INC yu-rri yu-rru-mulu ngu-rru-wala ngu-rri-yanija ngu-rru-wani ngu-rru-wani yu-rru-wani 1PL.EXC yi-rri yi-rri-mulu ngi-rri-wala ngi-rri-yanija ngi-rri-yani ngi-rri-wani yi-rri-wani 2PL ku-rri wu-rru-mulu ku-rru-wala ki-rri-yanija ki-rri-yani ki-rri-wani ki-rri-wani 3PL pu-rri i-rri-yanija yi-rri-yani wi-rri-wani wi-rri-wani

20 The Wambaya and Gudanji Conditionals listed here are the forms given by Chadwick (1978:96). They differ from those that appear in Nordlinger (1998). The forms in Nordlinger show the same paradigm as all other bound prominal paradigms. It appears that the distinctive paradigm of Conditionals given by Chadwick’s informants was regularised by Nordlinger’s informants. Chadwick obtained only a few Binbinka Conditional forms (§6.3.1). These forms are parallel to the Gudanji forms. Chadwick notes that the Binbinka Present tense paradigm shows the same structure as the Wambaya and Gudanji Conditional paradigms. Table 6: Non-Singular Dative Pronouns Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya21 Gudanji Binbinka22 1DL.INC minta-k minta-k minta-ku mirnta-ka mirnta(-ka) mirnta-ka mirnta 1DL.EXC yi-nya-k yi-nya-k ngi-nya-ku ngu-rla-ka ngu-rla(-ka) ngu-rla-ka yu-rli-nya 2DL ku-nya-k wu-nya-k ku-nya-ku ku-rla-ka ku-rla(-ka) ku-rla-ka ku-rli-nya 3DL pu-nya-k wi-nya-k wu-nya-ku wu-rla-ka wu-rla(-ka) wu-rla-ka wu-rli-nya 1PL.INC yu-rra-k yu-rra-k ngu-rra-ku ngu-rra-ka ngu-rra(-ka) ngu-rra-ka yu-rra 1PL.EXC yi-rra-k yi-rra-k ngi-rra-ku ngi-rra-ka ngi-rra(-ka) ngi-rra-ka yi-rra 2PL ku-rra-k wu-rra-k ku-rra-ku ki-rra-ka ki-rra(-ka) ki-rra-ka ki-rra 3PL pu-rra-k wi-rra-k wu-rra-ku i-rra-ka yi-rra(-ka) wi-rra-ka pi-rra

Table 7: Non-Singular Genitive Pronouns Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka 1DL.INC minta-j-kina -minta-j-kina minta-kini- mirnta-kan- mirnta-kan- mirnta-kan- mirnta-kan- 1DL.EXC yi-nya-j-kina -i-nya-j-kina ngi-nya-kini- ngu-rla-kan- ngu-rla-kan- ngu-rla-kan- yu-rli-nya-kan- 2DL ku-nya-j-kina -u-nya-j-kina ku-nya-kini- ku-rla-kan- ku-rla-kan- ku-rla-kan- ku-rli-nya-kan- 3DL pu-nya-j-kina -wi-nya-j-kina wu-nya-kini- wu-rla-kan- wu-rla-kan- wu-rla-kan- wu-rli-nya-kan- 1PL.INC yu-rra-j-kina -u-rra-j-kina ngu-rra-kini- ngu-rra-kan- ngu-rra-kan- ngu-rra-kan- yu-rra-kan- 1PL.EXC yi-rra-j-kina -i-rra-j-kina ngi-rra-kini- ngi-rra-kan- ngi-rra-kan- ngi-rra-kan- yi-rra-ng- 2PL ku-rra-j-kina -u-rra-j-kina ku-rra-kini- ki-rra-kan- ki-rra-kan- ki-rra-kan- ki-rra-kan- Proto Mirndi 3PL pu-rra-j-kina -wi-rra-j-kina wu-rra-kini- i-rra-kan- yi-rra-kan- wi-rra-kan- pi-rra-ng-

21

The (-ka) appears in the Wambaya non-singulars when the Comitative suffix is added (Nordlinger 1998:127). 41 22 It appears that the Dative suffix -ka appears in Binbinka when the Comitative/Locative is added, but the materials are unclear (Chadwick 1978:190). 42 Proto Mirndi

6.2.1 Mood prefixes As discussed in §5.1, the Yirram prefix complex involves three mood morphemes. (96) Jam Nung Reconstruction Potential p(i/u)-/w(i/u-) p(i/u)-/w(i/u-) *pi-/wi- Conditional ya- nya- *nya Imperative pa- wa- *pa- As discussed in §5.1, the three prefixes shown in (96) are not however to be reconstructed in the same morphological position. The Potential prefix occurs following the Subject prefixes, whereas the Conditional and Imperative occur in initial position in the prefix complex. The Potential prefix has no reflexes in the other Mirndi varieties, but it does have reflexes in other NPN languages. (97) Bunuba pu-/wu- ‘Future’ (Rumsey 2000:91–93), Gajirrabeng pV- ‘Future and Past Irrealis’ (F. Kofod pers. comm.), Gija pV-/wV-/V- ‘Future and Past Irrealis’ (F. Kofod pers. comm.), Gooniyandi pi-/wi- ‘Future’ (McGregor 1990:215–218), Gulumoerrgin wa- ‘Past Irrealis and Conditional’, Limilngan pa-/wa- ‘Past Irrealis and Conditional’ (Harvey 2001:87–88), Maung pa- ‘Future’, Miriwoong pV-/wV-/V- ‘Future and Past Irrealis’ (F. Kofod pers. comm.), Nunggubuyu pa- ‘Past Potential, Non-Past Negative, Future’ (Heath 1984:337–340, 347–375), Uwinymil pa- ‘Past Irrealis and Conditional’ In all of these languages, save Bunuba and Gooniyandi,23 the prefix occurs following the Subject prefixes, as it does in the Yirram varieties. On the basis of these reflexes and the Yirram forms, I reconstruct a protoprefix *pV- ‘Irrealis’. The languages showing reflexes of this protoprefix have a wide and discontinuous geographical distribution. They show no other evidence of any period of common development. The *pV- ‘Irrealis’ prefix must therefore be assigned to a very remote protolanguage, with many daughters other than the Mirndi languages. The reconstruction of the Conditional prefix beyond the Yirram varieties is less straightforward. The cognates for this prefix are found in Wambayan (Table 4). However, there are issues in the correspondences of both sound and meaning. Providing a complete account of the relationship between the Yirram and Wambayan Conditional reflexes requires a consideration of the singular forms (Table 10). Consequently, I defer reconstruction of the Conditional prefix to §6.3.1. The Imperative prefix has reflexes in Jingulu; see (67). The prefix complexes found with intransitives and transitives with a 3rd person singular Object are set out in (98). (98) Jam Nung Jing Reconstruction SG pa- wa- wa- *pa- DL pa-wu-ny- wa-wu-ny- wa-nyu- *pa-ku-ny(V)- PL pa-wu-rru- wa-wu-rru- wa-rru- *pa-ku-rru-

23 Bunuba and Gooniyandi are two neighbouring languages which together constitute the Bunuban family (McGregor 1990:6–7). In Bunuba and Gooniyandi, the Future prefix occurs initially in the prefix complex. Proto Mirndi 43

The Imperative prefix has reflexes in a few other NPN languages. It appears in the Jarragan languages, the western neighbours of the Yirram varieties. The forms in (99) show the contrast between the Imperative and 2nd person Future for the ‘go’ verb in the three Jarragan languages (Frances Kofod pers. comm.). (99) Gajirrabeng Gija Miriwoong ‘IMP-go’ pa-yi pi-yarr pi-yarru ‘IMP-PL-go’ pa-rri-yi pa-rr-i pa-rr-iwu ‘2SG-FUT-go’ nem-pi-ya nem-pi-yanha nem-pa-ya ‘2-PL-FUT-go’ na-rr-pi-ya na-rr-i-yanha na-rr-a-ya In Ungarinyin, an imperative prefix p(u/i)- appears when the Subject is singular and there is no Object or the Object is Class I, Class II, or plural (Rumsey 1982:25–28, 96–100). (100) ata pu-wa wej ku-rr-wa sit IMP-fall lie 2NSG-PL-fall ‘(You SG) Sit down!’ ‘You lot lie down!’ (Rumsey 1982:97) As illustrated in (100), Ungarinyin shows the same pattern in the singular as the Mirndi varieties in that only the Imperative prefix appears. There is no Subject pronominal prefix in the singular. However, in the non-singular, Ungarinyin shows a different pattern from the Mirndi varieties. The Imperative prefix does not appear, and instead there is a standard indicative prefix complex.

6.2.2 Dative case Both PN and NPN languages across Australia have reflexes of a Dative suffix *-ku (Dixon 1980:315). Given its continent-wide distribution, this suffix appears to be assignable to Proto Australian. The Yirram varieties have reflexes of this suffix, with allomorphy as shown in (101). (101) -u following dorsal stop -wu following vowel -ku elsewhere In Yirram varieties, trisyllabic pronominal forms involving this suffix have undergone apocope (Table 6). There is some other limited evidence for the operation of apocope in trisyllabic forms in Yirram (§3.5). Jingulu does not have reflexes of *-ku as a nominal case marker. The synchronic Dative is -nga for Class II and -rna for the other classes. The -ku found with the pronouns is synchronically irregular, and I analyse it as a remnantal reflex of *-ku. In the Ngurlun varieties, the Dative suffix is -ka, which may be analysed as a reflex of *-ku ‘Dative’. There is other evidence supporting *-ku > -ka. The Class IV suffix, which is also reconstructable as *-ku, has -ka and -wa reflexes in the Ngurlun varieties (§7.3.1).

6.2.3 Genitive case In Jaminjungan, the possessive suffix -kina is a general nominal suffix, not restricted to pronominals. Its patterning with pronominals is distinctive in that it attaches to a stem which is not otherwise attested. The available materials on Nungali do not suffice to determine whether -kina appeared as a general nominal case marker or not. Jingulu has no 44 Proto Mirndi specific possessive marking for nominals generally, with Dative case indicating possession. The Jingulu pronominal Genitive case -kini is therefore synchronically irregular. The Yirram and Jingulu pronominal Genitive suffixes may be both be derived from a protosuffix *-kina. The Jingulu reflex -kini shows the effects of vowel harmony. The Ngurlun varieties have a general nominal possessive suffix -nikan, which always takes further substantive gender and case marking. This suffix irregularly takes stress on its second syllable, and the initial vowel may assimilate to the preceding vowel (Nordlinger 1998:93). (102) bungma-nyi-nikan-ka /bungma-nyi-nikán-ka/ */bungma-nyi-níkan-ka/ old.man-NABS-GEN-IV ‘old man’s’ In the non-singular pronouns, the Genitive suffix is -kan, as illustrated in Table 7. There are two possible reconstructions of the Genitive in Ngurlun. One is to reconstruct *-nikán, and attribute the pronominal Genitive to loss of the initial unstressed syllable. The other is to reconstruct *-kan, and to reconstruct this suffix as attaching directly to pronominal stems, but to the Oblique form of other nominals. Under this second option, bungma-nyi- nikan-ka would historically be *bungma-nyi-ni-kan-ka ‘old.man-NABS-OBL-GEN-IV’. The re-analysis of Oblique case marked forms as stems for other case marking is a common pattern, and one that is attested both synchronically and diachronically among the Mirndi languages (§7.3.1, §7.3.2). I adopt this second hypothesis, as it has the advantage of explaining the otherwise inexplicable stress pattern of the nominal Genitive. This reconstructed *-kan Genitive is suggestively similar to the *-kina Genitive, and it seems likely that the two are related. There are a two other NPN languages that have a Genitive suffix which appears to be related to these Genitives found in the Mirndi varieties. (103) Bininj Gunwok24 -ken(q) ‘Nominal Genitive’ (Evans 2003:142–145) Wagiman -kin ‘Pronominal Genitive’ (Wilson 1999:17) There are also two NPN languages with general Dative suffixes of this phonological form. (104) Ngalakgan -qkVn Merlan (1983:40) Rembarrnga -kan McKay (1975:78) It appears that a suffix of the form *-kVn can be reconstructed as a general Genitive for a remote protolanguage. In some languages, this Genitive has become restricted to pronominals. In Ngalakgan and Rembarrnga, on the other hand, it has extended its range to become a general Dative. Given its wider attestation, I reconstruct *-kVn as a general Genitive suffix in Proto Mirndi. This suffix has a direct reflex in the Proto Ngurlun Genitive *-kan. The other Proto Mirndi variant of the Genitive *-kina, which can be reconstructed on the basis of Jingulu and Yirram reflexes, is presumably related to this more widely attested *kVn suffix. However, there is no evidence as to precisely how this longer *-kina form relates to the more widely attested *-kVn form. While there is evidence for *-kVn ~ *-kina as a general Genitive suffix in Proto Mirndi, Binbinka provides evidence for a different and distinctively pronominal Genitive in Proto Mirndi. In Binbinka, the 1PL.EXC and 3PL have an irregular Genitive marker -ng. As we

24 The /q/ represents the glottal stop. Proto Mirndi 45 will see in the reconstruction of the singulars (§6.3.4), this Genitive marker also appears with the 3SGF category in a number of Mirndi varieties. Synchronically, this Genitive marker is highly irregular, making it the leading candidate for the Proto Mirndi pronominal Genitive.

6.2.4 Non-singular pronominal roots In all of the Mirndi languages, the 1st person dual inclusive category has reflexes of a protoform *mirnti. (105) *mirnti ‘1DL.INC’: Jam/Ngali minti, Nung minti, Jing minti- Ngarn mirnti, Bin mirnti, Gud mirnti, Wamb mirnti I reconstruct this form with a retroflex, as the loss of retroflexion in the environment of preceding and following high front vowels is more plausible than its innovation in this environment. However, this is not a regular sound change. There are a number of other NPN languages which have 1DL.INC forms with an initial /m/. (106) Gaagudju marra-, Gulumoerrgin mu-, Gungarakany ma-, Limilngan mi-, Tiwi mu-(rri-), Uwinymil ma-, Warray ma-, Warrgat mV- These forms are suggestively similar to the Mirndi forms. However, within the limits of the available materials, there is no way that the forms in (105) can be plausibly related to those in (106). A comparison of the disyllabic 1DL.INC form mirnti with the other non-singular pronominal forms might suggest that *mirnti would be historically decomposable into a sequence of a person marker *mi and a number marker *rnti. However, there is no evidence either among the Mirndi languages or more generally among the NPN languages for a number marker of a form resembling *rnti. As we will see, there is evidence for a Plural protoprefix *rrV- (§6.2.5), suggesting that *mirnti- might be *mV-rn-rri- historically. However, again there is no evidence for an *rn- prefix. Consequently, there is no evidence that the mirnti pronominal was historically analysable. The reconstruction of the other non-singular pronominal roots is less straightforward. I begin with the 2nd Non-Singular. (107) *ku ‘2NSG’: DL Jam/Ngal ku-ny(ju)-, Nung wu-ny(ki)-, Jing ku-nyu- Ngarn ku-rlu-, Bin ku-rlu-, Gud ku-rlu-, Wamb ku-rlu- PL Jam/Ngal ku-rru-, Nung wu-rru-, Jing ku-rru- Ngarn ki-rri-, Bin ki-rri-, Gud ki-rri-, Wamb ki-rri- The 2DL is the only pronominal where all the varieties agree as to the vowel and consonant to be reconstructed, with *ku- as the reconstructed form. All of the Mirndi varieties have an /u/ vowel, and all save Nungali have /k/. As we have seen (§3.5), lenition is a common pattern in Nungali, particularly for grammatical morphemes, and the Nungali /w/ may be analysed as a lenited reflex of *k. The consonant of the 2PL may be reconstructed as *k for the same reasons. I also reconstruct *u as the vowel. Jingulu and the Yirram varieties have /u/. A number of other NPN languages have a 2NSG pronominal root reconstructable as *ku related to the Mirndi form (Harvey 2003c:498). The Ngurlun varieties, however, show an /i/ vowel. I do not take 46 Proto Mirndi

this /i/ vowel to be a regular development from Proto Mirndi. As discussed in §6.1.3, the Ngurlun varieties show an otherwise unattested pattern where the 1st exclusive, 2nd and 3rd persons have a /u/ vowel in the Dual, and an /i/ vowel in the Plural. (108) Ngurlun 1st Exclusive, 2nd, and 3rd Non-Singulars Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka Binbinka NPR PR 1DL.EXC ngu-rlu- ngu-rlu- ngu-rlu- yu-rlu- ya-ngu-rla 2DL ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ya-ku-rla 3DL wu-rlu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- ya-wu-rla 1PL.EXC ngi-rri- ngi-rri- ngi-rri- yi-rri- ya-ngi-rra 2PL ki-rri- ki-rri- ki-rri- ki-rri- ya-ki-rra 3PL i-rri- yi-rri- wi-rri- wi-rri- ya-wi-rra I analyse this pattern as a Proto Ngurlun innovation. Consequently, I treat the /i/ vowel in the Ngurlun 2nd Plural as having replaced the Proto Mirndi *u vowel when this pattern was innovated. This factor is also relevant to the reconstruction of the 3rd Non-Singular. (109) *pi ‘3NSG’: DL Jam/Ngal pu-ny(ju)-, Nung wi-ny(ki)-, Jing wu-nyu- Ngarn wu-rlu-, Bin wu-rlu-, Gud wu-rlu-, Wamb wu-rlu- PL Jam/Ngal pu-rru-, Nung wi-rri-, Jing wu-rru- Ngarn i-rri-, Bin wi-rri-, Gud wi-rri-, Wamb i-rri- With the 3rd Non-Singular, the consonant is to be reconstructed as *p. This is the reflex in Jaminjungan, and irregularly in the Binbinka Dative and Genitive (Table 6 and Table 7). This reconstruction is consistent with forms in the great majority of NPN languages, which have reflexes of a 3rd Non-Singular prefix with an initial *p (Harvey 2003c:479). Otherwise, the Mirndi varieties show lenited /w/ reflexes or /Ø/ reflexes, arising from *p > *w > Ø. This lenition pattern is attested in the lexical cognate sets (§3.5). Wambaya shows a /y/ reflex. However, in Wambaya, there is no contrast word-initially between /i/ and /yi/ (Nordlinger 1998:28). Given that the Wambaya vowel is /i/, the loss of an initial /w/ would result in the epenthesis of /y/. The vowel to be reconstructed is less certain, and the reflexes of this 3rd Non-Singular prefix in other NPN languages do not clearly suggest any particular vowel (Harvey 2003c). Overall, the reflexes among the Mirndi languages favour *i. The /u/ reflexes in the 3DL in the Ngurlun languages are part of a general paradigmatic pattern as we have seen. The /u/ reflexes in Jaminjungan and Jingulu can be analysed as reflecting assimilation to the preceding labial. No equivalent explanation is possible for the Nungali /i/ reflexes if *u is reconstructed. Consequently, I reconstruct *pi for the 3rd person category. It is not possible to reconstruct forms for the 1st person categories (other than the 1DL.INC) in a straightforward way. (110) ‘1INC.NSG’: Jam/Ngal yu-rru-, Nung yu-rru- Jing ngu-rru-, Ngarn ngu-rru-, Gud ngu-rru-, Wamb ngu-rru- Bin yu-rru-, BinPR ya-ngu-rra Proto Mirndi 47

(111) ‘1EXC.NSG’: Jam/Ngal yi-ny(ji)- ‘DL’ yi-rri- ‘PL’, Nung yi-ny(ki)- ‘DL’, yi-rri- ‘PL’ Jing ngi-nyi- ‘DL’, ngi-rri- ‘PL’, Ngarn ngu-rlu- ‘DL’, ngi-rri- ‘PL’, Gud ngu-rlu- ‘DL’, ngi-rri- ‘PL’, Wamb ngu-rlu- ‘DL’, ngi-rri- ‘PL’ Bin yu-rlu- ‘DL’, yi-rri- ‘PL’, Bin PR ya-ngu-rla ‘DL’, ya-ngi-rra ‘PL’ Jingulu, Ngarnka, Wambaya, and Gudanji consistently show an initial /ng/ in this category. The Yirram varieties consistently show /y/. Binbinka also shows /y/, except in the Present tense, where it shows /ng/. Binbinka is therefore critical to any reconstruction hypotheses. Within the Binbinka Present paradigm, the /ng/ pronominals are preceded by a first position prefix ya- (§6.3.1). The paradigm cannot have been borrowed from any other Ngurlun variety as there are no plausible sources. As such, it does not appear that the /ng/ pronominals can have been borrowed from another Ngurlun variety. If borrowed, they would have been inserted into second position in the prefix complex, and this is a most unlikely development. Equally, the Binbinka /y/ forms cannot plausibly be analysed as loans. There is no adjacent source language for such a loan. Consequently, both the /y/ and the /ng/ initial forms must be reconstructed for Binbinka, and therefore for Proto Ngurlun. Extending this reconstruction, I propose that Proto Mirndi also had both *y and *ng initial 1st non-singular pronominals. I reconstruct *u for the 1PL.INC and *i for the 1PL.EXC, as all the varieties agree on these vowels. For the 1DL.EXC, the Ngurlun varieties have /u/, whereas the others have /i/. I reconstruct *i, given that the Ngurlun /u/ is part of a general paradigmatic number opposition as previously discussed. Consequently, I reconstruct *ngi- ~ *yi- as the 1NSG.EXC, and *ngu- ~ *yu- as the 1NSG.INC. There are many NPN languages with reflexes of *y and *ng initial 1NSG pronominals (Harvey 2003c:493–495). There is no definitive indication from the non-singular paradigms as to the respective functions of the *y and *ng pronominals. The Binbinka Present paradigm appears to be a reflex of the Proto Mirndi Conditional paradigm (§6.3.1). This paradigm also has reflexes in the other Wambayan varieties Gudanji and Wambaya, and in the Yirram varieties. It is possible that the synchronic reflexes in all varieties could descend from *ng pronominals. (112) 1DL.EXC 1PLEXC 1PLINC Jam ya-rri-ny- ya-rri- ya-rri- Nung ny-i-ny(ki)- ny-i-rri- ny-u-rru- Wamb i-ngu-rl-akpa i-ngi-rr-akpa i-ngu-rr-akpa Gud yi-ngu-rla yi-ngi-rra yi-ngu-rra Bin ya-ngu-rla ya-ngi-rra ya-ngu-rra Rec *nya-ngi-nyki- *nya-ngi-rri- *nya-ngu-rru- It could be that the *ng pronominals occurred in the Conditional, and perhaps some other irrealis categories, and the *y occurred in some realis categories. However, the Yirram Conditional forms could also descend from forms with *y pronominals: *nya-yi-nyki-, *nya-yi-rri-, and *nya-yu-rru-. Given that it is not possible to assign any definitive semantic contrast to the *ng and *y 1NSG pronominals in Proto Mirndi, I reconstruct them as alternates in all functions. 48 Proto Mirndi

6.2.5 Number marking All the Mirndi varieties have a reflex of a Plural prefix *rrV-. This prefix is found in nearly all NPN languages (Harvey 2003c:482). The dual category is much more problematic, as the Mirndi varieties show two distinct sets of Dual markers. One set of Dual markers has the form rlV, where the vowel varies under harmonic requirements. This set is found in the Ngurlun varieties. The other set of Dual markers have an initial /ny/. This set shows unpredictable allomorphic variation. These markers are found in the Yirram varieties, Jingulu, and in two paradigms in the Ngurlun variety Binbinka. Given that the /ny/ Duals show a wider geographical distribution across all Mirndi subgroups, and unpredictable allomorphy, I reconstruct forms from this set for Proto Mirndi, and not the rlV set. I analyse the rlV set as a Ngurlun innovation (§9.1). I begin reconstruction of the Dual allomorphy by comparing the Yirram and Jingulu Dative and Genitive pronouns (Table 6 and Table 7). In all of these paradigms, the Dual has the form -nya, and I reconstruct *-nya as a Dual allomorph. The Binbinka Dative and Genitive paradigms also show a reflex of *-nya in the Duals. The Binbinka paradigms are set out in (113), together with a Jaminjungan paradigm, which is relevant to the history of the Binbinka paradigms. (113) Binbinka Duals Jam Abs Binbinka Dat Binbinka Gen 1DL.INC minti mirnta mirnta-kan- 1DL.EXC yi-rri-nyi yu-rli-nya yu-rli-nya-kan- 2DL ku-rri-nyi ku-rli-nya ku-rli-nya-kan- 3DL pu-rri-nyi wu-rli-nya wu-rli-nya-kan- 1PL.INC yu-rri yu-rra yu-rra-kan- 1PL.EXC yi-rri yi-rra yi-rra-ng- 2PL ku-rri ki-rra ki-rra-kan- 3PL pu-rri pi-rra pi-rra-ng- In Jaminjungan, the Dual Absolutive pronouns consist of the corresponding Plurals as a stem, and a Dual suffix -nyi. I propose that this suffix is a reflex of *-nya, which has undergone vowel harmony to the preceding /i/ vowel of the stem. These pronouns are not the only forms in the Yirram varieties, where a Dual consists of the corresponding Plural + a Dual suffix. This structure also appears in the bound pronominal paradigms. (114) Jaminjungan nganyji-p-i-rri- ‘2SG.ERG-POT-1EXC.O-PL’ nganyji-p-i-rriny- ‘2SG.ERG-POT-1EXC.O-DL’

Nungali ngaji-p-i-rri- ‘2SG.S-POT-1EXC-PL’ ngaji-p-i-rriny- ‘2SG.S-POT-1EXC.O-DL’ I propose that the Binbinka Dative and Genitive Duals derive from protoforms with the same structure *yu-rri-nya, *ku-rri-nya, *pi-rri-nya. When Proto Ngurlun innovated the *rlV Dual, it largely replaced the palatal nasal Duals. Consequently, the dual marking function of *-nya, which survived in these Binbinka pronominal forms was attenuated. I propose that these forms were remodelled so that their structure matched more closely to the innovated, but predominant Binbinka Dual structure of a pronominal root + rlV. This remodelling was achieved by replacing the tap, which originally marked plurality, with the Proto Mirndi 49 very similar retroflex lateral which marked the innovated Ngurlun Dual. Thus, *yu-rri-nya > yu-rli-nya, *ku-rri-nya > ku-rli-nya, *pi-rri-nya > wu-rli-nya. The *-nya suffix is not the only palatal Dual allomorph that is attested. In the Jaminjungan bound paradigms, the Dual is normally ny-. However, in a few paradigms a longer form nyji- or nyju- appears. This allomorph harmonises to the vowel of the verb stem, and not to that of the pronominal prefix. (115) yi-nyji-p-ita ku-nyji-p-ita pu-nyji-p-ita 1NSG-DL-POT-eat 2NSG-DL-POT-eat 3NSG-DL-POT-eat (116) yi-nyju-yu ku-nyju-yu pu-nyju-yu 1NSG-DL-be.PR 2NSG-DL-be.PR 3NSG-DL-be.PR In Nungali, the Dual is also normally ny-. However, in a few paradigms a longer form nyki- or nyku- appears. Again, this allomorph harmonises to the vowel of the verb stem, and not to that of the pronominal prefix. This longer allomorph also appears in the Absolutive pronouns, where again it does not harmonise to the vowel of pronominal root. (117) yi-nyki-ni wu-nyki-ni wi-nyki-ni 1NSG-DL-be.PST 2NSG-DL-be.PST 3NSG-DL-be.PST (118) yi-nyku-nu wu-nyku-nu wi-nyku-nu 1NSG-DL-be.PR 2NSG-DL-be.PR 3NSG-DL-be.PR (119) yi-nyki-yirram wu-nyki-yirram 1NSG-DL-DL 2NSG-DL-DL The range of allomorphs is summarised in (120). (120) Jaminjungan ny- ~ nyji- ~ nyju- harmony to vowel of verb stem Nungali ny- ~ nyki- ~ nyku- harmony to vowel of verb stem This range of allomorphs can be reasonably derived from a protoform *nyki-, allowing for vowel harmony. Mostly in the Yirram varieties, the vowel of the Dual has been deleted, with the consequent loss of the onset consonant that it supported: *nyki- > ny-. In the few cases where this has not happened, Nungali preserves the original form, but Jaminjungan shows an assimilated reflex. It seems likely that the reduced ny- reflex of *nyki- was also present in Proto Yirram, but there is no definitive proof of this. The issue remains as to whether *nyki- should be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. There is no supporting evidence for this allomorph from the other Mirndi varieties. In Jingulu, the Dual marker is otherwise nyi or nyu, in harmony with the vowel of the pronominal root that it attaches to. These allomorphs could derive from harmonisation of *-nya. Alternatively, they could reflect cluster reduction from *nyki, either directly *nyki > nyi, or via an assimilated stage parallel to Jaminjungan, *nyki > *nyji > nyi. On the other hand, the longer reflexes of *nyki- have an unpredictable and restricted distribution in the Yirram varieties. Both this distribution and their comparatively greater length are prototypical characteristics of remnantal allomorphs, preserving the earlier forms of particular morphemes. It is therefore most unlikely that the *nyki- allomorph was innovated in Proto Yirram, and consequently I assign it to Proto Mirndi. The standard Dual marker rlV of the Ngurlun varieties may derive historically from a general Dual marker. In all the Mirndi varieties the general Dual marker is distinct from the pronominal Dual marker. 50 Proto Mirndi

(121) Pronominal General25 Jaminjungan ny(ji/u) -jirram Nungali ny(ki) -jirram Jingulu nyV -pVlV Ngarnka rlV -kulu Wambaya rlV -pulu Gudanji rlV -wulu Binbinka rlV -kulu It seems likely that the Ngurlun and Jingulu general Duals are related, deriving from a protoform *-p/kulu, though the variation between initial /k/ and /p/ is problematic. The Ngurlun pronominal Dual could be a reduced form of this general Dual, though again the discrepancy between the alveolar lateral in the nominal marker and the retroflex lateral in the pronominal marker is problematic.

6.3 Singular pronominals 6.3.1 The conditional As mentioned in §6.2.1, the reconstruction of the Conditional presents issues in both sound and meaning correspondences. These issues may be illustrated by a comparison of forms with a 2nd singular Subject. (122) Jaminjungan Conditional ya-nyji- Nungali Conditional nya-ji- Wambaya Conditional yi-nyj-akpa Gudanji Conditional yi-nyj-a Binbinka Conditional yi-nyj-a Binbinka Present ya-nyji Reconstruction Conditional *nya-nyji- The reconstruction of the initial segment of the prefix would be straightforward, but for the Nungali form. It is not possible to determine whether this correspondence is regular, as there are no other correspondence sets involving a word-initial /ny/. There are sets with other word-initial nasals involving Nungali forms, and in these sets the other languages have nasal reflexes. Consequently, a relationship between a nasal in Nungali and an approximant in the other varieties is not a general relationship. However, a correspondence between word-initial /ny/ and /y/ is widely attested among 2nd person pronoun paradigms in Australia (Dixon 1980:336–337). Given this, relating initial /ny/ and /y/ in another grammatical paradigm, such as the Conditional prefix paradigm in (122) has some independent support. Consequently, I reconstruct this prefix with an initial *ny. There are two factors favouring the reconstruction of an *a vowel rather than an *i vowel. Firstly, the /a/ vowel is discontinuously distributed, being found in the Yirram varieties and the Binbinka Present. Secondly, the /i/ vowel may be motivated as an assimilation to the initial palatal consonant.

25 All of these general Dual suffixes have been affected by lenition. Synchronically, they show /w/ or /y/ initial allomorphs depending on the final segment of the stem. I present the variants which are least affected by lenition here. Table 8: Singular Intransitive Bound Pronominal Paradigms

Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka NPR 1SG nga- nga- nga- ngi- ngi- ngi- ngi- 2SG na- ngaji- nya- (ny)ji- nyi- nyi- nyi- 3SG ka- wa- ka- (C_) yi- (FUT) ki- ki- ki- ya- (i-_) ngki- (NF)

Table 9: Some Transitive Bound Pronominal Paradigms

Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Jing Refl Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka NPR 2SG>3SG nganyji- ngaji- nya- nganyji- (ny)ji- nyi- nyi- nyi- 2SG>1SG nganyj-an(ji)- ngaj-an(ji)- nganyj-ana- N/A nyi-nga- nyi-nga- nyi-nga- nyi-ngi- 3SGM.ERG kani- ngani- ni- ni- ni- kin- kini- kini- 3SGF.ERG N/A (nga)yi- ngayi- ? ngiyi- ngiyi- ngiyi- ngiyi- nganyji- (PR) 1/3>2SG nyi- ~nyji- nyi- ~nyji- nyu- N/A ny- ny- ny- ny-

Table 10: Singular Conditional Bound Pronominals

Jam/Ngali Nungali Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka Binbinka PRES 1SG ya-nga- nya-nga- i-ng-akpa yi-ng-a ? ya-ngi 2SG ya-nyji- ny-aji- i-nyj-akpa yi-nyj-a yi-nyj-a ya-nyji 3SG y-a- ny-a- i-k-akpa yi-k-a ? ya-ngki (I), ya-na (II), ya-ma (III), Proto Mirndi ya-ngku (IV) 3SGM.ERG ya-ni- nya-ni- ? yi-ki-n-a yi-n-a ya-na 3SGF.ERG N/A ? ? yi-ngiy-a yi-nyj-a26 ya-nyji

51 26 See (123). Table 11: Singular Absolutive Pronouns 52

Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka ProtoMirndi 1SG ngayuk ngayuk ngaya ngarnija ngawu(-rniji) ngawu ngawu 2SG nami ngaminyju nyama ~ nama nyama nyami(-rniji) nyami nyami 3SG ji

Table 12: Singular Dative Pronouns Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka 1SG ngarr-ku ngarr-ku ngarr-u ngarr-i ngarr-a ngarr-a ngarr-i 2SG ngung-ku ngung-ku ngang-ku ngang-i ngang-a ngang-a ngang-i 3SGM nu nu-wu ngarn-u nang-i nang-a nang-a nang-i 3SGF N/A ngayu-wu ngaying-i ngayang-i ngaya ngaya ngaya

Table 13: Singular Genitive Pronouns Jam/Ngali Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka 1SG ngarr-kina -ngarr-kina ngarr-ini- ngarri- ngarri- ngarri- ngarri- 2SG ngung-kina -ngung-kina ngang-kini- ngangi- ngangi- ngangi- ngangi- 3SGM nu-wina -nu-yina ni-yini- nangi- nangi- nangi- nangi- 3SGF N/A -ngayi-na ngaji-ni- ngaya-ng- ngaya-ng- ngaya-ng- ngaya-ng-

Proto Mirndi 53

The Binbinka ya- prefix is however only relevant if there is reason to analyse the Binbinka Present as related to the other Conditional paradigms. There are two structural reasons for positing this relationship. Firstly, the Binbinka Present paradigm is a structural isolate, both in terms of the Binbinka paradigms otherwise, and in relation to the other Ngurlun varieties, and indeed to Mirndi varieties generally. Tense is not otherwise marked with a first position prefix. It is otherwise conveyed by morphemes which normally occupy final position and which derive historically from verb stems. Mood, on the other hand, is conveyed by initial prefixation (§5.1) Secondly, in the Present, the 2nd Singular Subject morpheme is nyji, as illustrated in (122). This morpheme is otherwise nyi in Binbinka (Table 8 and Table 9). The same divergence is found in Gudanji and Wambaya: the 2SG Subject is nyi, with the exception of the Conditional where it is nyj (Table 8 and Table 10). These Ngurlun nyj(i) forms are cognate with the nyji- form found in Jaminjungan and the ji- form found in Nungali. As we will see (§6.3.2), this nyji- form must be specifically reconstructed for the Proto Mirndi Conditional. If, as proposed, the Binbinka Present derives from the Proto Mirndi Conditional, then its synchronically idiosyncratic morphological structure, the tense prefix form ya- and the irregular 2SG Subject morpheme nyji follow by descent. If it is unrelated to the other Conditional paradigms, then no explanation can be offered for these parallelisms. Deriving the Binbinka Present from the Proto Mirndi Conditional necessarily raises the issue of the Binbinka Conditional forms. The principal problem here is the very limited and inconsistent attestation of the Binbinka Conditional. While Chadwick (1978) provides a complete paradigm for the Binbinka Present, he lists only the following forms for the Conditional.

(123) yi-nyj-a ‘2SG’, yi-ngiya-ny-a ~ yi-nyja-ny-a ‘3SGF>2SG’, yi-nya-ng-a ‘3SGF>1SG’, yi-na-ng-a ‘3SGM>1SG’, yi-na-ny-a ‘3SGM>2SG’ (Chadwick 1978:96, 98) These Binbinka forms show the same initial and final segments as the corresponding Gudanji Conditional forms. As in Gudanji, the Binbinka Conditional paradigm appears to have involved a yi- prefix and a consistent final /a/ vocalism. There is variation in the forms with a 3rd Singular Feminine Ergative. For the ‘3SGF>2SG’, two variants are given — yi-ngiya-ny-a and yi-nyja-ny-a. The first of these yi- ngiya-ny-a involves an Ergative ngiya which is identical to the Gudanji 3SGF Conditional Ergative, as shown in (124). (124) Gud Con Bin Con Bin Pres 1SG yi-ng-a ? ya-ngi 2SG yi-nyj-a yi-nyj-a ya-nyji 3SG yi-k-a ? ya-ngki (I), ya-na (II), ya-ma (III), ya-ngku (IV) 3SGM.ERG yi-ki-n-a yi-n-a ya-na 3SGF.ERG yi-ngiy-a yi-nyj-a ya-nyji Given this, the most plausible explanation of the variation is that yi-ngiya-ny-a is in fact a Gudanji form and that yi-nyja-ny-a is the genuine Binbinka form. This is supported by the ‘3SGF > 1SG’ yi-nya-nga form, which involves essentially the same Feminine Ergative. The transcription provided for the 3SGF Ergative nya in this particular form appears to involve a 54 Proto Mirndi mis-spelling. There is no evidence of a nya 3SGF Ergative elsewhere in Binbinka or in any Mirndi variety. I assume that nya is a mis-transcription of nyja. Consequently, the Binbinka 3SGF Ergative Conditional is posited as yi-nyj-a. This parallels the Binbinka Present, where the 3SGF Ergative is ya-nyji, as shown in (124). The 3SGF Ergative is otherwise ngiyi- in Binbinka (Table 9). We may also note that both the Conditional and Present paradigms have na as the 3rd Singular Masculine Ergative. This is otherwise kini- in Binbinka. The very limited materials available thus suggest that the Binbinka Present and Conditional were structurally parallel. The Present differs from the Conditional in two ways. Firstly it has a ya- prefix where the Conditional has yi-. Secondly, the Present does not show a consistent final vocalism whereas the Conditional shows a consistent final /a/. The Gudanji Conditional paradigm also shows a consistent final /a/. The consistent final /a/ vowel of the Conditional in both Binbinka and Gudanji, as opposed to the variable final vocalism of the Binbinka Present, suggests that the synchronic Conditionals derive historically from a form consisting of the Proto Conditional and a suffixed morpheme with a final /a/. This in turn suggests a path for the bifurcation of the Proto Conditional into the synchronic Present and Conditional in Binbinka. This path is speculative, but I outline it as it offers an explanation for the Binbinka and Gudanji forms. Synchronically in Wambaya and Gudanji, the Present and the Conditional are distinct. The Wambaya and Gudanji Present forms are nearly all identical, and can be reconstructed for Proto Wambayan. (125) Proto Wambayan Present Wambaya Gudanji Reconstruction 1SG ngi ngi *ngi 2SG nyi nyi *nyi 3SG ki kama, karma 3SGM.ERG kini kani *kani 3SGF.ERG ngiyi nganyji *ngiyi27 1DL.INC mirnti mirnti *mirnti 1DL.EXC ngu-rlu ngu-rlu *ngu-rlu 2DL ku-rlu ku-rlu *ku-rlu 3DL wu-rlu wu-rlu *wu-rlu 1PL.INC ngu-rru ngu-rru *ngu-rru 1PL.EXC ngi-rri ngi-rri *ngi-rri 2PL ki-rri ki-rri *ki-rri 3PL i-rri wi-rri *wi-rri

I propose that the Binbinka Present was only a Conditional in Proto Wambayan, and that there was a clear contrast between the Present and the Conditional in Proto Wambayan.

27 The motivations for the reconstruction of *ngiyi are discussed in §6.3.2. Proto Mirndi 55

(126) Proto Wambayan Present and Conditional Present Conditional 1SG *ngi *ya-ngi 2SG *nyi *ya-nyji 3SG 3SGM.ERG *kani *ya-na 3SGM.ERG *ngiyi *ya-ngiyi 1DL.INC *mirnti *ya-mirnta 1DL.EXC *ngu-rlu *ya-ngu-rla 2DL *ku-rlu *ya-ku-rla 3DL *wu-rlu *ya-wu-rla 1PL.INC *ngu-rru *ya-ngu-rra 1PL.EXC *ngi-rri *ya-ngi-rra 2PL *ki-rri *ya-ki-rra 3PL *wi-rri *ya-wi-rra The first step in the development of the Binbinka and Gudanji forms would have been an extension in the semantic range of the Proto Mirndi Conditional in Binbinka and Gudanji to include some less realis present meanings such as generics. As such it became an ‘Irrealis Non-Past’ paradigm. (127) *ya-nyji ‘You might X’ > *ya-nyji ‘You might X, You can X’ > *ya-nyji ‘You might X, You can X, You X (generically)’ As such the paradigm would no longer have been a Conditional, but rather an Irrealis Non- Past. The second step would have been the bifurcation of this paradigm into two new paradigms, through the suffixation of *-a to indicate specifically conditional meanings. (128) *ya-nyji Irrealis Non-Past ‘You might X, You can X, You X (generically)’ *ya-nyji-a Conditional ‘You might X’ *ya-nyji Generic Non-Past ‘You can X, You X (generically)’ This created a contrast between the unsuffixed forms which conveyed chiefly ‘Present’ meanings, and /a/ final forms which conveyed ‘Conditional’ meanings. The unsuffixed ‘Present’ paradigm was however a more direct continuation of the Proto Conditional paradigm in terms of forms than the new ‘Conditional’ paradigm, which involved an additional suffix. The new Conditional then underwent two phonological changes. These were the reduction of any final vowel clusters to *a, and the shift of the prefix *a > *i, presumably assimilating to the initial *y. (129) *ya-nyji Generic Non-Past ‘You can X, You X (generically)’ *ya-nyji-a > *yi-nyj-a Conditional ‘You might X’ It may be noted that this change did not affect the Generic Non-Past. Subsequent to this I propose that Gudanji and Binbinka developed independently. I propose that Gudanji lost the Generic Non-Past, as its functions were taken over by forms descending from the Proto Wambayan Present. This left Gudanji with the new Conditional paradigm. 56 Proto Mirndi

(130) yi-nyj-a Conditional ‘You might X’ On the other hand, in Binbinka, the Generic Non-Past displaced the forms descended from the Proto Wambayan Present. (131) ya-nyji Present yi-nyj-a Conditional

6.3.2 Bound pronominals Within the intransitive paradigms, reconstruction of the 1st Singular and 3rd Singular is straightforward. All of the Mirndi varieties have a 1SG pronominal ngV-. This prefix is found in the great majority of NPN languages, and is reconstructable as *nga- (Harvey 2003c:490). All the varieties, save Ngarnka, have evident reflexes of 3SG pronominal kV-. Again this prefix is found widely among the NPN languages, and is reconstructable as *ka- (Harvey 2003c:499). On the basis of its wider attestation, it is reconstructed not simply as a 3SG pronominal, but also as having a tense function, indicating Non-Past. As we will see, there is evidence that it may have maintained this function in an early stage of Proto Mirndi. The Ngarnka 3SG Non-Future ngki- could be a reflex of *ka-, but the initial nasal is not explicable. The reconstruction of the 2nd Singular presents considerable complexities. The starting point for the reconstruction is Jaminjungan. Jaminjungan has three 2SG pronominals synchronically. (132) ya-nyji- Conditional: Absolutive and Ergative nganyji- Non-Conditional Ergative na- Non-Conditional Absolutive Many NPN languages have reflexes of a 2nd Plural pronominal *nV- (Harvey 2003c:497– 498). In a number of languages, including Jaminjungan, this pronominal appears as a 2SG. This pronominal has been inherited in Jaminjungan from a remote ancestor. The other non-conditional 2SG form nganyji- is not widely attested among NPN languages, at least in its full form. It is cognate with the general Nungali 2SG ngaji-, allowing for cluster reduction. There are also reflexes of this prefix in Jingulu. It appears in the reflexive paradigm, which takes ergative prefixation, and in the 2SG>1SG prefix complex nganyj-ana-. There are no reflexes of this prefix as a 2SG in the Ngurlun languages. However, the form nganyji does appear in Gudanji as the 3rd Singular Feminine Ergative Present. As we will see, there are no evident sources for this form from within the 3SGF category. On the other hand, syncretisms between pronominals marking 2SG and 3SGF occur in three other NPN languages. (133) Gaagudju: 2nd person and 3rd feminine are identical in the verbal Absolutive prefix paradigms (Harvey 2002:231). MalakMalak: The great majority of 2SG and 3SGF verbal prefixes are identical (Birk 1976:50–66). Ngalakgan: The 2SG Ergative verbal prefix and the feminine noun class prefix are identical (Merlan 1983:37, 88). Proto Mirndi 57

These languages are only related to one another as members of the Australian language family, and the connections are of the greatest remoteness. The syncretisms they exhibit between 2SG and 3SGF are not due to inheritance (see Harvey 1997:36 for potential synchronic motivations). Binbinka has this syncretism between the 2SG and 3SGF synchronically in the Present and Conditional paradigms (Table 10). I propose that the Gudanji 3SGF nganyji is historically derived from the 2SG *nganyji- via syncretism of the 2SG and 3SGF categories. Nearly all of the reflexes have a specifically ergative function. Consequently, I reconstruct this pronominal as an ergative pronominal. The one exception is Nungali, where it functions as the general 2SG pronominal. I propose that this pronominal has extended its range in Nungali from its original ergative function. This ergative *nganyji- contrasted with the intransitive *na-. There are some other NPN languages which have a specifically ergative 2SG prefix with forms that are suggestively similar to *nganyji-. (134) Gulumoerrgin ji- Ngalakgan ju- Ungarinyin nyja- Worrorra nyja- In Worrorra, the 2SG free pronoun is ngunyju, which again is suggestively similar. However, none of these forms can be directly related to *nganyji-. The Jaminjungan Conditional prefix complex ya-nyji- has cognates in Nungali and Wambayan (122). On the basis of the synchronic forms in the Mirndi languages, a disyllabic prefix complex *nya-nyji- is to be reconstructed. The *nyji- 2SG pronominal in this complex may ultimately be related to *nganyji-, perhaps deriving from a trisyllabic complex *nya-nganyji-. However, there is no direct evidence for this. The basic 2SG pronominals in the other Mirndi varieties ((ny)ji- Ngarnka, nyi- Wambayan, nya- Jingulu) may also be related to *nganyji-, but again there is no direct evidence. The Mirndi varieties are all unusual among NPN languages in having distinct 3rd Singular Ergative pronominals. In all varieties, there is a distinction between feminine and masculine Ergatives. The exception is Jaminjungan which does not make gender distinctions in the 3SG category. The Jaminjungan forms in the 3SG category are cognate with the Masculine forms in the other varieties. The other varieties have ngayi- or ngiyi- as the 3SG Feminine. I reconstruct *ngayi- as the form of this prefix in Proto Mirndi, given the general preference for reconstruction of disharmonic forms. As we will see *ngayi is also reconstructible as a free pronoun root (§6.3.4). However, as the Ngurlun varieties all consistently show ngiyi- reflexes, I reconstruct *ngiyi- as the form of this prefix in Proto Ngurlun. This prefix was therefore affected by vowel harmony in Proto Ngurlun. The masculine category varies between a longer form kini- ~ kani- ~ ngani-, and a shorter form ni-. On general grounds, the longer, disharmonic form *kani- is to be preferentially reconstructed (the Nungali ngani- reflex is irregular). However, in this case, there is evidence suggesting a more complex reconstruction (§6.3.4). We will see that there is evidence for a free 3SG Masculine pronoun root *ni ~ nu. This suggests that the masculine category parallels the feminine category, and that *kani- is decomposable into *ka- + *ni-. We have already reconstructed *ka- as a prefix, 58 Proto Mirndi and noted that on the basis of wider NPN evidence it is to be reconstructed with a NP meaning. The Conditional forms also require consideration in this context.28 (135) 3SGM CON-3SGM CON-2DL CON-2PL Jam kani- ya-ni- ya-wu-ny- ya-wu-rru- Nung ngani- nya-ni- ny-u-ny(ki)- ny-u-rru- Gud kini- yi-ki-na yi-ku-rla yi-ki-rra Bin kini- yi-na Bin PR ya-na ya-ku-rla ya-ki-rra Rec *kani- *nya-ni- *nya-ku-nyki- *nya-ku-rru- The Jaminjungan Conditional and Binbinka Conditional/Present forms cannot be plausibly derived from a protocomplex *nya-kani-. As shown by the 2nd non-singular forms, Binbinka does not otherwise lenite *k. Jaminjungan does lenite *k, but the reflex is /w/ and not /Ø/. I reconstruct the paradigm shown in (136) for the 3SG Masculine Ergative. (136) *nya-ni- ‘CON’ *ka-ni- ‘NP’ *ni- ‘elsewhere’ Some varieties have generalised *ka-ni-, others have generalised *ni-. Among those with reflexes of the Conditional, most have preserved *nya-ni-, but Gudanji has regularised the Conditional on the basis of the prefix form found in other paradigms. A number of the Mirndi varieties also have distinct Object pronominals. (137) 1SG.O Jam an- ~ anji-, Nung an- ~ anji-, Jing ana- 2SG.O Jam nyi- ~nyji-, Nung nyi-~ nyji-, Jing nyu- Ngarn, Wamb, Gud, Bin ny- On general principles, I would reconstruct protoforms based on the long allomorphs anji- and nyji-, found in the Yirram varieties. This is particularly attractive, given that the long allomorphs appear in restricted and unpredictable environments. (138) a. They immediately precede the Potential prefix, which appears in a non-lenited allomorph pV-. Consequently, they only appear in the Future and Past Potential. b. There are 31 verbs with attested Future and/or Past Potential forms in Jaminjungan. Only seven of these verbs show the long allomorphs. The other 24 show the short allomorphs in the Future and Past Potential (Schultze- Berndt 2000:100–102). However, there are other factors which weigh against a reconstruction based on the long allomorphs. Firstly, there is the nature of the variation between the long and short allomorphs of the 2nd Singular. We have seen that the Dual marker varies between long and short allomorphs in the Yirram varieties: ny- and nyjV- in Jaminjungan, and ny- and nyki- in Nungali (§6.2). I reconstructed a protoform *nyki based on the longer allomorphs. If *nyji- is reconstructed as ‘2SG.O’, then its phonotactic structure is essentially identical to that of the reconstructed Dual, as both are to be reconstructed as *nyCV. The shorter allomorphs of the Dual were derived by loss of the vowel and its attendant onset consonant; *nyki > ny-. Given the phonotactic identity between *nyki ‘Dual’ and the

28 There is no 3SG masculine ergative recorded for Wambaya, so I do not present Wambaya forms here. Proto Mirndi 59 putative *nyji- ‘2SG.O’, the short reflex of the 2SG.O prefix should also be ny-, and not the attested nyi-. This argues that the short and long allomorphs of the 2SG.O prefix in the Yirram varieties are not related through a process of historical reduction. Secondly, there is the fact that ji is the common augment constituting the long allomorph for both Object prefixes. This suggests that it was historically an independent prefix. This is further suggested by the fact that the cluster in anji- is heterorganic — an unusual phonotactic pattern in an affix. If it was an independent prefix, then it cannot be ascribed a function with certainty. For these reasons, I do not reconstruct protoforms based on the long allomorphs in the Yirram varieties. Rather, based on the short Yirram allomorphs and their correspondents in the other Mirndi varieties, I reconstruct *ana- ‘1SG.O’ and *nyV- ‘2SG.O’. I analyse the long Yirram allomorphs as deriving from prefix complexes *ana-ji- and *nyV-ji-, involving a prefix *ji- of unknown function.

6.3.3 Absolutive pronouns The Mirndi 1st Singular Absolutive pronouns are set out in Table 11 and reproduced in (139). (139) Jam/Ngali ngayuk, Nung ngayuk, Jing ngaya, Ngarn ngarnija, Bin ngawu, Gud ngawu, Wamb ngawu(-rniji) A 1SG free pronoun *ngayu has reflexes in a wide range of NPN languages (Harvey 2003c:501). The Mirndi 1SG Absolutives all appear to derive from this form, with some minor changes as set out in (140). (140) a. Jingulu shows a change *ngayu > ngaya. All Absolutive pronouns in Jingulu are /a/ final. The change in this case would appear to be paradigmatically motivated. b. Wambayan shows an assimilatory change in the semivowel *ngayu > ngawu. c. Most Ngarnka pronouns involve a formative -yanija. The Ngarnka ngarnija 1SG form derives from a reduction of *ngayu-yanija. d. The form ngayuk in the Yirram varieties probably derives in the same way as the Ngarnka form — via the addition of an augment *ngayu + k(V). The 2nd Singular is more problematic. The Nungali form ngaminyju cannot be related to the forms in any of the other Mirndi varieties, or to forms in any NPN language. Consequently, I do not consider it further. The remaining forms appear to be related. (141) Jam/Ngali nami, Jing nyama ~ nama, Ngarn nyama, Bin nyami, Gud nyami, Wamb nyami(-rniji) The issue in regard to 2SG forms is the initial nasal. Jingulu suggests that a variation might be reconstructed. However, the status of the Jingulu nama variant is itself somewhat uncertain, as discussed in §6.1.2. In considering the free pronouns, it is also necessary to consider the bound pronominals, as there has been a long history of interaction between the two. The Absolutive bound pronominals are set out in (142). (142) Jam/Ngali na-, Jing nya-, Ngarn (ny)ji-, Bin nyi-, Gud nyi-, Wamb nyi- 60 Proto Mirndi

Among the NPN languages, it is common for free pronouns to consist of the corresponding bound pronominal and a base (Harvey 2003c). As discussed in §6.3.2 the Jaminjungan bound pronominal na- descends from a very remote protolanguage, and may be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. On the other hand, there is no evidence that would support the reconstruction of /ny/ initial bound pronominals beyond the Eastern Mirndi varieties. Given this, I propose that Jaminjungan preserves the original form of this pronoun, just as it preserves the original prefix. I propose that the Proto Mirndi 2SG Absolutive pronoun was *nami, which consisted of the prefix *na- and a base *mi. This pronoun cannot be reconstructed beyond Proto Mirndi. I propose that this pronoun was later remodelled to *nyami in the Eastern varieties after these varieties developed the /ny/ initial Absolutive bound pronominals. The pronoun was also variably subject to vowel harmony *n(y)ami > *n(y)ama. Among the Mirndi varieties, only Jaminjungan has a 3rd Singular Absolutive pronoun. This pronoun is cognate with a Jingulu demonstrative. (143) *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’: Jam/Ngali ji ‘s/he’, Jing jiyi The standard historical path is Demonstrative > 3SG pronoun, and consequently I do not reconstruct this form as a pronoun, but rather as a demonstrative.

6.3.4 Dative and genitive pronouns There is a significant difference in the patterning of dative and genitive pronouns between the Ngurlun varieties and the other Mirndi varieties (Tables 6, 7, 12, 13). In the Yirram varieties and Jingulu, the singulars show essentially the same structure as the non- singulars. There is a pronominal root, and the general pronominal Dative or Genitive case suffix attaches to this root. The singulars in the Yirram varieties and Jingulu show more irregularities than the non-singulars, but these irregularities do not vitiate the overall structural similarity between the singular and non-singular paradigms. With the Ngurlun varieties on the other hand, the singular paradigms show a different structure to the non- singular paradigms. The general pronominal Dative and Genitive suffixes do not appear in the singular paradigms. In all of the Mirndi varieties, the roots for the Dative and Genitive paradigms are either identical or very similar to each other, and quite distinct from the Absolutive pronoun roots. The 1st Singular Dative/Genitive root may be reconstructed as *ngarr. The 2nd Singular Dative/Genitive root may be reconstructed as *ngang. I analyse the ngung forms which appear in Yirram as resulting from vowel harmony in the Dative forms (*ngang-ku > ngung-ku), with subsequent remodelling of the Genitive forms on the basis of the Dative (*ngang-kina > ngung-kina). The 3rd Singular forms present greater complexity. I begin by examining the 3rd feminine category. All the varieties have ngayV in these forms, except for the Jingulu Genitive ngaji-ni-. On general grounds, I would reconstruct *ngaji, and analyse the other forms as reflecting lenition. There are two problems for such a reconstruction. Firstly, Jingulu otherwise shows ngayi in the 3rd feminine. Secondly, there are other NPN languages with a 3rd feminine pronominal suggestively similar to the forms in the Mirndi languages. (144) Gaagudju ngaayu, Marramaninjsji ngiya, Marrithiyel ngiya, Ngan’gityemerri ngayim Proto Mirndi 61

This suggests that the stop in the Jingulu Genitive has a different origin. The Jingulu pronominal Genitive is to be reconstructed as *-kina (§6.2.3). I propose the following course of development for the 3rd Feminine form. (145) *ngáyi-kìna > *ngáy-kini- > ngáji-ni- As illustrated, I propose the laminal stop in the Jingulu Genitive results from the loss of a medial unstressed vowel, with the subsequent reduction of a /yk/ cluster to /j/. I therefore reconstruct *ngayi as the pronominal root for the Dative and Genitive pronouns. This form is identical to the 3rd Feminine Ergative prefix that can be reconstructed. However, in Jingulu and the Ngurlun varieties, the Feminine also shows forms with a final /ng/. (146) Dative Stem Genitive Stem Jingulu ngaying ngaji Ngarnka ngayang ngayang Wambaya ngaya ngayang Gudanji ngaya ngayang Binbinka ngaya ngayang I propose that these forms with /ng/ are historically analysable as *ngayi + -ng ‘Genitive’. Binbinka and Gudanji synchronically maintain an opposition between an /ng/ final form in the genitive and a /Ø/ final form in the dative. We have seen (§6.2.3) that -ng appears as an irregular Genitive suffix in the Binbinka non-singulars. In Ngarnka and Wambaya, the /ng/ final form appears in both paradigms. I analyse this as resulting from the remodelling of the dative paradigm on the basis of the Genitive. I analyse the /ng/ final feminine Dative in Jingulu as having arisen in the same way. However, Jingulu has undergone a further round of change. The original pronominal Genitive *ngayi-ng has been replaced by a new Genitive involving the historically nominal Genitive *-kina (§6.2.3), as set out in (145). Turning to the 3rd masculine, I propose that the same processes have been in play. The Ngurlun varieties have a root nang. The Yirram varieties have a root nu, and Jingulu has ni in the Genitive. Both nV 3SG Absolutive/Dative and nVng 3SG Dative pronouns occur across other NPN languages. (147) Absolutive: Kayardild niya, Rembarrnga niq-tanta, ni-wa Dative: MalakMalak noe Dative: Batjjamalh nung, Kamu nung, Matngele nung, Wagiman nung I propose that the nVng variants are historically Genitives *nu + -ng. The original vowel is unclear, as both /i/ and /u/ reflexes are widely distributed. Consequently, we reconstruct an alternation *ni ~ nu. The origin of the Jingulu Dative root ngarn is unknown.

6.4 Summary of pronominal reconstruction Protoprefix complexes that can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi are shown in (148). 62 Proto Mirndi

(148) Proto Mirndi prefix complexes Conditional *nya-nga- ‘1SG’, *nya-nyji- ‘2SG’, nya-Ø- ‘3SG.ABS’, *nya-ni- ‘3SGM.ERG’, *nya-mirnti- ‘1DL.INC’, *nya-ku-nyki- ‘2DL’, *nya-pi-nyki- ‘3DL’, *nya-ku-rru- ‘2PL’, *nya-pi-rri- ‘3PL’ Imperative *pa-Ø- ‘SG.S’, *pa-ku-nyki- ‘DL.S’, *pa-ku-rru- ‘PL.S’ Non-Past *ka-Ø- ‘3SG.ABS’, *ka-ni- ‘3SGM.ERG’ General *nga- ‘1SG’, *na- ‘2SG.ABS’, *mirnti- ‘1DL.INC’, *y/ngi-nyki- Absolutive ‘1DL.EXC’, *ku-nyki- ‘2DL’, *pi-nyki- ‘3DL’, *y/ngu-rru- ‘1PL.INC’, *y/ngi-rri- ‘1PL.EXC’, *ku-rru- ‘2PL’, *pi-rri- ‘3PL’ General Ergative *nganyji- ‘2SG.ERG’, *ni- ‘3SGM.ERG’, *ngayi- ‘3SGF.ERG’, The Conditional and Imperative prefixes are not attested outside the Mirndi varieties. None of the specifically ergative prefix forms are reconstructable as specifically ergative prefixes outside the Mirndi varieties. Protopronouns that can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi are shown in (149). (149) Proto Mirndi pronouns Absolutive Dative Genitive 1SG *ngayu *ngarr-ku 2SG *nami *ngang-ku 3SGM *nu-ku *nu-ng 3SGF *ngayi-ku *ngayi-ng 1DL.INC *mirnti *mirnta-ku 1DL.EXC *y/ngi-(rri-)-nya *y/ngi-(rri-)nya-ku 2DL *ku-(rri)-nya *ku-(rri-)nya-ku 3DL *pi-(rri-)-nya *pi-(rri-)nya-ku 1PL.INC *y/ngu-rri *y/ngu-rra-ku 1PL.EXC *y/ngi-rri *y/ngi-rra-ku *y/ngi-rra-ng 2PL *ku-rri *ku-rra-ku 3PL *pi-rri *pi-rra-ku *pi-rra-ng The non-singular Dative pronoun structure of Pronominal root (+ number marker) + Dative case suffix is not found outside the Mirndi varieties.

7 Nominal reconstruction 7.1 Synchronic nominal classification Synchronically, all of the Mirndi language varieties except for Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru have nominal classification systems. All the synchronic systems have four classes, associated with lexical domains as shown in (150). (150) Class I Human males, most animates, some others Class II Human females, some animates, some others Class III Food, plant Class IV Residue Proto Mirndi 63

The four categories evident here are found in many languages of northern Australia (Harvey and Reid 1997). All of the synchronic Mirndi systems also involve portmanteau class/case oppositions. The form of the class affix varies according to the case role of the nominal. In the Eastern Mirndi varieties, there is a binary opposition between an Absolutive form of the class affix, and a Non-Absolutive form of the class affix. The Western Mirndi variety Nungali shows a three-way case opposition. (151) Absolutive: Intransitive Subject, Object Oblique: Transitive Subject, Instrument, Locative Dative: Dative, Benefactive, Malefactive There is a significant typological difference between the systems found in the Eastern Mirndi varieties and that found in Nungali. These differences are set out in (152). (152) Ngurlun Demonstratives show prefixal classification. Otherwise, classification is suffixal. Jingulu The nominals ‘other’, ‘one’, and ‘body’ show prefixal classification. Otherwise, classification is suffixal. Nungali There is suffixal classification in the Oblique case (§7.8). Otherwise, classification is prefixal.

I reconstruct nominal classification morphology as exclusively prefixal in Proto Mirndi (§7.2). The typological difference is not the only distinction between the Eastern Mirndi varieties and Nungali. There is also a significant difference in the range of nominals bearing classificatory morphology. In the Eastern Mirndi varieties, nearly all nominals bear classificatory morphology, including all nouns, all adjectives, demonstratives and possessive pronouns. In Nungali, only suffixal classification in the Oblique case is productively applied to nominals. Prefixal classification is a closed system and unpredictably distributed across the nominal lexicon. Demonstratives, possessive pronouns, most adjectives, and some nouns show prefixal classification. The majority of nouns in Nungali do not show prefixal classification.

7.2 Outline of Proto Mirndi nominal classification The reconstruction of nominal classification among the Mirndi languages is a matter of considerable complexity. I present an outline here of the reconstructed system and the principal developments. (153) Proto Mirndi nominal classification Class I Class II Class III Class IV Demonstrative Absolutive *ji- *na- *ma- *ku- Demonstrative Oblique *ni- *nga- Adjectives *ji- *na- *ma- *Ø- Gender variable nouns *ji- *na- Possessor – Body part nouns *ji- *na- 64 Proto Mirndi

There are a number of points to be noted about the Proto Mirndi system. Firstly, the reconstructed system is, in cross-linguistic terms, an ‘agreement’ system. Nominal classification systems are divided into two broad groupings, depending on the range of substantive classificatory morphology. Systems where nouns do not generally bear substantive classificatory morphology are ‘agreement’ systems. Systems where most or all nouns bear substantive classificatory morphology, along with adjectives etc., are ‘head (and agreement)’ systems. The synchronic systems of the Eastern Mirndi varieties are head systems, whereas that of Nungali is basically an agreement system. We will see (§7.3) that the Eastern systems have become head systems through the cliticisation of class marked demonstratives to nominal heads. Subsequently, the cliticised demonstratives were reduced with the demonstrative stems being lost in most cases. This left only the class marking morphemes attached to the nominal heads. Cliticisation of demonstratives also appears to have been a central process in the development of Nungali classification (§7.4.2), but it has not led to the development of a thorough-going head system. The second point to note is that a portmanteau class/case opposition is reconstructed only for the demonstratives. None of the other nominal subclasses are reconstructed with this distinction. The cliticisation of demonstratives in Eastern Mirndi and in Nungali has resulted in this opposition being distributed across a much wider range of the nominal lexicon in all these daughter varieties. The third point to note is that this distinctive patterning for demonstratives is part of a more general pattern, whereby nominal subclasses show distinctive and unpredictable classificatory patterns. Thus, Class IV is marked with *ku- in the demonstrative subclass, but *Ø- in the adjective subclass. In the body part subclass, the Class I and II prefixes refer not to the class of the part noun, but rather to the gender of the possessor. A significant quantity of unpredictable variation between nominal subclasses is characteristic of classificatory systems with low or nil productivity. It seems likely that the nominal classification system in (153) was of limited or nil productivity by the time of the break-up of Proto Mirndi. As we will see in (§7.4.2), there is evidence that nominal classification was productive in earlier stages of Proto Mirndi and became less productive.

7.3 The development of suffixal classification in Eastern Mirndi Harvey, Green and Nordlinger (2006, hereafter Harvey et al.) show that the suffixal classificatory morphology of the Eastern Mirndi varieties has arisen through the encliticisation of prefixed demonstrative paradigms to nominals. These demonstrative paradigms were phonologically reduced once encliticised, with the demonstrative stem generally being lost. This left the erstwhile demonstrative prefixes as nominal suffixes. Greenberg (1977) and Dimmendaal (2001:378–381) describe a similar path of development for nominal classification in certain Niger-Congo languages. The demonstrative paradigms involved can be directly reconstructed for the Ngurlun varieties. It is not possible to directly reconstruct any demonstrative paradigm for Jingulu. However, the structural and formal identities between the Jingulu and Ngurlun systems are such that Harvey et al. extrapolate that the Jingulu system has arisen by the same processes. This section reproduces the evidence and argumentation presented by Harvey et al. Proto Mirndi 65

7.3.1 The Ngurlun languages There are a number of subclasses within the Ngurlun classification system. These subclasses have arisen historically through two processes. One is the lenition and subsequent deletion of suffix-initial segments. The other is place assimilation of suffix- initial consonants to root-final consonants, and in some varieties the subsequent deletion of root-final consonants (§3.3). The basic allomorphy of the Ngurlun class suffixes may be illustrated with the following Wambayan paradigms (Nordlinger 1998:65–70). (154) Absolutive Dative Ablative I ‘fish’ kakuwi-Ø kakuwi-ni-nka kakuwi-ni-nnga II ‘woman’ kirriya-rna kirriya-nga-nka kirriya-nga-nnga III ‘food’ mangany-ma mangany-mi-nka mangany-mi-nnga IV ‘tree’ tarrangku tarrangku-nka tarrangku-nnga Under the morphological analysis set out in (154), there is an opposition for Classes I, II, and III between the Absolutive stem, and the non-Absolutive stem which appears with substantive case suffixation (-nka ‘Dative’, -nnga ‘Ablative’). A consequence of this analysis is that a significant proportion of the Wambaya case markers have an initial heterorganic cluster whose first member is /n/, as illustrated with the Dative (Nordlinger 1998:81). There is an alternative analysis of the non-Absolutive forms in the Wambaya nominal paradigms: (155) Dative Ablative I ‘fish’ kakuwi-nin-ka kakuwi-nin-nga II ‘woman’ kirriya-ngan-ka kirriya-ngan-nga III ‘food’ mangany-min-ka mangany-min-nga IV ‘tree’ tarrangku-n-ka tarrangku-n-nga Under this alternative analysis, the Absolutive and non-Absolutive stems are distinct for all classes.29 The analysis of the principal source (Nordlinger 1998) is followed here. However, the alternative analysis is equally viable. In Ngarnka, Class I roots with a final consonant show a distinctive -ji Absolutive suffix (Chadwick 1978:135). (156) Absolutive Oblique Dative I ‘boy’ alak-ji alak-ngi-ni alak-ngi-nka II ‘girl’ alak-nga alak-nga-ni alak-nga-nka III ‘old woman’ ajpaj-nya ajpaj-nya-ni ajpaj-nya-nka It may be observed that suffixes with an initial nasal show place assimilation of that nasal to the final consonant of the root. In the Wambayan language, consonant-final roots from Classes I and II show a more complex pattern of case suffixation, affected by segmental mergers. In Wambayan, the full form of the root appears when the Dual suffix is attached (Nordlinger 1998:73).

29 None of the Ngurlun varieties permit geminate nasals. Consequently, the Oblique form does not show a geminate nasal (i.e. tarrangku-n-ni reduces to tarrangku-ni). 66 Proto Mirndi

(157) ‘old man’ ‘old woman’ ‘white man’ DL.ABS pungmaj-pulu pungmaj-pulu-rna marntak-pulu However, in case marked forms, the final consonant of the root does not appear (Nordlinger 1998:66). (158) ‘old man’ ‘old woman’ ‘white man’ ABS pungmaji pungmanya marntaji *pungmaj-ji *pungmaj-nya *marntak-ji OBL pungmanyi-ni pungmanya-ni marntangi-ni *pungmaj-nyi-ni *pungmaj-nya-ni *marntak-ngi-ni As illustrated, consonant-final roots from Class I historically formed Absolutive and non- Absolutive stems in the same way as Ngarnka. However, the root-final consonant has been deleted in the Absolutive and non-Absolutive stems in Wambayan. There is generally no substantive suffixation for Class IV in the Ngurlun varieties. However, a small number of adjectives do show substantive suffixation for this class. (159) I II III IV ‘three’ murrkun-ji murrku-rna murrkun-ma murrkun-ka ‘big’30 puka-yi puka-yi-rna puku-wa-ma puku-wa (Wambayan – Nordlinger 1998:70, 78) ‘big’ ngami-ji ngamit-a ngamit-ma ngamit-ka (Ngarnka – Chadwick 1978:125) The Class IV suffix in these three paradigms is reconstructable as *-ka. The suffix is also preserved in the Wambayan form for ‘lancewood’. (160) Wamb karnawun-ka (Class IV), Jing karnawun-ji (Class I), Mudburra karnawuna, Warlmanpa karnawuna, Wardaman karnawun-in The Wambayan form karnawunka ‘lancewood’ is not synchronically analysable. However, comparison with other languages shows that it consists historically of a root *karnawun and the Class IV suffix *-ka. While the majority of nominal classification in the Ngurlun languages is suffixal, in the demonstrative systems we find systematic gender prefixation. These gender prefixes share a strong formal similarity with the suffixes found on other nominals, contrasting absolutive and non-absolutive (oblique/dative) grammatical functions and distinguishing four nominal classes (in the Absolutive). The presentation of the singular demonstrative paradigms for the Ngurlun varieties shown in (161)–(166) follows Nordlinger (1998:108–111). It may be noted that, as previously mentioned, the source materials on Ngarnka (Chadwick 1978) show some inconsistency.31

30 The Wambayan paradigm of ‘big’ is highly irregular. It involves a Class I suffix -yi, the lenited counterpart of -ji. The Class II form is based on the Class I form and the Class III form is based on the Class IV form. 31 As illustrated, Ngarnka mostly merges Classes II and IV absolutive, under forms which are historically Class II forms. Proto Mirndi 67

Absolutive demonstratives (161) ‘this’ Ngarn Wamb Gud Bin I i-na(alu) yi-ni yi-ni yi-ni(wa) II a-rna(alu/a) na-na na-na na-na III a-ma(alu) ma-ma ma-ma ma-ma IV a-rna(alu) ya-na ya-na ya-na (162) ‘that’ Ngarn Wamb Gud Bin I ni-yangka(la) yi-ni-yaka yi-ni-ya ji-rrika i-kayi II na-yangka na-ni-yaka na-ni-ya na-nika na-yi III ma-yangka ma-mi-yaka ma-mi-ya ma-nika ma-yi IV na-yangka ya-ni-yaka ya-ni-ya ka-rrika a-naa-ka

Oblique demonstratives32 (163) ‘this’ Ngarn Wamb Gud Bin I ni-nka ni-nki ni-nki ni-nki II nga-nka(alu) nga-nki nga-nki nga-nki-wa (164) ‘that’ Ngarn Wamb Gud Bin I ni-nki-yangka ni-nki-yaka ni-nki-ya nu-nku-wa ni-nki-yaka nu-nku II nga-nki-yangka nga-nki-yaka nga-nki-ya nga-nku-wa

Dative demonstratives (165) ‘this’ Ngarn Wamb Gud Bin I ni-naka ni-naka ni-naka ni-naka II nga-nakaalu nga-naka nga-naka nga-naka (166) ‘that’ Ngarn Wamb Gud Bin I ni-naki-ya(ngka) ni-naki-yaka ni-naki-ya nu-naka II nga-naki-ya nga-naki-yaka nga-naki-ya nga-naku-wa Immediately noticeable in these paradigms is the strong similarity across all languages. There is a three-way suppletive opposition in demonstrative root forms between absolutive, oblique and dative. There is only a two-way opposition in the class prefixes: absolutive vs. non-absolutive. The class/case prefixes are virtually identical to the class/case suffixes found with other subclasses of nominals in the Ngurlun languages. A second notable feature of the demonstrative paradigms in Gudanji and Wambaya is the formal relationship between the ‘this’ and ‘that’ paradigms. In these two varieties the ‘that’ paradigm takes the ‘this’ paradigm as a stem, to which a suffix -ya(ka) is added. This suffix is found with other locational lexemes in Wambaya.

32 There are no Class III or IV Oblique or Dative demonstrative forms in the Ngurlun varieties. 68 Proto Mirndi

(167) kili ‘here’ kili-yaka ‘there’ The same relationship also holds for Ngarnka in the Oblique and Dative paradigms, with the suffix varying between -ya and -yangka. The -yangka morpheme also appears in the Ngarnka Absolutive paradigm. However, the Ngarnka ‘that’ Absolutive paradigm cannot synchronically be analysed as based on the ‘this’ paradigm. I reconstruct this form as a deictic enclitic *=yangka33 with a ‘remote’ meaning. It has developed into a suffix in all of the daughter languages. This change in status from a loosely bound enclitic to a more tightly bound suffix has been accompanied by irregular reductions to -yaka and -ya. Binbinka differs from the other three Ngurlun varieties in not showing reflexes of *=yangka and in not showing a straightforward relationship between the ‘this’ and ‘that’ paradigms. In the Absolutive, the Binbinka ‘this’ and ‘that’ demonstratives are unrelated. The ‘that’ paradigm has its own distinct root with allomorphs rrika and nika, and distinctive Class I prefix ji- and Class IV prefix ka-. In the Oblique and Dative paradigms, the ‘this’ and ‘that’ paradigms are distinguished from one another by irregular vocalisms, involving the appearance of /u/ vowels in the ‘that’ paradigm where the ‘this’ paradigm has principally /i/ and occasionally /a/ vowels. The Binbinka demonstrative paradigms also employ a suffix -wa, whose function is not evident from the available materials. Given the identities in both form and meaning between the prefixal classificatory system of the demonstratives, and the otherwise generally suffixal classificatory system, the obvious diachronic question is how these two systems may be related. Following a suggestion in Nordlinger (1998:264), Harvey et al. propose, that the suffixal classificatory morphology which is generally characteristic of the Ngurlun languages developed through encliticisation (and subsequent reduction) of the prefixed demonstratives. They reconstruct the demonstratives for Proto Ngurlun as follows: (168) ‘this’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I *yi-ni *ni-nki *ni-naka II *na-na *nga-nki *nga-naka III *ma-ma — — IV *ya-na — — ‘that (anaphoric and spatial)’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I *ji-rrika *ni-nku *ni-naka II *na-nika *nga-nku *nga-naka III *ma-nika — — IV *ka-rrika — — ‘that (spatial only)’ = ‘this+remote spatial enclitic’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I *yi-ni=yangka *ni-nki=yangka *ni-naka=yangka II *na-na=yangka *nga-nki=yangka *nga-naka=yangka III *ma-ma=yangka — — IV *ya-na=yangka — —

33 I use the equals sign to distinguish a clitic from an affix. Proto Mirndi 69

Harvey et al. propose that there were two ‘that’ paradigms: one with both anaphoric and spatial functions and the other with solely spatial functions, involving the remote spatial enclitic *=yangka. Binbinka has eliminated this latter paradigm, whereas the other varieties have eliminated the anaphoric and spatial paradigm. They do not reconstruct distinctive Dative forms for the anaphoric and spatial paradigm, but assume that these have developed in Binbinka through the addition of -wa and the reanalysis of the masculine prefix *ni- as nu- by analogy with the Oblique, where the vowel change is triggered by vowel harmony with the stem -nku. Harvey et al. propose that the anaphoric and spatial paradigm was encliticised in a demonstrative function in Proto Ngurlun. Example (169) shows how this process would lead to the development of a suffixal classificatory system. The example is constructed on the basis of the Proto Ngurlun forms alak ‘child’ and ji-rrika ‘I-that(ABS)’. (169) *álak jí-rrika > *álak=jì-rrika > álak-ji child I-that(ABS) child=I-that(ABS) child-I(ABS) A pattern of this nature may be observed synchronically in Gulumoerrgin, one of the few other Australian languages with suffixal class marking (Harvey, field notes). In Gulumoerrgin, demonstratives take suffixal class marking. The paradigm for the ‘that’ demonstrative is given in (170). Gulumoerrgin has five nominal classes, the four categories found in the Mirndi group together with a special ‘human plural’ class (hum.PL), with no inflection for case. (170) I II III IV hum.PL i-ya i-la i-ma i-wa i-rra Most nouns also bear suffixal class marking, but a few do not. Demonstratives generally follow nouns and in slow, carefully monitored speech, the two are separated by a pause. However, in faster speech the demonstrative is normally encliticised. (171) Slow speech Fast speech nérri í-ya nérri=ya old.woman that-I old.woman=that:I Thus, there is support from synchronic Australian data for the process of remote demonstrative encliticisation that Harvey et al. posit diachronically for Ngurlun. This encliticisation in Gulumoerrgin is only possible when the demonstrative has an anaphoric function. It is not possible in a spatial deictic function. Harvey et al. propose that the same was true of Proto Ngurlun. Thus, demonstrative forms bearing the spatial enclitic *=yangka could not encliticise, as they were exclusively spatial. Green (1995:421) argues against the above hypothesis on the grounds that it ‘lacks the necessary formal support, since there is no trace in the Barkly [Eastern Mirndi] suffixes of any specifically demonstrative morphology’. This is true for the Absolutive paradigm: the demonstrative has been reduced to the initial syllable, which corresponds exactly with the gender marker (e.g. -ji from *ji-rrika for Class I), leaving no evidence of the original demonstrative stem. In the Oblique/Dative sets, however, the situation is different. Consider the following Class I and Class II Non-Absolutive paradigms from Wambaya (Nordlinger 1998:81). 70 Proto Mirndi

(172) kakuwi-ni-nmanji kakuwi-ni-nnga kakuwi-ni-nka fish-I.NABS-ALL fish-I.NABS-ABL fish-I.NABS-DAT kakuwi-ni-nkanyi kakuwi-ni-nmarnti kakuwi-ni-ni fish-I.NABS-PERL fish-I.NABS-CAUS fish-I.NABS-OBL (173) kamparr-nga-nmanji kamparr-nga-nnga kamparr-nga-nka sun-II.NABS-ALL sun-II.NABS-ABL sun-II.NABS-DAT kamparr-nga-nkanyi kamparr-nga-nmarnti kamparr-nga-ni sun-II.NABS-PERL sun-II.NABS-CAUS sun-II.NABS-OBL The structure of the Non-Absolutive paradigm in Wambaya has the Non-Absolutive gender suffix followed by a case marker. In (172) and (173), these are segmented as per the analysis in Nordlinger (1998). However, as discussed in regard to (154) and (155), there is an alternative synchronic morphological analysis for the Non-Absolutive paradigms, as in (174) and (175). (174) kakuwi-nin-manji kakuwi-nin-nga kakuwi-nin-ka fish-I.NABS-ALL fish-I.NABS-ABL fish-I.NABS-DAT kakuwi-nin-kanyi kakuwi-nin-marnti kakuwi-ni-ni fish-I.NABS-PERL fish-I.NABS-CAUS fish-I.NABS-OBL (175) kamparr-ngan-manji kamparr-ngan-nga kamparr-ngan-ka sun-II.NABS-ALL sun-II.NABS-ABL sun-II.NABS-DAT kamparr-ngan-kanyi kamparr-ngan-marnti kamparr-nga-ni sun-II.NABS-PERL sun-II.NABS-CAUS sun-II.NABS-OBL From a diachronic perspective, the /nin/ sequence which appears in the Class I Non- Absolutives and the /ngan/ sequence which appears in the Class II Non-Absolutives are the focus of interest (irrespective of the synchronic analysis). Harvey et al. propose that these sequences derive from the encliticisation of the reconstructed Oblique demonstrative forms shown in (168). (176) *kakuwi=ni-nku > *kakuwi-nin > kakuwi-nin-manji fish=I-that.OBL fish-I.OBL fish-I.NABS-ALL ~ kakuwi-ni-nmanji fish-I.NABS-ALL (177) *kamparr=nga-nku > *kamparr-ngan > kamparr-ngan-manji sun=II-that.OBL sun-II.OBL sun-II.NABS-ALL ~ kamparr-nga-nmanji sun-II.NABS-ALL When the encliticised Proto Ngurlun demonstratives were reduced to their initial syllable and reanalysed as gender suffixes, the oblique forms reduced to *-nin and *-ngan as shown in (176) and (177), respectively. This Oblique form was then reanalysed as a general Non- Absolutive stem, to which cases such as the Allative were attached.34 This pattern is found

34 Suffixation for cases such as the Allative presumably had a different structure in Proto Ngurlun, but there is no evidence as to what this structure might have been. Proto Mirndi 71 synchronically in Jingulu, where the Ergative form of a nominal serves as the stem for locational and instrumental suffixation (Chadwick 1978:291, see (178) following).35 The /n/ which appears in the /nin/ and /ngan/ sequences is thus analysed as a vestigial reflex of the remote Oblique demonstrative root *nku. Consequently, the type of evidence that Green (1995) requires — namely traces of the original demonstrative root — is found in the Non-Absolutive morphology of the Ngurlun languages.

7.3.2 Jingulu As in the Ngurlun languages nominal classification in Jingulu is generally suffixal. There are many subclasses within the classification system. Some paradigms with a straightforward morphological division are set out in (178). Classes III and IV do not have Ergative forms (Chadwick 1978:292). (178) Absolutive Ergative Dative Allative I ‘boy’ wawa wawa-rni wawa-rna wawa-rni-ngka II ‘girl’ wiwi-rni wawa-nga wawa-nga wawa-nga-ngka III ‘yam sp.’ kipili-mi kapala-ma-rna kapala-ma-ngka IV ‘woodchip’ nganany-ku nganany-ku-rna nganany-ku-ngka Synchronically, the Class IV suffix -ku is not in fact separable for nouns in Jingulu. As we will see, it is synchronically separable for adjectives. It was diachronically separable for nouns and for this reason is separated out in (178). The patterning of Class I nouns with consonant-final roots is more complicated, and is set out in (179) (Chadwick 1978:285– 287).36 (179) Root Absolutive Ergative Dative I ‘bird (male)’ jurlak jurli-ji jurla-rti jurla-rta ‘snake’ mikan mikin-ji mika-rni mika-rna ‘lizard’ kilkal kilki-lyi kilka-rli kilka-rla These consonant-final roots are distinguished in two ways. Firstly, they take an Absolutive allomorph -ji. Secondly, there are varying mergers between the root-final consonant and the initial consonants of the suffixes. It may also be noted that the Absolutive forms of these nominals are distinguished by an /i/ vocalism. The paradigms of Class II and III nouns with stop-final roots show effects of denasalisation and some reductions of consonant clusters occurring across the root-suffix boundary (Chadwick 1978:278, 285–287). (180) Root Absolutive Ergative Dative II ‘bird (female)’ jurlak jurli-rti jurla-ka jurla-ka ‘diver duck’ parrart pirrirt-i parrart-ka parrart-ka III ‘throat’ nguj nguj-pi nguj-pa-rna

35 Pensalfini (1997, 2003) suggests that in more recent times Jingulu has levelled this pattern, with the Absolutive stem now used as the root for all adpositional marking. 36 The material in Pensalfini (2003:177–201) on nominal inflection differs significantly from that presented in Chadwick. The material in Pensalfini was collected in the mid to late 1990s (Pensalfini ibid:xv) whereas the material in Chadwick was collected between 1966 and 1977 (Chadwick 1978:4). The speakers recorded by Pensalfini had reanalysed all nominal roots as vowel-final and re-adjusted the paradigms accordingly. 72 Proto Mirndi

As mentioned, the synchronic separability of the Class IV suffix -ku is established by adjectival paradigms, most clearly by those paradigms where the root has a final consonant, as in the paradigm given in (181) for munmurruny ‘short’ (Chadwick 1978:288; Pensalfini 1997:528). (181) ‘short’ Absolutive Ergative Dative I munmurriny-ji munmurri-rni munmurri-rna II munmurri-rni munmurra-nga munmurra-nga III munmurriny-mi munmurrany-ma-rna IV munmurruny-ku munmurruny-ku-rna In paradigms where the root is vowel-final, the Class IV suffix appears in an allomorph -u, and the final vowel of the root fails to appear (Chadwick 1978:288). (182) ‘big’ Absolutive Ergative Dative I ngamurla ngamurla-rni ngamurla-rna II ngamurli-rni ngamurla-nga ngamurla-nga III ngamurli-mi ngamurla-ma-rna IV ngamurl-u ngamurl-u-rna However, as in the Ngurlun languages, there are traces of prefixal class marking in Jingulu. The ‘other’ and ‘one’ lexemes bear prefixal class marking (Chadwick 1978:312; Pensalfini 1997:493). (183) Jing I II III IV ‘other’ ja-ngka na-ngki-rni na-ngki-mi ku-ngka ‘one’ ja-ngku-parni na-ngku-parni na-ngku-parni ku-ngku-parnu As illustrated, only three classes are distinguished prefixally, with Classes II and III being merged under forms which are historically Class II forms. Hale (1975:295–297) argues that numerals in Australian languages are better analysed as indefinite determiners and thereby belong to the same semantic domain as demonstratives. Thus, we find residual prefixation in the same semantic domain in Jingulu as in the Ngurlun languages. Vestigial prefixing is also found in the terms for ‘body’ (Pensalfini 2003:162). (184) j-ampilija ‘body of a male’ n-ampiliju ‘body of a female’ In this case the prefixes mark the gender of the possessor, and not that of the possessed part. We will see that this pattern is also found in Nungali (§7.4.2). These few vestigial prefixes, as well as the suffixes found in the rest of the nominal system, show a high degree of cognacy with the reconstructed prefixes for the Proto Ngurlun demonstratives in (168). Therefore, Harvey et al. propose that the Jingulu classification system arose from the same diachronic process as that posited for the Ngurlun languages. Namely, that demonstratives prefixed for class/case oppositions were encliticised to nominals, and subsequently reduced and reanalysed as gender suffixes. Consequently, it seems reasonable to assume that pre-Jingulu had a demonstrative system with the same prefixal system as that attested in Proto Ngurlun, which has subsequently been replaced. There are however, no cognates in Jingulu for the Proto Ngurlun demonstrative roots, nor does Jingulu class or case marking morphology show traces of the demonstrative root. Thus, this aspect of the reconstruction is inferential based Proto Mirndi 73 on the more readily established diachronic scenario for the Ngurlun languages, and the strong cognacy of the noun class markers between these languages and Jingulu.

7.4 The development of classification in Western Mirndi On the basis of evidence from the Eastern Mirndi varieties, Harvey et al. reconstruct the prefixal classificatory system for demonstratives shown in (185). (185) Class I Class II Class III Class IV Absolutive *ji- *na- *ma- *ku- Oblique *ni- *nga- Reflexes of most of the forms in (185) are found in Western Mirndi as set out in (186). (186) Eastern Nungali Jaminjungan Class I Abs *ji- ya- jV- Class II Abs *na na- na- Class II Obl *nga- nga- Class III Abs *ma- ma-, mi- ma- Class IV Abs *ku- Class IV Obl wu- Although these reflexes are found mostly in Nungali, I begin with a consideration of Jaminjungan, as all forms preserved in Jaminjungan are also found in Nungali and in Eastern Mirndi. Consequently, they can be assigned straightforwardly to Proto Mirndi.

7.4.1 Jamijungan Synchronically, Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru do not have systems of nominal classification. However, they do have some lexemes where comparison with Nungali shows that a frozen class prefix is preserved. (187) *ma-ngarra ‘food’: Jam, Ngali, Nung ma-ngarra *na-yipi ‘man’s daughter’: Jam/Ngali na-yipi, Nung nya-na-yipi *na-wurlu ‘woman’s daughter’: Jam/Ngali na-wurlu, Nung nya-na-wurlu *-nguluk ‘one’: Jam/Ngali ju-nguluk, Nung ti-ya-nguluk ‘I’, nya-na-nguluk ‘II’, ma-nguluk ‘III’, nu-nguluk ‘IV’ *-wuya ‘nose’: Jam/Ngali ju-wiya, Nung ni-na-wuya ‘nose of a female’, ni-y-uya ‘nose of a male’ *-yap ‘liver’: Jam/Ngali ji-yap, Nung ni-yap *-yalang ‘new’: Jam/Ngali ji-yalang, Nung ti-y-alang ‘I’, nya-na-yalang ‘II’, ma-yalang ‘III’ On the basis of these correspondence sets, a Class II Absolutive prefix *na- may be postulated for Proto Yirram. This protoprefix appears as a second position prefix in Nungali (§7.4.2). A Class III Absolutive prefix *ma- may also be postulated, though it is only supported by one correspondence set. It is evident that a Class I Absolutive prefix may be postulated, again appearing as a second position prefix in Nungali. Its initial segment is to be reconstructed as *j given that 74 Proto Mirndi

Nungali shows regular lenition of root-initial dorsal, labial and palatal stops in prefixed words (§3.5). The vowel to be reconstructed is more problematic. The Nungali reflexes have an /a/ vowel, whereas Jaminjungan shows /i/ and /u/ reflexes. In Nungali, it may also be observed that the Class I prefix shows a different pattern of interaction with roots to that shown by the Class II prefix *na-. (188) ‘nose’: Jam/Ngali ju-wiya, Nung ni-na-wuya ‘nose of a female’, ni-y-uya ‘nose of a male’ ‘new’: Jam/Ngali ji-yalang, Nung ti-y-alang ‘I’, nya-na-yalang ‘II’ , ma-yalang ‘III’ ‘knee’: Ngali juluwarl, Nung mi-na-luwarl ‘knee of a female’, mi-y-uluwarl ‘knee of a male’ In Nungali, subsequent to lenition, the resulting approximant was in some cases itself deleted. With the Class II prefix, it appears that a following /y/ was deleted and the vowel of the prefix survives over the initial vowel of the root. On the other hand, a following /w/ was not deleted. (189) ‘knee of a woman’ *mi-na-juluwarl > *mi-na-yuluwarl > mi-na-luwarl ‘nose of a woman’ *ni-na-wuya > ni-na-wuya The Class I forms show deletion of both /y/ and /w/, and the vowel of the root survives over the vowel of the prefix. (190) ‘knee of a man’ *mi-ja-juluwarl > *mi-ya-yuluwarl > mi-y-uluwarl ‘nose of a man’ *ni-ja-wuya > *ni-ya-wuya > ni-y-uya The difference in patterning is not explicable if the two prefixes originally had the same vowel. Given that the Class II prefix consistently shows /a/ reflexes in both Nungali and Jaminjungan. I reconstruct it with an *a vowel. The behaviour of the Class I prefix, on the other hand, is more consistent with it having a vowel other than *a. Given that there is no reason to reconstruct other than a three vowel /a, i, u/ system for Jamijungan and Nungali bound paradigms, the protoform must have involved a high vowel. There is no compelling evidence in Jaminjungan and Nungali as to which of the high vowels should be selected. Comparison with the Eastern Mirndi shows that *i is to be reconstructed. The variation which synchronically characterises the reflexes of this prefix in Jaminjungan and Nungali has followed from a number of factors. One is morphological re-analysis following lenition and deletion. The other appears to be remodelling of this prefix on the basis of the more clearly maintained Class II prefix. A third factor appears to have been that the /i/ vowel in the *ji- prefix harmonised to the initial vowel of the root, whereas the /a/ vowel in the *na- prefix did not (§7.5.2).

7.4.2 Nungali Nungali is the only Western Mirndi variety with a synchronic classification system, and the only Mirndi variety with noun class prefixation on nominals, allowing for the exceptional cases of prefixation in the Eastern Mirndi varieties (152). Within the set of prefixing nominals, there are a number of subsets, each with its own distinctive pattern of affixation. The most common pattern of prefixation for nouns is that set out in (191) (Harvey and Schultze-Berndt MS). Proto Mirndi 75

(191) Absolutive Oblique Dative I ‘child’ ti-yalik nyi-yalik ki-yalik II ‘woman’ nya-ngarrung nga-nyi-ngarrung k-a-nyi-ngarrung III ‘food’ ma-ngarra ma-ngarra-mayi ki-ma-ngarra IV ‘tree’ ni-langin nyi-langin ki-langin The much less common pattern of prefixation for nouns involves double prefixation in the Absolutive. There are three types of nouns which show this pattern: subsection terms, some kin nouns, and some inalienable body part nouns. The patterning found with inalienable body part nouns is illustrated in (192). (192) ni-na-nungkuru ni-ya-nungkuru nyu-nungkuru IV-F-hand IV-M-hand OBL-hand ‘hand of a female’ ‘hand of a male’ ‘by/into/onto (the) hand’ With these doubly prefixing body part nouns, the two prefixes refer to different entities. The initial prefix indicates the class of the part entity, whereas the second prefix indicates the gender of the possessor/whole entity. In oblique function, these part nouns do not show double prefixation, and do not therefore distinguish the gender of the possessor. The patterning and interpretation of double prefixation with other nominals is quite different. This is illustrated in (193). (193) Absolutive Oblique Dative ‘brother’ ti-ya-maj nyi-ya-maj ki-ya-maj ‘sister’ nya-na-maj nyi-na-maj ki-na-maj With these nominals, both prefixes refer to the entity indicated by the root. There is no possibility of indexing distinct ‘possessor’ and ‘possessed’ entities. There are no forms such as ti-na-maj ‘I-F-sibling (brother of a woman)’ or nya-ya-maj ‘II-M-sibling (sister of a man)’. The second order prefixes na- ‘F’ and ya- ‘M’ combine with the root to form a stem to which the relational prefixes are then added. Most adjectives show double prefixation in Classes I and II. All adjectives show single prefixation in Classes III and IV. (194) ‘good’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I ti-ya-marliny nyi-ya-marliny ki-ya-marliny II nya-na-marliny nyi-na-marliny ki-na-marliny III ma-marliny ma-marliny-mayi ki-ma-marliny IV nu-marliny wu-nyu-marliny ku-marliny A few adjectives and the possessive pronouns show single prefixation in Class I and II. (195) ‘big’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I ti-naj nyi-naj ki-naj II nya-naj nga-nyi-naj k-a-nyi-naj III mi-naj mi-naj-mayi ki-mi-naj IV ni-naj wu-nyi-naj ki-naj All prefixing adjectives, demonstratives and possessive pronouns are distinguished from nouns by the patterning of Class IV. Class IV has a distinctive Oblique, involving a prefix wu- with adjectives, demonstratives and possessive pronouns. 76 Proto Mirndi

Relating the Nungali classificatory morphology to that reconstructed on the basis of the Eastern Mirndi varieties is not a straightforward matter. The paradigms in (194) and (195) are repeated in (196) and (197). The affixes with cognates in Eastern Mirndi are highlighted. (196) ‘good’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I ti-ya-marliny nyi-ya-marliny ki-ya-marliny II nya-na-marliny nyi-na-marliny ki-na-marliny III ma-marliny ma-marliny-mayi ki-ma-marliny IV nu-marliny wu-nyu-marliny ku-marliny (197) ‘big’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I ti-naj nyi-naj ki-naj II nya-naj nga-nyi-naj k-a-nyi-naj III mi-naj mi-naj-mayi ki-mi-naj IV ni-naj wu-nyi-naj ki-naj There are two immediately evident issues. Firstly, a number of the Nungali prefixes do not have cognates in Eastern Mirndi. These are listed in (198). (198) ti- ‘Class I Abs’, nya- ‘Class II Abs’, ni- ‘Class IV Abs’, nyi- ‘Oblique’, ki- ‘Dative’ These prefixes also have no cognates in Jaminjungan (§7.4.1). Consequently, they must historically be analysed as innovations in Nungali. A potential source for ni- ‘Class IV Absolutive’ is discussed in §7.6.3. The second obvious issue is that the Nungali forms with cognates in Eastern Mirndi show variable morphological positioning. The two Oblique prefixes nga- ‘Class II’ and wu- ‘Class IV’ are outer prefixes, whereas the Absolutive prefixes ya- ‘Class I’, na- ‘Class II’ and ma-, mi- ‘Class III’ all appear as inner prefixes. The Nungali classificatory system therefore consists of a mixture of innovated and inherited morphemes, and the inherited morphemes show variable positioning. I propose that these patterns are best explained by a converse innovation to that in the Eastern Mirndi varieties, namely, the procliticisation of prefixed demonstratives. As we will see, this innovated structure is able to account generally for the distribution of inherited classificatory prefixes in Nungali. Before examining this proposed structural innovation, it is necessary to firstly reconstruct the range of classification in Proto Mirndi more generally. I have already proposed that Proto Mirndi had an ‘agreement’ system of classification with most nouns not bearing any substantive prefixation (§7.2). There is clear evidence for this hypothesis. All of the Mirndi varieties, including Jaminjungan, preserve reflexes of the Absolutive prefixes Class I *ji-, Class II *na-, and Class III *ma- as prefixes. If these prefixes had been attached generally to nouns, then they should be preserved as prefixes or initial syllables. There are only a few nouns that can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi with some certainty, but most of these are to be reconstructed without substantive prefixation. We may take (199) as an example. (199) *pulany ‘snake’: Jam pulany, Nung t-urlany, Ngarn wulany-ji Proto Mirndi 77

This is a Class I noun in both Nungali and Ngarnka, and can therefore be reconstructed with Class I membership. If nouns generally bore prefixation, then the reflexes should attest to a protoform *ji-pulany, which they do not. Unlike nouns, adjectives do bear substantive marking in an agreement system. There is only one prefixing adjective root found in both Eastern and Western Mirndi varieties. (200) *-yalang ‘new’: Jam/Ngali ji-yalang, Nung ti-y-alang ‘I’, nya-na-yalang ‘II’, ma-yalang ‘III’, Ngarn yalang-ka ‘new-IV’ The forms to be reconstructed for Classes I, II and III are straightforward. (201) *ji-yalang ‘I-new’, *na-yalang ‘II-new’, *ma-yalang ‘III-new’ The form to be reconstructed for Class IV is less straightforward. The Class IV form of this adjective is not attested in the available materials on Nungali. However, Class IV forms of other adjectives with this conjugation are well attested. The Nungali Class IV form would be ni-yalang. The Class IV prefix ni- is part of an innovated system of class prefixation in Nungali, and consequently it cannot be reconstructed. It would therefore appear that the Class IV form of adjectives in Proto Mirndi involved Ø- prefixation, as Nungali does not preserve any inner prefix form in Class IV. If the Class IV forms of adjectives did bear prefixation in Proto Mirndi, then the predicted course of development would be from *ku-yalang in Proto Mirndi to nu-wu-yalang in Nungali. Reconstruction of a Class IV form without substantive prefixation is supported by the Ngarnka form yalang-ka which also shows no evidence of substantive prefixation. Consequently, I reconstruct the following full prefixal paradigm for adjectives: (202) *ji-yalang ‘I-new’, *na-yalang ‘II-new’, *ma-yalang ‘III-new’, *Ø-yalang ‘IV-new’ There is no evidence for the reconstruction of a case opposition in the protoparadigm for adjectives. There are two other nominal subclasses where class prefixation is reconstructable, gender variable roots and body part nouns. Gender variable roots are discussed in §7.5. For present purposes, we may note that an opposition between *ji- ‘Class I’ and *na- ‘Class II’ may be reconstructed for this subclass. There is no evidence for the reconstruction of a case opposition in the protoparadigm for gender variable nouns. As previously discussed, a number of body part terms in Nungali bear double prefixation. (203) ni-na-manka ‘ear of a female’ mi-na-ngarrginy ‘eye of a female’ ni-ya-manka ‘ear of a male’ mi-ya-ngarrginy ‘eye of a male’ nyi-manka ‘by/on/to ear’ nyi-ngarrginy ‘by/on/to eye’ The double prefixation with body parts differs from double prefixation elsewhere in Nungali. With body parts, the outer prefix refers to the class of the part, and the inner to the gender of the possessor. Further, as illustrated in (203), double prefixation is limited to the Absolutive. The Oblique shows only single prefixation, relating to the part and not to the whole. In Jingulu, there is one body part nominal which inflects prefixally for the gender of the possessor. (204) n-ampiliju ‘body of a female’ j-ampilija ‘body of a male’ Consequently, I reconstruct prefixation to mark the gender of possessors with body parts. 78 Proto Mirndi

(205) *na-manka ‘ear of a female’ *ji-manka ‘ear of a male’ However this pattern, where the prefix cross-references the whole rather than the part, is not characteristic of nominal classification systems generally. Normally in nominal classification systems, class prefixes classify the part. Rather, cross-reference to the whole is characteristic of systems of pronominal prefixation whereby all persons and numbers may be cross-referenced, as in the putative forms in (206). (206) *nga-manka *ku-rru-manka 1SG-ear 2-PL-ear ‘my ear’ ‘your (PL) ears’ This suggests that the Class I and II prefixes were in origin pronominal forms (§7.7). Whether or not this hypothesis is correct, the evidence establishes that the classificatory system for body part terms in Proto Mirndi was a distinct sub-system. There is again no evidence for the reconstruction of a case opposition in the classificatory morphology for body parts. The classificatory system reconstructed for Proto Mirndi has already been set out in (153). It is repeated in (207) for convenience. (207) Proto Mirndi nominal classification Class I Class II Class III Class IV Demonstrative Absolutive *ji- *na- *ma- *ku- Demonstrative Oblique *ni- *nga- Adjectives *ji- *na- *ma- *Ø- Gender variable nouns *ji- *na- Possessor – Body part nouns *ji- *na- There are two pieces of evidence, one direct and one indirect, which suggest that this inherited system had become lexicalised by Proto Yirram. The direct evidence comes from the reconstruction of metrical patterns for prefixed words in Proto Yirram. As a general structural pattern, the reflexes of the inherited Proto Mirndi prefixes can be reconstructed as bearing primary word-level stress in Proto Yirram. (208) *ná-yipi ‘man’s daughter’: Jam/Ngali ná-yipi, Nung nya-ná-yipi *ná-wurlu ‘woman’s daughter’: Jam/Ngali ná-wurlu, Nung nya-ná-wurlu *ná-wurla ‘female subsection term’: Jam ná-wurla, Nung nya-ná-wurla *ná-wuya ‘nose of a female’: Nung ni-ná-wuya *jú-wuya ‘nose of a male’: Jam/Ngali jú-wiya, ni-y-úya ‘nose of a male’ In productive prefixation systems in Australian languages, primary stress is preferentially on the root. Consequently, in words consisting of a monosyllabic prefix + polysyllabic root, the stress is on the first syllable of the root. The appearance of stress on the prefix in such word forms is an indicator of lexicalisation. The indirect evidence comes from the very different development of classificatory systems in Jaminjungan on the one hand, as opposed to Nungali on the other. Jaminjungan has lost classification, whereas Nungali has innovated a second system of nominal classification, which has itself become lexicalised. These two divergent developments can be most straightforwardly explained if the classificatory morphology inherited from Proto Mirndi was a closed, lexicalised system in Proto Yirram. Proto Mirndi 79

The loss of classification in Jaminjungan follows from general patterns of lexical replacement. Given that the class of prefixed lexemes was closed, the replacement of prefixed lexemes by new unprefixed lexemes eventually resulted in a situation where there was an insufficient remaining quantity of prefixed lexemes to support the analysis that they actually did consist of a prefix and a root. In Nungali, I have proposed that a new system of nominal classification was innovated through the procliticisation of prefixed demonstratives. This procliticisation would have applied to stems. These stems would have been either open class unprefixed roots or complex stems from a closed class, prefixed with the Absolutive prefixes *ji- ‘Class I’, *na- ‘Class II’, and *ma- ‘Class III’. These three inherited prefixes would thereby have become inner prefixes. Other prefixes, whether inherited or innovated, would have become outer prefixes. As discussed, the demonstrative paradigm which was procliticised, includes a number of morphemes for which no source can be proposed. (209) ti- ‘Class I Abs’, nya- ‘Class II Abs’, ni- ‘Class IV Abs’, nyi- ‘Oblique’, ki- ‘Dative’ There are also two prefixes which had an oblique function in this paradigm, but which have an absolutive function in Eastern Mirndi. One of these is the Class IV Oblique prefix wu-, which corresponds to the Class IV demonstrative Absolutive affix ku- in Eastern Mirndi. The other involves the Nungali ‘that’ demonstrative paradigm. (210) ‘that’ Absolutive Oblique Dative I t-aka yi-ny-aka ki-ny-aka II ny-aka nga-ny-aka k-a-ny-aka III m-aka IV n-aka wu-ny-aka In this paradigm, the Class I Oblique appears to include a reflex of *ji-, which is a Class I Absolutive in Eastern Mirndi.37 It is of interest to note that the Class I Oblique *ni-, reconstructed on the basis of the Eastern Mirndi varieties shows no reflexes in Nungali. The Class II Oblique *nga-, on the other hand, is consistently reflexed in Nungali. The innovated Class IV Absolutive ni- may be of some relevance to this issue (§7.6.3). This second innovated system of nominal classification in Nungali is evidently not a recent innovation. This is shown both by the fact that it is lexicalised, and by the fact that no sources can be proposed for a significant quantity of the morphemes in the system. The fact that it is not a recent innovation provides further support for the proposal that the system inherited from Proto Mirndi was already lexicalised in Proto Yirram.

7.5 Subsection terminologies Subsection terms are found throughout most of north-central and north-western Australia, including the areas associated with the Mirndi languages. They are a sociocentric and society-wide mode of classification, based on egocentric kin classification. They class with a number of other sociocentric modes of classification which are based on egocentric kin classification.

37 The materials on the ‘this’ demonstrative in Nungali are incomplete and the Class I Oblique is not reliably attested. 80 Proto Mirndi

(211) Matrimoieties: A division into two based on direct maternal descent. Patrimoieties: A division into two based on direct paternal descent. Patri-semi-moieties: A division into four based on direct paternal descent. Sections: A division into four based on indirect alternating descent. A child is in a different section from their father and their mother, but in the same section as their father’s father and mother’s mother. Subsections: A division into eight based on alternating indirect descent. A child is in a different subsection from their father, their mother and their mother’s mother, but in the same subsection as their father’s father. Subsection and section terminologies evidently class together as against moiety terminologies. All of these types of sociocentric terminologies were of considerable importance in pre- colonial times because of the central importance of kin terminologies. Throughout Australia, kin terminologies had no clear social limits. In pre-colonial times, it appears that nearly everybody an individual encountered would have been classified under some kinterm. In those very rare cases where kinterms might not be immediately known, it appears that people proceeded on the basis that kinterms should be calculable with the assistance of third parties who would know the necessary intervening links. Kinterms played a central role in daily social life because they served as the normative reference points for much of daily social action. In many parts of Australia, for example, a man’s actions were severely restricted in the presence of women whom he labeled ‘sister’, and equally a woman’s actions were severely restricted in the presence of men whom she labeled ‘brother’. On the other hand, the ‘cousin’ class generally included the spouse of first preference. Considerations of social and genealogical closeness also played a central role in determining norms of behaviour, but kinterms constituted the default reference point for such norms. Given the society-wide reach and central social role of kinterms, it was critical for individuals to know not only the kinterms that they should use, but also the kinterms that other people should use. This is easy to calculate if an intervening link is known. We may consider a case where woman A calls another woman B ‘aunt’, and woman B calls man C ‘son’ and man D ‘nephew’. It is easily calculated that A calls C ‘cousin’ and D ‘brother’. The interactions between A and C would be very different from those between A and D. However, if links are not known or are uncertain, or there are conflicting possible links, then establishing the appropriate kin categories could take time. Subsections provide an immediate ready reckoner for kin relations, as illustrated in (212) for Warlpiri. (212) Warlpiri subsection terminology — japanangka EGO A1m ja-panangka FF, B, mSS = B1f na-purrurla FM, MMBDD A1f na-panangka FFZ, Z = B1m ju-purrurla FMB A2m ju-ngarrayi MMB = B2f n-angala MFZ, MBD A2f nu-ngarrayi MM = B2m j-angala MF, MBS C1m ja-kamarra ZS, FFZS = D1f na-paljarri WM, MMBD C1f na-kamarra ZD, FFZD = D1m ja-paljarri WMB, MMBS C2m j-ampijin-pa MB, DH = D2f n-angari FZ, mD C2f n-ampijin-pa M, SW = D2m j-angari F, mS Proto Mirndi 81

For any japanangka person, it is necessary only to establish the subsection of any individual, and then kin relations and possible behaviours can be immediately calculated. It is immediately noticeable that the Warlpiri subsection terms appear to be divisible into a root and two prefixes: j(V)- ‘masculine’ and n(V)- ‘feminine’. This same apparent division is found in many other subsection terminologies. Such an analysis cannot be maintained synchronically for Warlpiri, or indeed for nearly all the other languages with such subsection terminologies. However, it is evidently the diachronic structure of this class of subsection terminologies. As we will see, these j(V)- ‘masculine’ and n(V)- ‘feminine’ prefixes derive historically from the *ji- ‘Class I’ and *na- ‘Class II’ prefixes that we have reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. This is one of the principal proposals in the key analysis of the historical origins and development of subsection terminology, that of McConvell (1985). McConvell summarises his proposals as follows: I hope to show: (1) that the area of origin of the subsection system can be located fairly precisely on the basis of linguistic evidence in the area just north of the lower Victoria River, ; (2) that the eight subsection terms most generally used arose through the amalgamation of the two sets of four terms of two pre-existing section systems, one originating in the Pilbara district of Western Australia (which I shall call the Northwestern section system), and the other originating in the so-called ‘Top End’ of the Northern Territory, south of Darwin (which I call the Northcentral section system) (1985:1) I propose that the Southwestern subsection system originated in the Djamindjungan [Yirram] family of languages around the lower Victoria River Basin, and subsequently spread south into Central Australia and west into the Kimberleys. Four of the terms used (Division 1 [Northwestern section terms]) came from the west and four (Divison 2 [Northcentral section terms]) from the area to the north. Probably at about the same time, the same eight stems that formed the basis of the Southwestern terms were also adopted by the immediate eastern neighbour of Djamindjungan, Wartaman, which supplied the terms with its own gender prefixes yi- (m) and yin- (f). Slightly to the north, Ngalkbon [Dalabon], Mayali [Bininj Gunwok] and others formed their own sets of terms, using some of the Northwestern section terms, but also more different terms probably originating in some more easterly variants of the Northcentral section terms. The Northeastern subsection terms then spread further into , and east to the Gulf of Carpentaria. (1985:16) The evidence presented in the ensuing discussion supports McConvell’s proposals. It also extends the analysis in three ways. Firstly, it provides evidence that the likely area of origin for subsections was distinct from the principal areas which served as sources for the diffusion of subsection terminologies. Secondly, it provides evidence that subsections are of a greater time depth than previously suggested. Thirdly, it provides evidence for the diffusion of subsections as a structural concept, independently of the diffusion of subsection terminologies. The starting point made by McConvell is the point already raised that j(V)- ‘masculine’ and n(V)- ‘feminine’ prefixed subsection terms must ultimately have a source in Mirndi. The only languages showing evidence of a prefixal feminine n(V)- vs masculine j(V)- opposition, as a general opposition in the nominal lexicon beyond purely the subsection terms, are the Mirndi languages. In the case of these languages a prefixal *na- ‘feminine’

82 Proto Mirndi vs *ji- ‘masculine’ opposition is reconstructed (§7.2). Therefore, McConvell proposes that the subsection terminologies opposing n(V) feminines with j(V) masculines have diffused from an origin among the Mirndi varieties. More specifically, McConvell proposes that this type of subsection terminology originated among the Yirram varieties. McConvell’s general proposition that the n(V) vs j(V) subsection terms originated from the Mirndi language family is undoubtedly correct. However, there are two pieces of evidence which argue against a more specific localisation of the origin of this pattern to the Yirram varieties. Firstly, as will be shown in this section, class marked subsection terms may be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. Secondly, as discussed in §7.4.2, the available evidence argues that class prefixation with *na- and *ji- was lexicalised in Proto Yirram. As such, class prefixed subsection terms were more plausibly inherited into, and not innovated in, Proto Yirram. However, as we will see, the source for this inheritance cannot be identified as ‘Proto Mirndi’ in a monostratal sense. We will see that there is evidence for a number of stages in the development of subsection terminologies within Proto Mirndi. We will see that the subsection terminology inherited into Proto Yirram must come from a late stage of Proto Mirndi, and not from an early stage. Given that various stages of Proto Mirndi and/or later Mirndi varieties were important sources for diffusion of subsection terminologies, this reconstruction of the subsection terminology is not limited to data from the Mirndi languages. In a number of cases, non- Mirndi languages preserve fuller reflexes of the reconstructable terms than any of the synchronic Mirndi varieties. For the purposes of this reconstruction, data from the following non-Mirndi languages is relevant. (213) Garrwa eastern neighbour of the Wambayan dialects (Mushin 2000:55) Wakaya south-eastern neighbour of Wambaya (Breen 2002:296) Warumungu south-western neighbour of Wambaya and Jingulu (Simpson 2002:30) Warlpiri/Warlmanpa south-western neighbour of Jingulu In reconstructing subsection terms, it may be predicted that their patterns of historical development will differ from those attested with open class lexical morphemes. Subsection terms are lexical morphemes, but subsection terminologies constitute a closed class. Subsection terminologies share this closed status with most classes of grammatical morphemes. Consequently, it may be predicted that subsection terms will be affected by processes of shortening (50) and vowel harmony (51) when lexical morphemes belonging to open classes are not affected by such processes. I consider each pair of male and female terms within the subsection terminology. Proto Mirndi 83

(214) B1 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung38 j-urla-ma na-wurla Ngaliwurru j-urla n-arla Nungali ti-y-úrla nya-ná-wurla Jingulu j-urli-nginyja na-ali-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka39 j-urrula-ku n-urrula-ku-rna Gudanji and Wambaya j-urrula-ma n-urrula-ma Wakaya ngurrith-u ngurrith-i Garrwa purralang-i n-urrila-ma Warumungu ju-purla na-rrurlu Warlpiri ju-purrurla na-purrurla Proto Mirndi *ji-purru(r)la(ng) *na-purru(r)la(ng) The Wakaya terms are not related to the other terms. The original form of this subsection root is most fully preserved in Warlpiri and in the Garrwa masculine. The Garrwa masculine has a final dorsal nasal. As we will see, there is some other evidence for this final dorsal nasal. Consequently, I reconstruct it as a variant. The Mirndi varieties all show the effects of lenition of the root-initial *p (§3.5). It appears either as /w/ or is lost completely, with attendant vowel loss. The Garrwa and Warumungu feminines also show the same lenition patterns. In the Yirram varieties and Jingulu, the root has been irregularly reduced from a trisyllable to a disyllable. This has also happened with the Warumungu masculine. The Jingulu roots have a final /i/, where the other languages all have /a/. All vowel-final Jingulu subsection terms have a final /i/. The other languages have both final /i/ and final /a/. The distribution of final /i/ vs final /a/ in the other languages is not predictable, and the other languages agree in having either /i/ or /a/. There is a pervasive /i/ vocalism in the Jingulu Absolutive (§7.3.2). Consequently, I reconstruct the final vocalism found in the other languages, and attribute the Jingulu final /i/ to the subsequent operation of the Jingulu /i/ Absolutive vocalism. It is also possible to reconstruct two suffixes *-ku and *-ma. However, the reflexes of these protosuffixes are irregularly distributed, and it is not possible to reconstruct any meanings for these suffixes. We will see these suffixes elsewhere in the subsection paradigms.

38 The precise assignment of terms between Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru requires confirmation. The distribution presented here is the best currently available. 39 The terminologies of the Ngurlun languages are presented in accordance with the discussion in Nordlinger (1998:9–14) as to their probable pre-colonial distributions. 84 Proto Mirndi

(215) A2 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-imij na-mij Ngaliwurru j-imij na-mij Nungali tí-y-imij nyá-na-mij Jingulu j-imi-nginyja n-imi-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka j-urlany-aku n-urlany-aku-rna Gudanji and Wambaya j-urlany-ma n-urlany-ma Wakaya pelang-u pelang-i Garrwa pulany-i n-ulany-ma Warumungu ju-ngarrayi na-mikili Warlpiri ju-ngarrayi nu-ngarrayi Proto Mirndi *ji-w/yimij ~ *ji-pu(r)lany ~ *na-w/yimij ~ *na-pu(r)lany ~ *ji-ngurrayi40 *na-ngurrayi ~ *na-mikili There are a number of distinct roots that can be reconstructed for this pair of subsection terms. It seems most unlikely that they all have the same time depth (§7.7). The reconstruction of the *w/yimij root depends on additional evidence, which is presented in (226) and (227). The Jingulu terms lack the final /j/ found in the other terms deriving from the *w/yimij root. The cluster /jng/ is not permitted in Jingulu (Pensalfini 2003:33). Therefore I analyse j-imi-nginyja and n-imi-nginyju as resulting from the reduction of an illicit cluster in protoforms *j-imij-nginyja and *n-imij-nginyju. As we will see, the -nginyja and -nginyju suffixes appear in all the Jingulu terms. These suffixes do not occur elsewhere in Jingulu, or in any other language. Therefore, they constitute a paradigmatic, autochthonous irregularity in the Jingulu terminology. We will see that the *pu(r)lany root is found in a number of other languages. The *ngarrayi and *mikili roots do not have reflexes in any Mirndi variety, though they bear Mirndi prefixation. (216) C1 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-aparta41 n-amirra Ngaliwurru j-amirra n-amirra Nungali ti-y-ámirra nya-n-ámirra Jingulu j-amirri-nginyja n-amirri-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka ji-yamarra-ku ni-yamarra-ku-rna Gudanji and Wambaya ji-yamarra-ma ni-yamarra-ma Wakaya jirameram-u jirameram-err Garrwa kamarrang-i ni-marra-ma Warumungu ja-kkamarra na-kkamarra Warlpiri ja-kamarra na-kamarra Proto Mirndi *ji-kamarra(ng) *na-kamarra(ng)

40 There are two pieces of evidence that this root is reconstructable as *ngurrayi. Firstly, Gurindji has ju-ngurrayi (McConvell 1985:26). Secondly, Warlpiri shows a general pattern where the vowel of the erstwhile prefix has been assimilated to the initial vowel of the root (§7.7). 41 This form japarta originated as a child speech form of jamarra (McConvell pers. comm.). Proto Mirndi 85

The root-initial stop is preserved in Warumungu and Warlpiri. The Ngurlun varieties show a lenition to /y/. The lenition to /y/, rather than the expected /w/, appears to be the influence of the vowel in the masculine prefix: *ji-kamarra > *ji-wamarra > ji-yamarra. The feminine remodelled on the basis of the masculine is: *na-kamarra > *na-wamarra > *ni-wamarra (~ *ji-wamarra) > ni-yamarra.42 The Garrwa feminine ni-marra-ma supports the putative *ni-wamarra protoform (§7.5.2). (217) A1 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-ana-ma n-ana-ku Ngaliwurru j-ana n-ana Nungali ti-y-ána nya-n-ána Jingulu ja-ani-nginyja na-ani-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka ji-yina-ku ni-yina-ku-rna Gudanji and Wambaya ji-yina-ma ni-yina-ma Wakaya warrk-u warrk-i Garrwa ngarrijpalang-i ni-wana-ma Warumungu ja-ppanangka na-ppanangka Warlpiri ja-panangka na-panangka Proto Mirndi *ji-panangka *na-panangka The Wakaya terms and the Garrwa masculine term are evidently not related to the other term, and do not bear Mirndi prefixation. Consequently, I do not reconstruct them for Proto Mirndi. Only Warlpiri and Warumungu preserve the final vowel and its attendant homorganic cluster. We will see that there is other evidence for the long form being original (225). The historical origin of the Ngurlun yina forms appears to parallel that of the C1 forms: masculine *ji-panangka > *ji-wana > *ji-yana > ji-yina; feminine *na-panangka > *na-wana > *ni-wana (~ *ji-wana) > *ni-yana > ni-yina. Again, the Garrwa feminine ni-wana-ma supports the putative *ni-wana protoform. The development of the Ngurlun forms based on the *panangka root differed from that of forms based on the other two *p initial roots: A2 *pu(r)lany and B1 *purra(r)la(ng). In both these cases, the initial *p is lost: *ji-pu(r)lany > *ji-wurlany > j-urlany, *na-pu(r)lany > *na-wurlany > n-urlany; and *ji-purru(r)la(ng) > *ji-wurrula > j-urrula, *na-purru(r)la(ng) > *na-wurrula > n-urrula,. Following this pattern, the predicted Ngurlun reflexes of *ji-panangka and *na-panangka would be j-ana and n-ana. The difference in development may reasonably be ascribed to the difference in the first vowel of the roots. The *u vowel in the A2 and B1 roots would inhibit a development *ji-wurrula > *ji-yurrula and *ji-wurlany > *ji-yurlany.

42 In this instance the ‘~’ symbol is used to signify a form that acts as the source of an analogical change in another form. 86 Proto Mirndi

(218) B2 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-angala n-angala Ngaliwurru j-angala n-angala Nungali ti-y-ángala nya-n-ángala Jingulu j-angali-nginyja n-angali-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka j-angala-ku n-angala-ku-rna Gudanji and Wambaya j-angala-ma n-angala-ma Wakaya kengiil kengil-t Garrwa kangala n-angala Warumungu j-angali n-angali Warlpiri j-angala n-angala Proto Mirndi *ji-kangala *na-kangala

The B2 of subsection terms show a different pattern of lenition to the C1 terms. All the B2 subsection terms show complete loss of the root initial stop in all forms bearing prefixation. For the categories thus far reconstructed — A1, A2, B1, B2, C1 — all the Mirndi varieties have reflexes involving the *ji- and *na- prefixes. This is not the case with the remaining categories: C2, D1, and D2. Among the Ngurlun varieties, gender is marked in these categories by suffixation only. This distinction in categories also determines the distribution of the -ma and -ku suffixes in the Ngurlun varieties. In the Ngurlun varieties, these suffixes do not appear in the C2, D1 and D2 categories. The other categories all show -ku (Binbinka and Ngarnka) or -ma (Gudanji and Wambaya). (219) C2 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-apijin n-apijin Ngaliwurru j-apijin n-apijin Nungali ti-y-ápijin nya-n-ápijin Jingulu j-apijin-nginyja n-apijin-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka yakamarri yakamarri-rna Gudanji and Wambaya yakamarri yakamarri-rna Wakaya yikamarr-u yikamarr-i Garrwa yakamarri na-minyan-ma Warumungu j-ampin n-ampin Warlpiri j-ampijin-pa n-ampijin-pa Proto Mirndi *ji-jampijin43 *na-jampijin ~ *na-minyan

43 The evidence for the initial *j in the *jampijin root is presented in (226) and (227). Proto Mirndi 87

(220) D1 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-alyarri n-alyarri Ngaliwurru j-alyarri n-alyarri Nungali ti-y-ályarri nya-n-ályarri Jingulu j-alyirri-nginyju n-alyirri-nginyja Ngarnka and Binbinka palyarriny-ji palyarri-nya Gudanji and Wambaya palyarriny-ji palyarri-nya Wakaya pilyirrinyj-u pilyirrinyj-i Garrwa palyarriny-i n-ulyarri-ma Warumungu ja-ppaljarri na-ljarri Warlpiri ja-paljarri na-paljarri Proto Mirndi *ji-paljarri(ny) *na-paljarri(ny)

(221) D2 subsection terms Masculine Feminine Jaminjung j-angari n-angari Ngaliwurru j-angari n-angari Nungali ti-y-ángari nya-n-ángari Jingulu j-angari-nginyja n-angari-nginyju Ngarnka and Binbinka pangariny-ji pangari-nya Gudanji and Wambaya pangariny-ji pangari-nya Wakaya pengerinyj-u pengerinyj-i Garrwa pangariny-i n-ungari-ma Warumungu ja-ppangarti na-ppangarti Warlpiri ja-pangardi44 na-pangardi Proto Mirndi *ji-pangarti(ny) *na-pangarti(ny)

The internal structural opposition within the Ngurlun terminologies suggests that the C2, D1 and D2 terms have a different history in the Ngurlun varieties from the terms in the other categories (§7.5.2). Consideration of (219)–(221) suggests that these terms were borrowed into Ngurlun from Wakaya. The Wakaya terms show a different vocalism to the terms found in the Ngurlun varieties and Garrwa. As the Ngurlun varieties and Garrwa all agree with one another, I reconstruct the vocalism that they show. I propose that the C2, D1 and D2 terms were borrowed into Proto Ngurlun from an earlier stage of Wakaya, when these terms still had the vocalism that is preserved in all the other languages with reflexes of these terms. The reconstructed set of subsection terms, bearing reflexes of *ji- and *na- is set out in (222).

44 The /rd/ digraph represents a tap phoneme in Warlpiri. 88 Proto Mirndi

(222) Proto Mirndi subsection terms A1m *ji-panangka B1m *ji-purru(r)la(ng) A1f *na-panangka B1f *na-purru(r)la(ng) A2m *ji-w/yimij ~ *ji-pu(r)lany ~ B2m *ji-kangala *ji-ngurrayi A2f *na-w/yimij ~ *na-pu(r)lany ~ B2f *na-kangala *na-ngurrayi ~ *na-mikili C1m *ji-kamarra(ng) D1m *ji-paljarri(ny) C1f *na-kamarra(ng) D1f *na-paljarri(ny) C2m *ji-jampijin D2m *ji-pangarti(ny) C2f *na-jampijin ~ *na-minyan D2f *na-pangarti(ny)

The A2 subsection shows considerable variation. All of these variants and the *na-minyan variant in C2f must be assigned to the Mirndi family by virtue of their prefixation. This variation shows that subsection terminologies had some history of development within Proto Mirndi. Further evidence for development within Proto Mirndi comes from the fact that the subsection terminologies reconstructed for the daughter Mirndi subgroups show considerable historical development from the terminology in (222). Considering evidence only from the synchronic Mirndi varieties, two subsection terminologies are reconstructable. One terminology may be reconstructed for Proto Ngurlun. (223) Proto Ngurlun subsection terminology A1m *ji-yina(-ku/-ma) B1m *j-urrula(-ku/-ma) A1f *ni-yina(-ku/-ma) B1f *n-urrula(-ku/-ma) A2m *j-urlany(-aku/-ma) B2m *j-angala(-ku/-ma) A2f *n-urlany(-aku/-ma) B2f *n-angala(-ku/-ma) C1m *ji-yamarra(-ku/-ma) D1m *palyarriny-ji C1f *ni-yamarra(-ku/-ma) D1f *palyarri-nya C2m *yakamarri D2m *pangariny-ji C2f *yakamarri-rna D2f *pangari-nya The other terminology may be reconstructed for Proto Yirram and Pre-Jingulu. (224) Proto Yirram and Pre-Jingulu subsection terminology A1m *j-ána(-ma) B1m *j-ú(r)la(-ma) A1f *n-ána(-ku) B1f *ná-wu(r)la A2m *j-ímij B2m *j-ángala A2f *ná-mij B2f *n-ángala C1m *j-ámirra D1m *j-ályarri C1f *n-ámirra D1f *n-ályarri C2m *j-ápijin D2m *j-ángari C2f *n-ápijin D2f *n-ángari

For Proto Yirram, it is also possible to reconstruct a Plural suffix *-jban, found only in the subsection terminology (e.g. *j-angala-jban, *n-angala-jban). All three Yirram varieties show a -jban reflex of this protosuffix. The terminology reconstructed for Proto Yirram and Pre-Jingulu is also a satisfactory reconstruction for the terminologies of a number of Proto Mirndi 89 languages to the south and west of Jingulu and Yirram: Mudburra, Gurindji, Ngarinyman, and Miriwoong (252). Any consideration of the history of subsection terms within Proto Mirndi requires a consideration of the wider patterns of development of subsection terminologies.

7.5.1 The origin of subsection terminologies In addition to locating the Mirndi languages as the source of the the n(V) vs j(V) subsection terms, McConvell (1985) demonstrates that the roots in the most widespread subsection terminology correspond to terms in two distinct systems of section terminologies. One of these is a system found widely across the area to the south and west of the area with subsections.

(225) A *panangka B *purrurla C *karimarra D *paljarri Some of the section terms have alternate forms. Thus, purrurla is purung(u) in the languages in the western part of the area with this section terminology, and paljarri is milangka in some languages. Further, some of the languages have a different arrangement of the section terms to that given in (225) (McConvell 1985:30). However, allowing for the variation in subsection names, the arrangement given in (225) is the most widespread arrangement. It is also the arrangement relevant for the subsection terminology. The other section terminology is only attested in two languages of the Darwin region, Warray and Uwinymil (Map 4).

Map 4: The northern section system and known subsection systems 90 Proto Mirndi

(226) Warray section terminology Am a-wimij Bm a-pularrang Af al-wimij Bf al-pularrang Cm a-jampij Dm a-pangartiny Cf al-jampij Df al-pangartiny (227) Uwinymil section terminology Am a-yimij Bm a-pularrang Af iny-imij Bf iny-pularrang Cm a-jampij Dm a-pangariny Cf iny-jampij Df iny-pangariny The two section terminologies are distributed in a systematic way in the subsection terminology. (228) A1 *panangka B1 *purrurla A2 *w/yimij B2 ?*pularrang C1 *karimarra D1 *paljarri C2 *jampij D2 *pangartiny The exception to this pattern is the B term from the Darwin section terminology pularrang, which does not have any certain reflexes in B2. The Dalabon terminology does have palang (241), which may be a reflex of *pularrang. Generally, as we have seen, the subsection terminologies involve a B2 form reconstructable as *kangala. Additionally, a large number of subsection terminologies also show an alternate A2 root reconstructable as *purlany. There are also some sound changes affecting the roots in the subsection terminologies. The C1 root is reduced from *karimarra > *kamarra in all subsection terminologies. The C1 root also shows a final dorsal nasal in a number of terminologies, as does the B1 root. The D1 root often shows a final palatal nasal. The C2 root generally shows a final /in/ augment, which may relate to the final nasals appearing in the B1, C1 and D1 roots. Consequently, the protosubsection terminology is that set out in (229). (229) A1 *panangka B1 *purrurla(ng) A2 *w/yimij ~ *purlany B2 *kangala ?*pularrang C1 *kamarra(ng) D1 *paljarri(ny) C2 *jampij(in) D2 *pangartiny There are two possible explanations for the systematic correspondence between the subsection terminology and the two section terminologies. One is that the subsection terminology is original and the section terminologies result from reductions of this terminology. The other is that the section terminologies are original and the subsection system is a more complex terminology resulting from the merger of the two section terminologies. McConvell (1985) proposes the second hypothesis. There does not appear to be any structural evidence, either linguistic or from the nature of oppositions within subsection and section terminologies, which would bear on the Proto Mirndi 91 choice between these two hypotheses. The only evidence bearing on this is the geographical distribution of the two types of terminologies. Languages with the subsection terminology constitute a contiguous geographical block in north-central Australia. Languages with the section terminologies form two contiguous blocks. One block of section terminologies borders a central block of languages with the subsection terminologies to the south and west. The other block borders the subsection terminologies on the north-east. Under the second hypothesis, this geographical distribution follows naturally. The two section systems had their distinct distributions with an (eventual) common boundary. The subsection system developed in this common boundary area and spread outwards. The first hypothesis does not offer an equivalently natural explanation for the geographical distribution. If the section terminologies are simplifications of an original subsection terminology, then there is no reason why they should appear at the borders of the synchronic subsection terminologies in two blocks, each of which is internally contiguous. If section terminologies are simplifications, then we might reasonably expect that they should show a more discontinuous distribution and that they should also appear within the subsection block (i.e. there should be languages with section terminologies entirely surrounded by languages with subsection terminologies). McConvell’s hypothesis that the subsection terminology arose through a merger of two pre-existing section terminologies is therefore to be preferred. However, as previously stated, McConvell’s hypothesis that the nV- and jV- prefixed subsection terms arose specifically among the Yirram varieties does not accord with the available evidence. Rather, the available evidence suggests that these terms and thereby the subsection terminology itself have a complex history within Proto Mirndi. This has the further consequence that the diffusion of the nV- and jV- prefixed subsection terms could have and probably did commence before the break-up of Proto Mirndi. McConvell also hypothesises that the dispersal area for the nV- and jV- prefixed subsection terms was also the area where the subsection terminology originated. However, there is no necessary connection between these two areas, and the limited evidence available suggests that they were in fact distinct. As a general point, the more complexity and irregularity shown by a terminological paradigm, the longer it has been associated with a particular language. The subsection terminologies which show the greatest complexity and irregularity are those of Wardaman ((230), (231)) and Mangarrayi ((233), (234)), to the north of the Mirndi languages. Segments that are unexpected from a paradigmatic viewpoint are shown in bold in the relevant tables. (230) Wardaman singular (Merlan 1994:101–102) A1m yi-wanay B1m y-urrwarla A1f yim-panay B1f yim-purrwarla A2m y-imit B2m j-angala A2f y-imit-ani B2f ying-kangala C1m y-anymirra D1m yi-walyarri C1f yiny-kanymirra D1f yim-palyarri C2m japijin D2m yi-wangari C2f japitay D2f yim-pangari

92 Proto Mirndi

(231) Wardaman plural (Merlan 1994:101–102) A1m yi-wanay-inggan B1m y-urrwarla-nggan A1f yim-panay-inggan B1f yim-purrwarla-nggan A2m y-imij-ban B2m j-angala-jban A2f y-imit-ani-nggan B2f ying-kangala-jban C1m panymirra-nggan D1m yi-walyarri-nggan C1f yiny-kanymirra-nggan D1f yim-palyarri-nggan C2m japij-ban D2m yi-wangari-nggan C2f japitay-anggan D2f yim-pangari-nggan Most of the Wardaman masculine subsection terms involve a prefix y(i)-. The prefix yi- is a distinctively masculine prefix only among the subsection terms. It appears elsewhere in Wardaman as a marker of a general animate class. Most of the feminine subsection terms involve a prefix yiN-. The final nasal in this prefix is homorganic to the following initial stop of the subsection term, except in C1 where a heterorganic form yiny-kanymirra appears. I reconstruct *yiny- as the original form of this prefix, and derive the other synchronic allomorphs by place assimilation. There are no reflexes elsewhere in Wardaman of *yiny-, nor are there reflexes of any putative analysis of this protoprefix as *yi- + *ny-. Most of the plurals involve a suffix -(V)nggan, which is otherwise unattested in Wardaman. A number of the Wardaman subsection terms vary irregularly from the patterns already described. The A2 feminine appears to be irregularly derived from the masculine by suffixation of -ani, a pattern which is otherwise unattested in Wardaman. The C2 forms do not involve prefixation, and the opposition between the singulars appears suppletive. However, consideration of the C2 plurals suggests that the C2 feminine may also be derived by suffixation from the masculine as *japij-ay > japit-ay. This does however involve an otherwise unattested suffix -ay. It also involves irregular place shift of *j > t, but this shift is also attested with A2 terms, where the A2 masculine plural preserves the original final *j. The B2 masculine term appears to be borrowed, probably from the Yirram varieties, as its plural form is also identical to that found in the Yirram varieties. The Yirram Plural suffix -jban also appears in the Wardaman B2 feminine and the A2 and C2 masculines. The C1 masculine plural shows an unexpected initial labial, as an initial dorsal would be predicted with a stop-initial allomorph. The range of irregularities in Wardaman is summarised in (232). (232) a. Autochthonous affixes found only in the subsection terminology: *yiny- ‘Feminine’, -Vnggan ‘Plural’. b. Autochthonous affixes with distinctive functions in the subsection terminology: *yi- ‘Masculine’, elsewhere ‘Animate’. c. Irregular variation in type of affix marking a category: feminine generally marked by prefixation, but at least one feminine marked by suffixation. d. Irregular stem variations. The Mangarrayi singular subsection terms are regular, but the non-singulars show a range of irregularities. Proto Mirndi 93

(233) Mangarrayi singulars (Merlan 1982:90) A1m na-ngarrijpalan B1m na-purrala A1f ngarla-ngarrijpalan B1f ngarla-purrala A2m na-purlany B2m na-kangila A2f ngarla-purlany B2f ngarla-kangila C1m na-kamarra D1m na-palyarriny C1f ngarla-kamarra D1f ngarla-palyarriny C2m na-jamijin D2m na-pangariny C2f ngarla-jamijin D2f ngarla-pangariny

(234) Mangarrayi plurals (Merlan 1982:90) Dual Trial Plural A1 ngarrijpalan-karran ngarrijpalan-karla ngarrijpan-pu A2 purlany-karran purlany-karla purlany-pu B1 purrala-yarran ~ purrala-yarla ~ purralang-pu purralang-karran purralang-karla B2 kangilang-karran kangilang-karla kangilang-pu C1 kamarrang-karran kamarrang-karla kamirrang-pu C2 jamijin-karran jamijin-karla jamij-pu D1 palyarriny-karran palyarriny-karla palyarring-pu D2 pangariny-karran pangariny-karla pangaring-pu The non-singular irregularities are summarised in (235). (235) a. Stems which are vowel final in the singular show final /ng/ in the non-singular, except for the B1 term which shows variation in the dual and trial. b. The suffix which marks trials in the subsection terminology is the general plural suffix elsewhere in Mangarrayi. c. The plural -pu suffix appears as a general non-singular marker among kin nouns. d. A number of the plural stems show irregular allomorphy. There is a different kind of irregularity found in another language in this area to the north of the Mirndi languages, the Letburrirt dialect of Jawoyn. (236) Letburrirt Jawoyn (Merlan MS) A1m na-ting-ngarrij B1m na-ting-wawaj A1f ngal-ting-ngarrij B1f ngal-ting-wawaj A2m na-ting-purlany B2m na-ting-kangila A2f ngal-ting-purlany B2f ngal-ting-kangila C1m na-ting-kamarrang D1m na-ting-palyarri C1f ngal-ting-kamarrang D1f ngal-ting-palyarri C2m na-ting-wamut D2m na-ting-pangari C2f ngal-ting-wamut D2f ngal-ting-pangari As shown in (236), the Letburrirt terminology involves a prefix ting-, which also appears unpredictably on some kin terms in Jawoyn. The appearance of the ting- prefix in the Letburrirt subsection terminology does not follow from any general principles. 94 Proto Mirndi

Given that greater range in irregularities is correlated with comparatively greater time depth, the linguistic evidence suggests the subsection terminology originated in an area where the protolanguages ancestral to Wardaman and Mangarrayi were in contact with Proto Mirndi and with Proto Gunwinyguan, the ancestor of Letburrirt Jawoyn. This accords with other evidence suggesting a north-eastern territorial association for Proto Mirndi (§10). In terms of the available reasonably reliable evidence, Wardaman is the prime candidate for a particular point of origin, followed by Mangarrayi. However, the reasonably reliable evidence that is available is geographically problematic. As shown in Map 4, the only possible area of contact between the synchronic northern section system of Warray and Uwinymil and a known subsection system is where Uwinymil borders onto Jawoyn. This boundary is in itself uncertain. There is no definitive evidence as to the south- eastern extension of Uwinymil or the north-western extension of Jawoyn. The representation in Map 4 merely indicates the most plausible extensions in terms of the very limited available evidence. It is possible that Uwinymil and Jawoyn did not abut directly onto one another. It is possible that Wulwulam intervened between them. Wulwulam is extinct and essentially unrecorded, and nothing is known of the social organisation of Wulwulam language owners (Harvey 2003b). Both section and subsection terminologies were absent in all languages to the east, north, and west of Warray and Uwinymil (i.e. the arc of languages extending from Murriny-Patha, Ngan’gityemerri, Kamu through to Umbugarla). The remaning language varieties intervening between the known northern section system and known subsections are Dagoman and Wagiman. In linguistic terms Dagoman, Yangman and Wardaman are dialects of a single language (Merlan 1994:2). There are very limited materials on Dagoman, and slightly more extensive materials on Yangman. Spencer (1914:55–58) sets out both the Wardaman and Yangman subsection terminologies. The Yangman terminology Spencer provides is identical to the Wardaman terminology. There is no information available as to whether Dagoman language owners made use of subsection terminologies. However, in one other salient regional social opposition, they aligned with their co-dialect owners, and not with their other neighbours. Subincision was a centrally important ritual for Dagoman owners, as it was to Wardaman and Yangman owners (Merlan 1998:131). Jawoyn and Wagiman owners did not make use of this ritual. Given this social alignment and the linguistic alignment, I posit that Dagoman speakers used the same subsection terminology as Wardaman and Yangman. Examination of Map 4 shows that this hypothesis produces an essentially continuous area where subsection terminologies were in use. If Dagoman owners did not make use of the subsection terminology, then Dagoman would be a variety which did not use subsections, but had neighbours using subsections on three of its four boundaries. This pattern is not attested elsewhere with subsection terminologies. It is a most unlikely pattern, given that subsections were a spreading phenomenon. A more likely pattern would be a variety having a subsection terminology, where varieties on three of its four boundaries did not. This leaves Wagiman intervening between the known Warray section terminology and Dagoman. While Wagiman is a quite distinct language, it does show a number of structural similarities with Dagoman-Wardaman-Yangman, suggesting at least a long period of interaction (Merlan 1994:3–4). In the period 1980–2000, Wagiman speakers all made use of the Jaminjung subsection terminology, as did speakers of all languages from the Daly Proto Mirndi 95

River basin. However, a Warray speaker, of a generation senior to most Wagiman speakers, indicated that there had been a set of Wagiman equivalences for the Warray and Uwinymil section terminology. This speaker gave nu-jampij-pan as the Wagiman equivalent of the masculine C section term a-jampij. This term involves the specifically Wagiman masculine prefix form nu-, and a suffix -pan which appears irregularly in some Wagiman nominals (e.g. lakumin ‘pine tree’, laku-lakum-pan ‘pine tree guardian spirit’). As such it would appear that nu-jampij- pan is an autochthonous Wagiman form of some antiquity. This in turn suggests that there would have been an autochthonous Wagiman section terminology, as set out in (237). (237) Putative Wagiman section terminology Am nu-wimij-pan Bm nu-pularrang-pan Af ngal-wimij-pan Bf ngal-pularrang-pan Cm nu-jampij-pan Dm nu-pangartiny-pan Cf ngal-jampij-pan Df ngal-pangartiny-pan However, Wagiman speakers consulted on this issue denied knowledge of nu-jampij-pan, and other constructed terms such as ngal-wimij-pan. Nevertheless, given that the northern section terminology had fallen into general desuetude by the 1950s at the latest, these denials cannot be interpreted as clear evidence that there was not a Wagiman section terminology. If the Wagiman had the section terminology proposed in (237), and the Dagoman had the same subsection terminology as Wardaman and Yangman, then given their extensive common boundary and other linguistic indications of long term contact, this would make Dagoman a prime candidate for the origin point, where the two section terminologies were merged to create the subsection terminology.

7.5.2 The diffusion of subsection terminologies McConvell (1985:16) proposes a complex pattern of diffusion for subsection terms. I propose that the Southwestern subsection system originated in the Djamindjungan [Yirram] family of languages around the lower Victoria River Basin, and subsequently spread south into Central Australia and west into the Kimberleys. Four of the terms used (Division 1 [Northwestern section terms]) came from the west and four (Divison 2 [Northcentral section terms]) from the area to the north. Probably at about the same time, the same eight stems that formed the basis of the Southwestern terms were also adopted by the immediate eastern neighbour of Djamindjungan, Wartaman, which supplied the terms with its own gender prefixes yi- (m) and yin- (f). Slightly to the north, Ngalkbon [Dalabon], Mayali [Bininj Gunwok] and others formed their own sets of terms, using some of the Northwestern section terms, but also more different terms probably originating in some more easterly variants of the Northcentral section terms. The Northeastern subsection terms then spread further into Arnhem Land, and east to the Gulf of Carpentaria. The linguistic evidence supports the generality of these proposals. More specifically, it expands the lines of enquiry proposed by McConvell to include the following: (238) a. The diffusion of subsections as a structural concept is independent of the diffusion of subsection terms. b. Subsection terms were initially diffused as unaffixed roots. c. There is evidence in some areas for an overlay of one diffusion on another. 96 Proto Mirndi

The evidence that subsections spread as a concept, independent of any actual lexical borrowing, comes from the fact that there are at least four reasonably distinct sets of subsection roots. This existence of a number of distinct sets of roots is most plausibly explained as arising from the borrowing of subsections as a construct, with autochthonous terms being used to express the construct. One set of terms is that mentioned by McConvell (1985) among the north-eastern languages. This set is found in Letburrirt Jawoyn (236), Western Bininj Gunwok, Ndjebbana, and Dalabon. (239) Western Bininj Gunwok (Evans 2003:49)45 A1m na-ngarrij B1m na-wakaj A1f ngal-ngarrij B1f ngal-wakaj A2m na-pulany B2m na-kangila A2f ngal-pulany B2f ngal-kangila C1m na-kamarrang D1m na-kojok C1f ngal-kamarrang D1f ngal-kojok C2m na-wamut D2m na-pangarti C2f ngal-wamut D2f ngal-pangarti

(240) Ndjebbana (McKay 2000:162) A1m ngarrij B1m wakaj A1f nya-ngarrij B1f nya-wakaj A2m pulany B2m kangila A2f nya-pulany B2f nya-kangila C1m n-kamarrang D1m n-koyok C1f nya-kamarrang D1f nya-koyok C2m wamut D2m na-pangarta C2f nya-wamut D2f nya-pangarta

(241) Dalabon (Evans, Merlan and Tukumba 2004) A1m ngarrij B1m palang A1f ngarrij-jan B1f peliny A2m pulany B2m kela A2f pulany-jan B2f kali-jan C1m kamarrang D1m kojok C1f kamany46 D1f koj-jan C2m wamut D2m pangarti C2f wamut-jan D2f pangoern

45 The Western Bininj Gunwok system differs structurally from other subsection systems; see Scheffler (1978:488–492). The roots are not actually ordered in the way presented in (239). I have presented them in this arrangement to facilitate comparison with other systems. It appears that the Ndjebbana system has the same structure as the Western Bininj Gunwok system. 46 A variant of term kamany-jan, with an overt gender suffix is also apparently attested (Etherington and Etherington 1994). Proto Mirndi 97

The Western Bininj Gunwok terminology has diffused north into Maung and various Iwajan varieties (Evans 1997). The Ndjebbana terminology belongs to a closed nominal subclass (McKay 2000:198). The Dalabon terminology, unusually for a subsection terminology, shows the gender opposition by an autochthonous suffixal opposition between Ø suffixed masculines and feminines with a -jan suffix. This is not a productive pattern synchronically in Dalabon. The Dalabon terminology is widely diffused to the east and north, being used by Burarra, Eastern Bininj Gunwok, some Jawoyn, Ngandi, Rembarrnga and speakers. The Burarra terminology is provided in (242), as it preserves the -jan suffix more extensively than the Dalabon terminology. (242) Burarra (Glasgow 1994:925) A1m ngarrij B1m palang A1f ngarrij-jan B1f peleny-jan A2m pulany B2m kela A2f pulany-jan B2f kala-jan C1m kamarrang D1m kojok C1f kamany-jan D1f koj-jan C2m wamut D2m pangarti C2f wamut-jan D2f pangarti-jan

A variant on this north-eastern terminology is found in Na-kara. (243) Na-kara (Eather and Kalamirnda 2005:185) A1m ngarrij B1m wakaj A1f kin-ngarrij B1f nya-wakaj A2m parlanypula B2m kalapula A2f kin-parlanypula B2f kin-kalapula C1m n-partipula D1m n-pamulppula C1f kin-partipula D1f kin-pamulppula C2m n-ngarrijpula D2m na-pangarta C2f kin-ngarrijpula D2f nya-pangarta

The Na-kara terminology has a complex history. The B1 and D2 terms are borrowed from Ndjebbana (240). The remaining terms, apart from the A1 terms, have pula as a final element. This was almost certainly a suffix *-pula historically. The C2 root, most unusually, consists of the A1 root and this suffix. In this connection, we may note that ngarrijpalang is the A1 root in Mangarrayi (233), Garrwa (256), and Ganggalida (257). The additional palang element may also be a reflex of *-pula, suggesting that the suffix may originally have had a wider geographical distribution. Map 5 shows the distribution of language varieties with reflexes of *ngarrijpalang. The Na-kara D1 root *pamulp has no known cognates. The Na-kara C1 root *parti has a cognate in the Ngalakgan (244) and Alawa (245) terminologies. 98 Proto Mirndi

Map 5: Language varieties with reflexes of *ngarrijpalang

(244) Ngalakgan (Merlan 1983:70) A1m nu-ngarlaq B1m nu-murnanq A1f ju-ngarlaq B1f ju-murnanq A2m nu-pornarnengq B2m nu-ngappununq A2f ju-pornarnengq B2f ju-ngappununq C1m nu-partinyq D1m nu-ngamujjulo C1f ju-partinyq D1f ju-ngamujjulo C2m nu-payjayinyq D2m nu-ngamayangq C2f ju-payjayinyq D2f ju-ngamayangq

(245) Alawa47 A1 ngala B1 munany A2 porneneng B2 ngapunun C1 partij ~ partiny D1 ngamajulu C2 pajayin D2 ngamayang

47 The Alawa materials were provided by Greg Dickson. The Alawa subsection terms are not recorded as bearing prefixation. Further research is required to determine whether this is correct, or a gap in the data. Proto Mirndi 99

The Ngalakgan terminology is also used by some Jawoyn speakers (Merlan 1983). Other than the C1 root, the Ngalakgan and Alawa roots are unrelated to those found in Na-kara, and to the north-eastern set of roots. They constitute the third set of distinctive roots. The fourth set of distinctive roots is found in Wakaya. (246) Wakaya (Breen 2002:296) A1m warrk-u B1m ngurrith-u A1f warrk-i B1f ngurrith-i A2m belang-u B2m kengiil A2f belang-i B2f kengil-t C1m jirameram-u D1m pilyirrinyj-u C1f jirameram-err D1f pilyirrinyj-i C2m yikamarr-u D2m pengerinyj-u C2f yikamarr-i D2f pengerinyj-i

The Wakaya terms, like the Dalabon terms (241), bear suffixal gender marking (§7.6.2). In historical terms, it is important to note that there is a correlation between the zone of change between three of the sets of the subsection roots, and the group of languages which show autochthonous lexicalisation of their subsection terminologies. (247) Zone of change (Map 6) Set 1: Alawa, Ngalakgan Set 2 south-western: Proto Yirram, Wardaman, Jingulu Set 3 north-eastern: Letburrirt Jawoyn, Dalabon, Bininj Gunwok, Ndjebbana, Na-kara Mixed south-western and north-eastern: Mangarrayi, Proto Ngurlun (248) Languages with autochthonous lexicalisation in their subsection terminologies (Map 7) Jingulu, Proto Yirram, Wardaman, Mangarrayi, Letburrirt Jawoyn, Dalabon, Na-kara, Ndjebbana The coincidence of the zone of change with autochthonous lexicalisation argues that the innovation of subsection terms is a phenomenon which took place in the earliest diffusion of subsections. The innovation of subsection terms is itself best modelled in the context of the spread of subsections as a construct rather than a terminology. Taken together, these features suggest that the earliest diffusion was essentially of subsections as a construct, with some limited diffusion of terms. As we will see, later diffusions were much more clearly diffusions of terminologies. The earliest diffusion of terms was as unaffixed forms. There are two types of evidence which show that diffusion of subsection terms must initially have involved the unaffixed forms of roots. One is the appearance of forms lacking prefixation in Wakaya (246), and also Garrwa (256) and Ganggalida (257). Suffixation to subsection terms is a rare phenomenon, and clearly not to be reconstructed.

100 Proto Mirndi

Map 6: Subsection root sets Proto Mirndi 101

Map 7: Language varieties with autochthonous lexicalisation in their subsection terminologies 102 Proto Mirndi

The second type of evidence comes from the fact that subsection terms appear in a number of languages with autochthonous affixation for gender oppositions (McConvell 1985:16). The terms must originally have been borrowed as unaffixed and then subsequently received autochthonous affixation. The systems showing autochthonous affixation are listed in (249). (249) Warray (226), Uwinymil (227), Proto Mirndi (222), Wardaman (230), Mangarrayi (233), Letburrirt Jawoyn (236), Western Bininj Gunwok (239), Ndjebbana (240), Dalabon (241), Na-kara (243), Ngalakgan (244), Wakaya (246) There is some evidence for the spread of unaffixed root forms and diffusional overlay to the west of the Mirndi languages. In a number of western languages, some of the feminine subsection terms have an initial /ny/, rather than an initial /n/ (Map 8).

Map 8: Language varieties with feminine subsection terms in nya-

(250) Gooniyandi (McGregor 1990:15) A1m j-awan-ti B1m ju-wurru A1f nya-wana B1f nya-wurru A2m j-ungkurra B2m j-angala A2f ny-anyjili B2f n-angala C1m ja-karra D1m ja-walyi C1f na-karra D1f nya-wajarri C2m j-ampiyin-ti D2m ja-wangari C2f n-ampiyin-ti D2f na-wangari Proto Mirndi 103

(251) Gija (Kofod MS:177) A1m j-awanji B1m ju-wurru A1f nya-wana B1f nya-wurru A2m j-ungurra B2m j-angala A2f na-minyji B2f n-angala C1m ja-karra D1m ja-walyi C1f na-karra D1f nya-ajarri C2m j-ampin D2m ja-angari C2f n-ampin D2f na-angari

The Walmajarri and Djaru (Tsunoda 1981:8) terminologies are essentially identical to the Gooniyandi terminology (250). There is one plausible source for the feminine /ny/ forms — the languages of the Jarragan family which consists of Gija, Gajirrabeng and Miriwoong. In all three languages, the 3SG Feminine intransitive verbal prefixes are of the form nyV-. Consequently an intransitive 3SG Feminine prefix *nyV- may be reconstructed. In many languages, intransitive prefixes can appear on nominal predicates. They cannot synchronically do so in the Jarragan languages, as verbal paradigms are synchronically highly fused and irregular. However, in Proto Jarragan verbal paradigms would have been more regular, with more separable intransitive prefixes. If these prefixes could appear on nominals, and Proto Jarragan originally borrowed an unprefixed subsection terminology, then the creation of /ny/ initial feminines is plausible. The masculine intransitive prefixes are /ng/ initial in Gija and /k/ initial in Miriwoong. Under this hypothesis, there would have been masculines with an initial dorsal, parallel to the /ny/ initial feminines A later wave of borrowing from the Mirndi languages led to the replacement of nearly all the autochthonous Jarragan terms, but some feminines survived in Gija (251). The Gija terminology then spread south and west. No trace of this putative original Proto Jarragan terminology survives in Miriwoong (252), the language intervening between Gija and Jaminjung.48 Synchronically, Miriwoong has the same terminology as and Gurindji, its southern neighbours. This terminology is virtually identical to the Jaminjung terminology. (252) Miriwoong A1m j-ana-ma B1m j-ula-ma A1f n-ana-ku ~ n-anany B1f na-wula A2m j-imij B2m j-angala A2f na-mij B2f n-angala C1m j-aparta D1m j-alyarri C1f n-amirra D1f n-alyarri C2m j-apija D2m j-angari C2f n-ampijin D2f n-angari

As previously discussed, the Mirndi languages are the principal source of later diffusion. Determining the nature of later diffusion is not straightforward. I have already observed that subsection terminologies, being closed systems, are likely to be affected by lenition, shortening, stress shift and vowel harmony when items from open classes are not. This

48 There was in fact another Jarragan variety, Nyiwanawu, intervening between Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru, and Miriwoong. However, nothing is known about this variety. 104 Proto Mirndi tendency to be so affected would have operated throughout the history of the subsection terms. Subsection terminologies therefore constitute a classic example of a drift phenomenon. The operation of lenition, shortening, stress shift and vowel harmony processes at different times would produce very similar results. Further, these processes would operate both among the Mirndi varieties, and in varieties which had borrowed terms from Mirndi. Consequently, assigning reconstructions to particular protolanguages is not a straight- forward task. As McConvell (1985:4) points out, there are two major classes of diffused forms with a Mirndi origin: forms affected by lenition and shortening, and forms not so affected. The reflexes of the subsection terms in the Mirndi languages themselves all involve lenition and/or shortening, as do forms in the great majority of languages where the subsection terms ultimately derive from a Mirndi source. Forms not affected by shortening are found only in Warlpiri and Warumungu. (253) Proto Mirndi Warlpiri Warumungu A1m *ji-pánangka já-panangka já-ppanangka A1f *na-pánangka ná-panangka ná-ppanangka B1m *ji-púrru(r)la jú-purrurla jú-purla B1f *na-púrru(r)la ná-purrurla ná-rrurlu B2m *ji-kángala j-ángala j-ángali B2f *na-kángala n-ángala n-ángali C1m *ji-kámarra já-kamarra já-kkamarra C1f *na-kámarra ná-kamarra ná-kkamarra C2m *ji-jámpij j-ámpij-inpa j-ámp-in C2f *na-jámpij n-ámpij-inpa n-ámp-in D1m *ji-páljarri já-paljarri já-ppaljarri D1f *na-páljarri ná-paljarri ná-ljarri D2m *ji-pángarti já-pangardi já-ppangarti D2f *na-pángarti ná-pangardi ná-ppangarti However, while Warlpiri and Warumungu preserve some forms unaffected by shortening, it is not the case that all forms in these languages are unaffected by this process. The underlined forms in (253) are affected by shortening. Warlpiri and Warumungu do not otherwise show evidence of lenition, so these shortenings must be independent of lenition. The Warlpiri and Warumungu forms have also been affected by vowel harmony and stress shift. The original *i vowel of the masculine prefix has harmonised to the first vowel of the root. This harmonisation must have occurred before the stress shift from the first syllable of the root to the word-initial syllable, as harmonies proceed generally from metrically strong syllables to metrically weak syllables. The diachronic question is whether this harmonisation and stress shift had occurred in Proto Mirndi before the terms were borrowed, or whether these changes were applied after borrowing in the recipient languages. In this case, Ngurlun evidence shows that the harmony, and thereby this particular stress shift, cannot be assigned to Proto Mirndi. The Proto Ngurlun reflexes of the Proto Mirndi A1m *ji-pánangka and C1m *ji-kámarra are *jí-yina and *jí-yamarra respectively (223). Proto Mirndi 105

While this particular harmonisation and stress shift cannot be assigned to Proto Mirndi, there is evidence for the operation of these processes, and also of lenition and shortening, among the Mirndi varieties. I begin by considering the relationship between the forms reconstructed for Proto Mirndi and the forms reconstructed on the basis of the synchronic Yirram and Jingulu subsection terminologies.

(254) Proto Mirndi P-Y & Pre-J Proto Mirndi P-Y & Pre-J A1m *ji-pánangka *j-ána A1f *na-pánangka *n-ána B1m *ji-púrru(r)la *j-ú(r)la B1f *na-púrru(r)la *ná-wu(r)la B2m *ji-kángala *j-ángala B2f *na-kángala *n-ángala C1m *ji-kámarra *j-ámirra C1f *na-kámarra *n-ámirra C2m *ji-jámpij *j-ápij-in C2f *na-jámpij *n-ápij-in D1m *ji-páljarri *j-ályarri D1f *na-páljarri *n-ályarri D2m *ji-pángarti *j-ángari D2f *na-pángarti *n-ángari

The Proto Yirram and Pre-Jingulu forms are most satisfactorily explained in terms of the fordering of developments presented in (255). (255) a. The vowel of the masculine prefix harmonised to the initial stressed vowel of the root. *ji-púrru(r)la > *ju-púrru(r)la, *na-púrru(r)la b. Stress shifted to the initial syllable, and thereby to the prefixal vowel. *ju-púrru(r)la > *jú-purru(r)la, *na-púrru(r)la > *ná-purru(r)la c. All stops between [+continuant] segments were lenited. *jú-purru(r)la > *jú-wurru(r)la, *ná-purru(r)la > *ná-wurru(r)la d. Approximants were deleted between identical vowels. *jú-wurru(r)la > *jú-rru(r)la, *ná-wurru(r)la [Irregular shortenings *jú-rru(r)la > *j-ú(r)la, *ná-wurru(r)la > *ná-wu(r)la] These developments could have happened independently in Proto Yirram from Pre- Jingulu, and independently in any of the languages where subsection terms ultimately have a Mirndi source. Diffusion must at least have preceded lenition and deletion, as in Gooniyandi (250) and Gija (251) the root-initial stops are generally maintained as stops *k > k or as approximants *p > w. The situation with the Ngurlun varieties is less straightforward. Before considering the Ngurlun developments, it is necessary to consider the subsection terminologies of languages immediately to the east of the Ngurlun varieties, Garrwa, and Ganggalida.49 The

49 The Garrwa terminology has been borrowed recently into Yanyuwa. John Bradley (pers. comm.) states that older people were unfamiliar with the system in the early 1990s. The subsection terms receive Yanyuwa prefixation. The masculines have a Ø- Absolutive in the men’s dialect and a nya- Absolutive in the women’s dialect (§7.6.1). The subsection terms are listed in Kirton (1971b:22). 106 Proto Mirndi subsection terminologies of these languages have a significant bearing on the reconstruction of Proto Ngurlun. (256) Garrwa (Mushin 2000:55) A1m ngarrijpalang-i B1m purralang-i A1f ni-wana-ma B1f n-urrila-ma A2m pulany-i B2m kangala A2f n-ulany-ma B2f n-angala C1m kamarrang-i D1m palyarriny-i C1f ni-marra-ma D1f nu-lyarri-ma C2m yakamarri D2m pangariny-i C2f na-minyan-ma D2f nu-ngari-ma

(257) Ganggalida (Keen 1983:193–194)50 A1m ngarrijpalang-i B1m purralang-i A1f ni-wana-ma B1f n-urrala-ma A2m pulany-i B2m kangala A2f n-ulany-ma51 B2f n-angala-ma C1m kamarrang-i D1m palyarriny-i C1f ni-marra-ma D1f nu-lyarri-ma C2m yakamarri D2m pangariny-i C2f jaminyanyi D2f nu-ngari-ma As illustrated in (256) and (257), the Garrwa and Ganggalida terminologies show a highly unusual pattern. The masculine terms are unprefixed, whereas the feminine terms show Mirndi prefixation. Further, in A1, the masculine shows a north-eastern root whereas the feminine shows a south-western root.

A1m (nya-)ngarrijpalangi B1m (nya-)purralangi A1f rra-niwanama B1f rra-nurrulama A2m (nya-)pulanyi B2m (nya-)kangala A2f rra-nulanyma B2f rra-nangalama C1m (nya-)kamarrangi D1m (nya-)palyarrinyji C1f rra-nimarrama D1f rra-nulyarrima C2m (nya-)yakamarri D2m (nya-)pangarinyji C2f rra-na-minyanma D2f rra-nu-ngarima There is one unexplained variation from the Garrwa terminology. The Garrwa D1 and D2 masculines are palyarrinyi and pangarinyi. The corresponding Yanyuwa terms are palyarrinyji and pangarinyji, involving an additional /j/. 50 Keen uses the name ‘Yukulta’ for this language. However, it is more generally known as Ganggalida, and consequently I use this name. 51 Keen lists this subsection term as ngurlanyma. This does not match to the other female subsection names in Yukulta which all have an initial /n/, not an initial /ng/. David Trigger (pers. comm.) states that the term in use among Yukulta people is n-ulany-ma. The form ngurlanyma in Keen is presumably a misprint. Proto Mirndi 107

There are two pieces of evidence which argue that the masculine terms are an older borrowing than the feminine terms. Firstly, the masculine terms are unprefixed, and we have seen that the diffusion of unprefixed terms is an older phenomenon than the borrowing of prefixed terms. Secondly, the synchronic distribution of the A1 masculine root ngarrijpalang is discontinuous. It is otherwise only attested in Mangarrayi (233) (Map 5). The feminine terms, on the other hand, were borrowed from Proto Ngurlun. The A1 and C1 Garrwa and Ganggalida feminines show the specifically Ngurlun development of the feminine prefix *na- > ni-, determined by analogy with the masculine prefix *ji- ((216) and (217)). The Garrwa and Ganggalida terminologies therefore show an unusual pattern of diffusion. The masculines were borrowed in the initial stage of diffusion, where diffusion involved unprefixed forms. The feminines, on the other hand, were borrowed at a later stage, after specifically Ngurlun processes of analogy, deletion and lenition had applied. If this is the case, then the unprefixed forms would not in fact have been masculines when initially borrowed. They would have been subsection terms which were not differentiated for gender. They would only have become masculine forms when the feminine terms were borrowed from Proto Ngurlun. The question that arises is why Garrwa would have borrowed a set of feminine terms, and not a set of masculine terms. In this respect, it is helpful to look at the synchronic patterning of prefixation in Mangarrayi. The synchronic class system of Mangarrayi, like that reconstructed for Proto Mirndi, conveys both class and case information. (258) Feminine Masculine Neuter Intr Subj ngarla- na- Ø- Tr Subj ngarla- na- na- Obj ngan- Ø- Ø- Merlan (1982:57) notes that the masculine nominative prefix na- can be omitted, though it is usually present. With non-singular reference, the patterns of prefixation are somewhat different. Nonsingular nouns of all classes are often not prefixed in major syntactic functions. The major exception to this is that sometimes feminines (more often than masculines) are prefixed with ngarla- and ngan-. This occurs especially with ‘variable-gender’ nouns such as warlima ‘young person’, for which sex reference is distinguished by prefixation only. With such nouns, when the nonsingular referent is exhaustively feminine, feminine prefix forms are often used: … This is not always done when gender reference is otherwise clear. Masculine and mixed gender nonsingulars in transitive and intransitive subject functions are often unprefixed, but may have na-, in transitive object function the usual zero. (Merlan ibid:88) For present purposes, we may note that when gender variable terms such as subsection terms are used with feminine reference, they always bear prefixation when singular, and tend to be prefixed when non-singular. Such terms with masculine or mixed gender reference, are usually prefixed masculine in the singular and usually unprefixed in the non- singular. These patterns follow from a strong preference for overtly marking exhaustively feminine reference. There is no reason to view this preference as specific to Mangarrayi. Rather, it is a general possibility in class marking systems opposing feminine and masculine. I propose that this is why Garrwa would have borrowed a set of specifically

108 Proto Mirndi feminine terms, and not a set of specifically masculine terms. As previously mentioned, borrowing a set of specifically feminine terms had the effect that the existing previously gender neutral set became a set of masculine terms. The Garrwa and Ganggalida feminines are important because they preserve evidence of a stage in Proto Ngurlun for which the synchronic Ngurlun varieties themselves no longer show any evidence. (259) Proto Mirndi Proto Ngurlun Garrwa A1m *ji-pánangka *ji-yina A1f *na-pánangka *ni-yina ni-wana-ma A2m *ji-purlany *j-urlany A2f *na-purlany *n-urlany n-ulany-ma B1m *ji-púrru(r)la *j-úrrula B1f *na-púrru(r)la *n-úrrula n-urrula-ma B2m *ji-kángala *j-ángala B2f *na-kángala *n-ángala n-angala C1m *ji-kámarra *jí-yamarra C1f *na-kámarra *ní-yamarra ni-marra-ma C2f *na-mínyan na-minyan-ma D1f *na-páljarri n-ulyarri-ma D2f *na-pángarti n-ungari-ma The underlined forms in (259) show lenited reflexes of the original root-initial stops. As discussed in §7.5, the C2, D1 and D2 subsection terms found synchronically in the Ngurlun varieties are loans, deriving most probably from Wakaya. The Garrwa C2, D1 and D2 feminines pattern morphologically with the other Garrwa feminines. There is therefore no reason to posit a distinct history for the Garrwa C2, D1 and D2 feminines from the other Garrwa feminines. Given that the Garrwa feminines were borrowed from Ngurlun, the C2, D1 and D2 Garrwa feminines preserve the Ngurlun forms which were replaced among the Ngurlun varieties by the borrowings from Wakaya. The remaining original terms in the Ngurlun varieties show two distinct patterns of development. As already discussed the A1 and C1 terms involve preservation of the prefixal vowel and analogic remodelling of the feminine on the basis of the masculine. The other terms show the more usual pattern, whereby the prefixal vowel disappears. When the additional Garrwa terms are brought into consideration, an interesting pattern emerges. The Garrwa C2 term na-minyan-ma has no known cognates, so it is not possible to comment on its diachrony. On the other hand, the Garrwa D1 and D2 terms n-ulyarri-ma and n-ungari-ma are evidently derived from the Proto Mirndi forms. However, both show an unexpected initial /u/ vowel, where on general principles an /a/ vowel would be predicted. There is no reason to assign this unexpected /u/ to Garrwa. The Garrwa feminines are otherwise straightforwardly borrowed from Ngurlun. Therefore, this unexpected /u/ is to be assigned to Proto Ngurlun. Proto Mirndi 109

With the Garrwa feminines included, two patterns are evident. Forms with an initial /u/ have lost the prefixal vowel. On the other hand, forms with an initial /a/ have maintained the prefixal vowel. The B2 terms are an exception to this second pattern, but they are exceptional everywhere in showing loss of the prefixal vowel and root-initial stop, even in Warlpiri and Warumungu (253). It appears therefore that the initial vowel of the root was a significant factor in the development of the subsection terms in Ngurlun. Terms where the initial vowel was *u, whether regularly or irregularly derived from Proto Mirndi, showed the same pattern of development as already discussed for Proto Yirram and Pre-Jingulu. The forms where the initial vowel was *a — the A1 and C1 terms — are best accounted for by the following order of developments: (260) a. Stress shifted to the initial syllable, and thereby to the prefixal vowel. *ji-pánangka > *jí-panangka, *na-pánangka > *ná-panangka b. All stops between [+continuant] segments were lenited. *jí-panangka > *jí-wanangka, *ná-panangka > *ná-wanangka c. Initial vowel of feminine remodelled on basis of masculine and irregular shortening. *jí-wanangka > *jí-wana, *ná-wanangka > *ní-wana (Garrwa ni-wana-ma) d. Approximant assimilated to preceding stressed vowel. *jí-wana > *jí-yana, *ní-wana > *ní-yana [Irregular assimilation of first vowel of root: *jí-yana > jí-yina, *ní-yana > ní-yina]

7.5.3 Summary of the diachrony of subsections The linguistic evidence considered in the previous sections suggests the following stages in the diachrony of subsections: (261) a. Wardaman is the prime candidate as the origin point for subsections, in terms of the most reliable available evidence. However, there is less reliable evidence suggesting that Dagoman would be the prime candidate. b. Subsections originally spread as a construct, independently of terms/ terminologies. However, over time, their spread became more and more a spread of terms and then of terminologies. c. The available evidence suggests that the initial spread was primarily eastwards. The initial spread of terms was as unaffixed roots. This spread was over a very extensive area. Synchronically, the geographical extremes of languages with reflexes of this spread are Wardaman, Jaminjung, Ndjebbana, Na-kara, Ganggalida, and Wakaya. d. Over a large area to the west, there is evidence of a later spread of terminologies bearing Mirndi affixation. It is not possible to say whether there was a single diffusion or a number of diffusions of forms bearing Mirndi affixation. 110 Proto Mirndi

e. There are some smaller scale diffusions, which appear to be quite late, for example: the borrowing of Ngurlun feminines into Garrwa, Yanyuwa and thence into Ganggalida; the borrowing into Ngurlun of the Wakaya C2, D1 and D2 terms. f. Subsection terminologies, being a closed class, are likely to be affected by lenition, shortening, stress shift, and vowel harmony when open lexical classes are not. There is evidence that some at least of these processes have applied independently in various branches of Mirndi and in recipient languages. The independent application of these processes yields very similar results, making it difficult to assign putative reconstructions to particular protolanguages.

7.6 Proto Mirndi nominal classification and Proto Ngarna nominal classification We have seen that Yanyuwa constituted a special case when considering lexical correspondences beyond the Mirndi varieties (§3.3). The same is true in considering correspondences involving classificatory morphology beyond the Mirndi languages. Consideration of the Yanyuwa correspondences necessarily involves consideration of the issue of nominal classification more generally among the Ngarna languages. I will show that the evidence supports the reconstruction of an ‘agreement’ prefixal classificatory system for Proto Ngarna, very similar structurally to that of Proto Mirndi. Nouns in Proto Ngarna would not generally have borne prefixation, but demonstratives and adjectives would have. I will show that the synchronic distribution of classification among the Ngarna languages is best explained by the same processes as have been shown to operate among the Mirndi varieties. Specifically, the encliticisation and procliticisation of prefixed demonstratives has played a central role in determining the synchronic distribution of classification in Ngarna.

7.6.1 Synchronic nominal classification in Yanyuwa The Yanyuwa classificatory system is set out in Table 14. The fundamental semantic oppositions between the classes in terms of lexical domains are largely the same as those found elsewhere in northern Australia. (262) Class I Human males, most animates, many others Class II Human females, some animates, some others Class III Food, plant Class IV Residue However, the Yanyuwa classificatory system shows a range of complexities which are not attested elsewhere.

Table 14: Yanyuwa Nominal Classification Class Absolutive Oblique Dative Ia (F) nya-mangaji nya-wirti nyu-ngku-mangaji nyu-wirti-lu nyu-wu-mangaji nyu-wirti-wu Ia (M) nya-mangaji wirti nyu-ngku-mangaji ki-wirti-lu nyu-wu-mangaji ki-wirti-wu Ib (F) nya-mangaji puyuka ji-ngku-mangaji ji-puyuka-lu yi-mangaji ji-puyuka-wu Ib (M) nya-mangaji puyuka nyu-ngku-mangaji ki-puyuka-lu nyu-wu-mangaji ki-puyuka-wu II rra-mangaji rra-wirti rru-ngku-mangaji rru-wirti-lu rru-wu-mangaji rru-wirti-wu Dual rri-mangaji rri-wirti rri-nyji-mangaji rri-nyji-wirti-lu rri-yi-mangaji rri-yi-wirti-wu Plural li-mangaji li-wirti li-nyji-mangaji li-nyji-wirti-lu li-yi-mangaji li-yi-wirti-wu III ma-mangaji ma-ngarra mu-ngku-mangaji mu-ngku-ngarran-tu mu-wu-mangaji mu-ngarran-ku IVa na-mangaji na-wapija nu-ngku-mangaji nu-ngku-wapija-lu nu-wu-mangaji nu-wapija-wu IVb na-rnu-mangaji na-rnu-maya nu-ngka-rnu-mangaji nu-ngka-rnu-maya-lu nu-wa-rnu-mangaji nu-wa-rnu-maya-wu

mangaji ‘that’, wirti ‘old person’, puyuka ‘fire’, ngarra ‘food’, wapija ‘digging stick’, maya ‘mainland’

F = women’s dialect; M = men’s dialect

Proto Mirndi 111 112 Proto Mirndi

(263) a. The morphology of the animate classes, Classes I and II, varies according to gender dialect oppositions. In the women’s dialect, there is a distinction between Class Ia (human males), and Class Ib (non-human males and other concepts). There is no distinction between these two classes in the men’s dialect. b. The residue class, Class IV, is divided into two subclasses. Class IVa takes prefixation directly. In Class IVb, class prefixation attaches to a stem consisting of the root and a prefix rnu-. Class IVb includes all derived abstract nominals. Thus yabi ‘good’ takes a range of prefixes when agreeing as an adjective, but ‘goodness’ is na-rnu-yabi. c. Nominal classification shows two distinct patterns of interaction with case suffixation. In Yanyuwa, as in the Mirndi varieties, nominal prefixation shows portmanteau class/case distinctions. Most nominals also take case suffixation. However demonstratives and possessive pronouns do not take case suffixation (Kirton 1988:116). d. Demonstratives and possessive pronouns show a triple opposition between Absolutive, Oblique and Dative in all classes. Other nominal roots show the same triple opposition in all classes, save Classes I and II. Classes I and II show a binary opposition between Absolutive and Non-Absolutive. Diachronically, nearly all the Non-Absolutive prefixes evidently derive from combinations of the Absolutive prefix form and the Oblique or Dative case suffix, as appropriate. The regular patterns of Yanyuwa suffixal case allomorphy are set out in (264), based on (Kirton 1971b:42). (264) Yanyuwa suffixal case allomorphy Final segment of root Oblique Locative Dative i -nyju -nyja -yu Disyllabic: Homorganic Nasal+Stop+a -wu -a -wu Other Disyllabic a, u and Polysyllabic la, lu -ngku -ngka -wu Other a, u -lu -la -wu Liquid (l, rl, rr) -u -a -u n -tu -ta -ku ny -u -a ng-ku (ny > ng) Synchronically, most of the allomorphs can still be analysed as consisting of an initial prefix conveying the class and a second position prefix conveying either Oblique or Dative. Synchronically, there are two pieces of evidence which argue that there is generally a robust phonological boundary between the prefix complex and the nominal roots. Firstly, in unmonitored speech, the Non-Absolutive prefixes may be omitted in certain circumstances. Simplification of Type 1 [common] nouns involves non-nuclear [Non-Absolutive] affixation only, and most commonly occurs as the omission of the directive/accessory [Oblique] prefix from nouns of classes 5–7 [III, IVa, IVb] (the three classes which distinguish more than Nuclear [Absolutive] versus non-Nuclear [Non-Absolutive] constrast by prefixation). (Kirton 1971b:50)

Proto Mirndi 113

Kirton (1971b:51) provides the examples shown in (265). (265) nu-ngkuw-alanyji-lu ~ alanyji-lu IV-OBL-camp-OBL camp-OBL ‘to the camp’ nu-ngku-kalkarra-la ~ kalkarra-la IV-OBL-coolamon-LOC coolamon-LOC ‘on the coolamon’ nu-ngka-rnu-wurrama-lu ~ wurrama-lu IV-OBL-ABST-fighting ground-OBL fighting ground-OBL ‘to the fighting ground’ Secondly, there are very few phonological processes which operate across the boundary between the prefix complex and the root. Those that do operate on the open nominal lexicon generally function to maintain the clarity of the boundary (Kirton 1971b:48–50). (266) II.ABS II.OBL DL.ABS wirti ‘old person’ rra-wirti rru-wirti rri-wirti arti ‘child’ rra-arti rruw-arti rriy-arti As shown in (266), when a vowel-final prefix is attached to a vowel-initial root, the result is either a long vowel or the insertion of the appropriate continuant. Paradigms involving roots from the closed nominal lexicon (e.g. demonstratives, possessive pronouns) can display a different pattern, with the boundary being obscured. (267) IV.ABS IV-OBL IV.DAT alanyji ‘camp’ na-alanyji nu-ngkuw-alanyji nuw-alanyji arrku ‘other’ n-arrku nu-ngk-arrku nuw-arrku

7.6.2 Internal evidence for prefixal nominal classification in Proto Ngarna This section does not provide a complete reconstruction of nominal classification in Proto Ngarna. It is limited to showing that there is evidence from within the Ngarna language family for the reconstruction of a Class II prefix *rra-. A further implication of this reconstruction is that Proto Ngarna had a prefixal nominal classification system. Dixon (2000:500–501) proposes that the Yanyuwa system of nominal classification has been innovated in toto since the break-up of Proto Ngarna. Yanyuwa belongs to the same genetic subgroup as the three languages … Wagaya, Bularnu and Warluwarra which lack prefixes. There is no doubt that Yanyuwa has innovated prefixes on verbs and on nominals rather recently. There are two obvious sources. Firstly, it is very likely that, … , the prefix ma- for the vegetable class comes from grammaticalisation of the classifier mayi ‘vegetable food’. … The second source for noun class prefixes in Yanyuwa is from gender-based free pronouns. I will show that Dixon’s hypotheses do not satisfactorily account for the situation in the Ngarna languages. Firstly, while Yanyuwa is the only Ngarna language with a prefixal classificatory system, it is not the only Ngarna language with a classificatory system. Wakaya also has a system of nominal classification (Breen MS). 114 Proto Mirndi

(268) Wakaya nominal classification Class I All non-singular and masculine singular Class II Non-masculine singular However in Wakaya, the formal opposition between the two classes is suffixal, and varies according to the final segment of the root. (269) Root-final: Class I Class II Lateral -Ø -t Tap -u -Ø /a/ -Ø -rr Other consonant -u -i The Wakaya Class I -u and Class II -i suffix forms do not appear to be relatable to Yanyuwa forms. There does not appear to be evidence for their reconstruction in Proto Ngarna, and their origin requires further research. However, I propose that the other Class II allomorphs -t, -rr, and -Ø may be related to the Yanyuwa Class II marker rra- (Table 14). They have the essentially equivalent semantic ranges of feminine singular in Yanyuwa and non-masculine singular in Wakaya. They also correspond phonologically, with all three Wakaya allomorphs being reasonably derived from an original tap *rr, as illustrated in (270). (270) Class I Class II ‘old’ perijanga *perijanga-rr > perijanga-rr ‘animal’ kilya(r)l *kilya(r)l-rr > kilya(r)l-t ‘old person’ pukarr-u *pukarr-rr > pukarr-Ø Both the -t and -Ø allomorphs in Wakaya are explicable by standard phonotactic constraints holding across all Australian languages. Australian languages universally avoid clusters of liquids, such as /lateral + tap/ and particularly /tap + tap/, whereas many permit homorganic /lateral + stop/ clusters. Therefore, it is a quite standard change for any /lateral-tap/ sequence arising across a morphological boundary to be altered to the corresponding /lateral-stop/ sequence. Equivalently, it is a quite standard change for any /tap-tap/ sequence arising across a morphological boundary to be reduced to a singleton /tap/. The issue in correspondence is evidently that the forms are prefixes in Yanyuwa, but suffixes in Wakaya. However, we have already examined precisely this situation in the Mirndi varieties. We have seen that suffixal class marking in the Eastern Mirndi varieties arose through the encliticisation of prefixed demonstratives (§7.3). I have also proposed that the Nungali class system historically involved the procliticisation of prefixed demonstratives (§7.4.2). I propose that both these mechanisms have also operated in the history of the Ngarna languages. Specifically, I propose that Yanyuwa has procliticised prefixed demonstratives. Wakaya, on the other hand, has encliticised prefixed demonstratives, though as we will see only for Class II. There is internal evidence within Yanyuwa that the synchronic system must have arisen through procliticisation. As discussed in §7.6.1, the Yanyuwa Oblique and Dative prefix complexes evidently derive from combinations of a class prefix and a case suffix. However, the structure [prefix+suffix] is not possible in language. There must, at some Proto Mirndi 115 stage, have been a root intervening between the prefix and the suffix. The most plausible root is a demonstrative root. I thus propose that Proto Ngarna was structurally similar to Proto Mirndi in having an agreement system of nominal classification. Nouns generally did not bear classificatory morphology. The exceptions would have been some generics and gender variable nouns. Demonstratives and adjectives would have born prefixal classificatory morphology. In Yanyuwa inflected demonstrative forms were procliticised. (271) Procliticisation in Yanyuwa Absolutive Class Prefix-Dem Root-Ø=Nominal Root Oblique Class Prefix-Dem Root-Oblique Suffix=Nominal Root Dative Class Prefix-Dem Root-Dative Suffix=Nominal Root The procliticised forms were subsequently reduced by loss of the demonstrative root, giving rise to the synchronic prefixal Yanyuwa structures. (272) Prefixation in Yanyuwa Absolutive Class Prefix-Nominal Root Oblique Class Prefix-Oblique Prefix-Nominal Root Dative Class Prefix-Dative Prefix-Nominal Root There is internal evidence from within Wakaya that inflected demonstratives were encliticised, though not across the entire nominal lexicon as in Yanyuwa. In Wakaya, encliticisation appears to have been limited to some subclasses of Class II nominals. The clearest evidence for encliticisation comes from the allomorphy of the Oblique case suffix. In Wakaya, Classes I and II have distinct Oblique suffix allomorphs. (273) Class I Oblique Class II Oblique ‘big’ pertiip-u-rl pertiip-i-k ‘dog’ wura-rl wura-rre-k ‘old’ perijanga-rl perijanga-rre-k In Yanyuwa, the principal allomorphs of the Oblique are -ngku and -lu (264). I propose that -ngku is related to the Wakaya -k allomorph, and -lu to the Wakaya -rl allomorph. In Yanyuwa, the basic factor conditioning the distribution of the two allomorphs is root length. The -ngku allomorph attaches to mono- and disyllabic roots, whereas the -lu allomorph attaches to longer roots. The Wakaya allomorphy may plausibly be explained by reconstructing the Yanyuwa allomorphy and its conditioning for Proto Ngarna. I propose that the Wakaya Class I Obliques derive from an analogical spread of the longer Oblique allomorph. (274) *perijanga-lu > perijanga-rl *wura-ngku > wura-rl I propose that the Wakaya Class II Obliques have a different history. Those involving -rre-k derive from a construction involving an encliticised demonstrative. Cross- linguistically, demonstrative roots are overwhelmingly monosyllabic or disyllabic. Consequently, I reconstruct the sequence shown in (275) as an Oblique demonstrative form in Proto Ngarna, with the reconstructed *-ngku allomorph. (275) *rra-CV((C)CV))-ngku II-DEM-OBL 116 Proto Mirndi

The Wakaya Class II Obliques derive from constructions where this demonstrative was encliticised. (276) *perijanga=rra-CV((C)CV))-ngku > perijanga-rre-k *wura=rra-CV((C)CV))-ngku > wura-rre-k For the Class II Obliques, there would have been a much higher frequency of the *-ngku Obliques because of the enclitic construction. As such, the *-ngku Oblique could serve as an analogic base in Class II. I am therefore proposing that the synchronic Wakaya nominal morphology has two distinct diachronic structural sources. The Class II allomorphs listed in (277) appear to derive from constructions involving encliticised demonstratives, which had the prefix *rra-. (277) Absolutive ‘old’ *perijanga=rra-CV((C)CV))-Ø > perijanga-rr ‘animal’ *kilya(r)l=rra-CV((C)CV))-Ø > kilya(r)l-t ‘old person’ *pukarr=rra-CV((C)CV))-Ø > pukarr Oblique ‘old’ *perijanga=rra-CV((C)CV))-ngku > perijanga-rre-k ‘animal’ *kilya(r)l=rra-CV((C)CV))-ngku > kilya(r)l-te-k ‘old person’ *pukarr=rra-CV((C)CV))-ngku > pukarr-e-k The Class I allomorphs -Ø ‘Absolutive’ and -rl ‘Oblique’ appear to derive from directly inflected nominal forms, consisting just of a root and the appropriate case suffix. The question as to how these two distinct structural sources came to be fused into a single synchronic system of classification in Wakaya remains to be resolved. So also does the question of the origins of the Class I -u suffix and the Class II -i suffix.

7.6.3 Yanyuwa nominal classification and Proto Mirndi nominal classification The preceding section §7.6.2 provided evidence for *rra- as a Class II prefix in Proto Ngarna. In §3.3, evidence was provided that the form *ma-ngarra ‘III-food’ can be assigned to Proto Ngarna, thereby also establishing *ma- as a Class III prefix. Class prefixes do not occur in isolation. They appear as members of paradigms. Therefore, it is reasonable to posit that the Yanyuwa class marking paradigms descend generally from Proto Ngarna paradigms. The Yanyuwa classification system shows a number of significant similarities with Mirndi classificatory systems, in terms both of particular morphemes and of overall structure. The nominal classification system reconstructed for Proto Mirndi is repeated here for convenience. (278) Proto Mirndi nominal classification Class I Class II Class III Class IV Demonstrative Absolutive *ji- *na- *ma- *ku- Demonstrative Oblique *ni- *nga- Adjectives *ji- *na- *ma- *Ø- Gender variable nouns *ji- *na- Possessor – Body part nouns *ji- *na- Proto Mirndi 117

The Yanyuwa prefix system is set out in (279). (279) Yanyuwa prefix paradigms (open class nominals) Class Absolutive Oblique Dative Ia (F) nya- nyu- nyu- Ia (M) Ø- ki- ki- Ib (F) Ø- ji- ji- Ib (M) Ø- ki- ki- II rra- rru- rru- Dual rri- rri-nyji- rri-yi- Plural li- li-nyji- li-yi- III ma- mu-ngku- mu- IVa na- nu-ngku- nu- IVb na-rnu- nu-ngka-rnu- nu-wa-rnu-

There are two evidently cognate prefixes. These are the Class III prefix *ma-, already mentioned, and the Class I prefix *ji-. As we will see, the Class III prefix can be reconstructed for a very remote protolanguage (§7.7). The ultimate historical status of the Class I prefix is less clear (§7.7). Apart from these two general correspondences, it is also possible that the Yanyuwa Class IV prefix na- and the Nungali Class IV prefix ni- have parallel diachronic histories. The principal Nungali noun paradigm is repeated here as (280). (280) Absolutive Oblique Dative I ‘child’ ti-yalik nyi-yalik ki-yalik II ‘woman’ nya-ngarrung nga-nyi-ngarrung k-a-nyi-ngarrung III ‘food’ ma-ngarra ma-ngarra-mayi ki-ma-ngarra IV ‘tree’ ni-langin nyi-langin ki-langin As discussed in §7.4.2, a number of the morphemes in this paradigm, including the Class IV marker, have no cognates in any of the Mirndi varieties. (281) ti- ‘Class I Abs’, nya- ‘Class II Abs’, ni- ‘Class IV Abs’, nyi- ‘Oblique’, ki- ‘Dative’ Comparison with Yanyuwa suggests a potential source for the Nungali Class IV Absolutive ni-. This is that it originated as a possessor marking construction, and subsequently developed into a class marking construction. In Yanyuwa, while most nouns bear prefixation for class, there are two subclasses — part nouns and kin nouns — which instead bear prefixation for the possessor. The male and female dialects of Yanyuwa have distinct paradigms for the marking of Class I possessors. This is illustrated in (282), with the root ngurru ‘nose’ (Kirton 1971b:53). (282) Male Ia and Ib Female Ia Female Ib Absolutive na-ngurru ni-wa-ngurru ni-ngurru Oblique nu-ngka-ngurru-ngku ni-ngki-wa-ngurru-ngku ni-ngki-ngurru-ngku Dative nu-wa-ngurru-wu ni-yi-wa-ngurru-wu ni-yi-ngurru-wu The male dialect prefixation for a Class I possessor is only minimally different from the marking of Class IV, which is illustrated in (283). 118 Proto Mirndi

(283) mangaji ‘that’ wapija ‘digging stick’ Absolutive na-mangaji na-wapija Oblique nu-ngku-mangaji nu-ngku-wapija-lu Dative nu-wu-mangaji nu-wapija-wu There is evidence from another language which suggests that the marking of Class I Possessor and Class IV are related in Yanyuwa. A connection of exactly this type has developed within the Bininj Gunwok dialect continuum. All Bininj Gunwok dialects have a 3SG possessive suffix -no (Evans 2003:162–163, 195–196). However, in the easternmost dialect Kune, this suffix now also functions as a class marker. It marks nouns in the following lexical domains (Evans 2003:197–199): (284) a. Body parts; parts and products of plants; parts of artefacts; some parts of the landscape and heavens; parts of the diurnal cycle and other time words. b. Generic terms for plants. c. Some quantificational terms, some adjectives. In Yanyuwa, Class IV marks the domains shown in (285) (Bradley et al. 1992:60; Kirton 1971b:29). (285) Plant products: na-lunguntu ‘bark shelter’, na-wulku ‘bark canoe’, na-ritiriti ‘walking stick’. Some parts of the landscape: na-wulangi ‘river’, na-wiriwiri ‘cave’. Parts of the diurnal cycle: na-wunparr ‘night time’, na-rlangan ‘daylight’. Plant species: na-warrka ‘paperbark sp.’, na-wiyi ‘Kangaroo grass’, na-julangal ‘sea grass’. There is a high degree of overlap between the set of domains in the Yanyuwa Class IV (285) and the Kune -no Class (284). As such, it is reasonable to posit that the Yanyuwa Class IV has developed from a possessor marking construction. The Nungali Class IV has a similar constitution to the Yanyuwa Class IV and the Kune -no Class. The principal domains in the Nungali Class IV are set out in (286). (286) a. Body parts, parts of the landscape, parts of the diurnal cycle b. Generic terms for plants c. Plant products d. Fire As already mentioned, the Nungali Class IV prefix is ni-. A prefix of identical form *ni- can be reconstructed as the 3SG Masculine Ergative prefix in Proto Mirndi verbal morphology (§6.3.2). There is a related free pronoun *ni ~ nu ‘3SG Masculine’ (§6.3.4). This pronoun could be the source of the Nungali Class IV prefix, via a possession marking construction. We have seen (§7.4.2) that possessor marking can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi, and has reflexes in Nungali. (287) Class I Class II Proto Mirndi *ji-manka *na-manka Nungali ni-ya-manka ni-na-manka IV-M-ear IV-F-ear ‘ear of a male’ ‘ear of a female’ Proto Mirndi 119

The Nungali part noun in (287) bears double prefixation. The outer prefix indicates the class of the part, and the inner prefix indicates the gender of the possessor. A little less than half the body part nouns in Nungali bear double prefixation. The remainder bear single prefixation for the class of the part only. The Proto Mirndi Class I possessor marker was *ji-, which is quite unrelated to the Nungali Class IV marker ni-. However, as discussed in §7.4.2, the evidence argues that prefixation inherited from Proto Mirndi was lexicalised in Proto Yirram. Consequently, it is possible that Nungali could have innovated a new system of possessor marking, using the *ni pronoun, and that this later developed into a class prefix. There is one other parallelism between Nungali class marking morphology and Yanyuwa class marking morphology. The Nungali Dative prefix ki- is formally identical to the Yanyuwa men’s dialect Non-Absolutive prefix for Class I (Table 14). However in this case, the evidence is against any connection between the two. Firstly, stop-initial grammatical morphemes inherited into Nungali from Proto Mirndi otherwise consistently show lenition. (288) *ji- ‘I’ > yV-, *ku- ‘2NSG’ > wu-, *ku- ‘IV’ > wu-, *pa- ‘IMP’ > wa-, *pi- ‘3NSG’ > wi- If ki- ‘Dative’ had been inherited into Nungali, its reflex should be wi-. Secondly, there does not appear to be a plausible semantic connection between the very different meanings in Nungali and in Yanyuwa.

7.7 The diachrony of nominal classification in Mirndi Nominal classification is a phenomenon which has been present in the earliest stages of Proto Mirndi. The reconstructed system is repeated as (289) for convenience. (289) Proto Mirndi nominal classification Class I Class II Class III Class IV Demonstrative Absolutive *ji- *na- *ma- *ku- Demonstrative Oblique *ni- *nga- Adjectives *ji- *na- *ma- *Ø- Gender variable nouns *ji- *na- Possessor – Body part nouns *ji- *na- The prefixes *ma- ‘Class III’ and *ku- ‘Class IV’ derive from a higher level protolanguage. A large number of northern Australian languages with noun class systems have a ‘food’ class marked by a prefix which appears to be a reflex of *ma-, and a ‘residue’ class marked by a prefix which appears to be a reflex of *ku-. (290) *ma- ‘III’: Bininj Gunwok man-, Burarra mu(n)-, Gaagudju ma-, Giimbiyu ma(ny)-, Gulumoerrgin ma-, Gunbarlang ma(n)-, Limilngan ma-/mu-, MalakMalak mu- (verbal agreement), Maung ma-, Ngalakgan mu-, Ngandi ma-, Nunggubuyu mana-/ama-, Umbugarla ma-, Uwinymil ma-, Wardaman ma-, Warndarrang ma-, Yanyuwa ma- *ku- ‘IV’: Bininj Gunwok kun-, Burarra ku(n)-, Gaagudju ku-, Giimbiyu u-, Gulumoerrgin ku-/-kwa, Gunbarlang ku(n)-, Limilngan -ka (Dem), MalakMalak wu- (verbal agreement), Maung wu-, Ngalakgan ku-, Ngandi ku-, Nunggubuyu wu- (verbal agreement), Umbugarla ku-, Uwinymil u-, Wardaman wu-, Warndarrang wu- 120 Proto Mirndi

The Class I and Class II prefixes present a more complex picture. There are suggestive similarities between three of the four Class I and II prefixes, and pronominal or demonstrative forms. (291) Class Prefix Free Pron/Dem Verbal Prefix *ji- ‘Class I ABS’ *jiyi ‘that’ *ni- ‘Class I OBL’ *nu ‘3SGM’ *ni- ‘3SGM.ERG’ *nga- ‘Class II OBL’ *ngayi ‘3SGF’ *ngayi- ‘3SGF.ERG’ The similarities are strongest with the Oblique case prefixes, and it seems likely that these are derived ultimately from procliticised pronominals. The Oblique prefixes have no corresponding forms as prefixes in any non-Mirndi variety. The origins of the Class I prefix *ji- are less certain. Apart from the Mirndi reflexes, this prefix is also attested in Yanyuwa, as the Class Ib Oblique prefix in the women’s dialect (Table 14). There are some forms in other languages which may be related. The Wardaman prefix yi- ‘Animate’ (= Class I + Class II) is probably a reflex. Wardaman appears to show systematic lenition of word-initial prefixes. The reflex of the 3PL person prefix *pV- is wu- (Merlan 1994:12–127). The reflex of the Class IV prefix *ku- is also wu-.47 Therefore, the Wardaman yi- is plausibly a reflex of *ji-. An extension in functional range from Class I to a general ‘Animate’ marker is also plausible. There is one piece of lexical evidence supporting this diachronic scenario. In Wardaman, the meanings ‘to let know, to inform’ are conveyed by combining the coverb yiyalang with the verb marnbu ‘cause, make’ (Merlan 1994:609). The coverb yiyalang appears to correspond to *ji-yalang, the Class I form that can be reconstructed for the adjective ‘new’ in Proto Mirndi. (292) *yalang ‘new’: Jam/Ngali ji-yalang, Nung I ti-y-alang, II nya-na-yalang, III ma-yalang, Ngarn yalang-ka The use of the combination *ji-yalang marnbu which would initially have meant ‘to cause to be new’ to convey the meanings ‘to inform, to let know’ follows well attested semantic paths. It is not possible to determine whether the coverb yiyalang appears in Wardaman by descent, or by borrowing from a Mirndi variety. Whichever is the case, it does provide some support for a change of the prefix *ji- to yi- in Wardaman. This in turn suggests that *ji- may derive from a higher level protolanguage, like *ma- and *ku-. There are a couple of other NPN languages which have prefix forms which could be reflexes of a *ji- ‘Class I’ prefix, assignable to a more remote protolanguage. (293) Gaagudju i- Class I Irrealis Intransitive Subject prefix (Harvey 2002:224), (y)i- Class I nominal prefix (irregular and uncommon; see Harvey 2002:146–147) Limilngan i- Animate class (= Class I + Class II) pronominal prefix (Harvey 2001:84–85)

47 Cognates of Wardaman forms with Class IV wu- prefixation appear in Wagiman with ku-, though this ku- is not synchronically separable in Wagiman. Wardaman yi-pam ‘I-head’ [head], wu-pam ‘IV-head’ [hill], Wagiman kupam ‘hill’ Wardaman yi-/ma-/wu-kit ‘I/III/IV-narrow’, Wagiman kukit ‘narrow’ Proto Mirndi 121

However, it is not possible to establish a reasonably well supported connection between these forms and the *ji- prefix reconstructable for Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna. An alternative hypothesis is that the common presence of *ji- as a Class I prefix in Yanyuwa and Proto Mirndi results from a common parallel development, as set in (294).

(294) *wd[jiCV]wd wd[Nominal]wd > * wd[jiCV=Nominal]wd > * wd[ji-Nominal]wd In other words, it is more likely that Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna shared an independent form, perhaps the *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’ demonstrative which is reconstructable for Proto Mirndi (§3.2). This demonstrative was independently procliticised and then reduced. This procliticisation probably only took place in the Yanyuwa branch of Ngarna, as there is no evidence for a *ji ‘Class I’ morpheme in the Warluwarric branch of Ngarna. This hypothesis explains the very restricted distribution of *ji- as a Class I marker. Like the Class I *ji- prefix, the origins of the Class II *na- prefix are somewhat uncertain. Many NPN languages have a classificatory opposition matching to the Class I vs Class II Mirndi opposition. Many of these languages show reflexes of *na- as a class marking prefix, critically as a Class I prefix (Harvey 2003c:499–500). (295) Class I Prefix *na- Alawa na-, Bininj Gunwok na-, Gaagudju na-, Jawoyn na-, Kunbarlang na-, Larrikiya n(i)- (kin nouns only), Limilngan n- (kin nouns only), Mangarrayi na- (Masculine and neuter), Marra na- (Oblique case), Mawng nu- (a few adjectival and demonstrative paradigms), Ngalakgan nu-, Nunggubuyu na-, Rembarrnga na- (clan names only), Uwinymil a-, Wagiman nu-, Warndarrang na-, Warray a- Reflexes of *na- are by far the most widely and frequently attested markers of Class I, and *na- is the leading candidate for the Class I prefix in any more remote protolanguage ancestral to the Mirndi varieties and many other NPN languages. There is one other NPN language where na- is Class II prefix. This is Ngandi which has an opposition between ni- ‘Class I’ and na- ‘Class II’ (Heath 1978:35). In examining whether the Class II na- found in the Mirndi varieties and Ngandi is related to the Class I *na- found elsewhere, the first factor to be considered is the structure of the nominal classification system. The four class system is the most widely distributed across northern Australia. Within this system, Classes I and II are the human classes and group together as against Classes III and IV, the non-human classes. This fundamental grouping suggests that there may be a connection between the Class I and Class II *na- forms. One possible connection is that both the sets of *na- forms may derive from a morpheme with general human reference, whose reference subsequently became limited to Class I or Class II. This could have been a demonstrative which was procliticised and then reduced. However, there is no direct evidence for such a morpheme, as a demonstrative or otherwise. Consequently, the Class I and Class II *na- reflexes cannot be connected definitively. Further, even if such a connection were established, it remains necessary to analyse the subsequent delimitation of reference to Class II in Proto Mirndi as having occurred independently of the delimitation to Class II reference in Ngandi. Ngandi is a member of the Gunwinyguan family, and *na- was certainly not delimited to Class II reference in Proto Gunwinyguan. As such, even if the prefix form *na- itself is not an innovation exclusive to Proto Mirndi, its function as the marker of Class II must be analysed as an independent innovation in Proto Mirndi. 122 Proto Mirndi

Whatever the ultimate source of these innovated Class I and II prefixes, the evidence from subsection terminologies establishes that they constituted a productive agreement system of nominal classification in the early stages of Proto Mirndi. However, the prefixal system of agreement, set out in (289), shows only lexicalised reflexes in all synchronic Mirndi varieties. Though it cannot be definitively established, it seems likely that lexicalisation commenced before the breakup of Proto Mirndi. There were a number of components to this lexicalisation process. (296) a. Shift of stress from the first syllable of the root to the prefix, thereby downgrading the prefix-root boundary. b. Lenition of root-initial stops, also downgrading the prefix-root boundary c. Closure of the class of morphemes which could take prefixation. The ordering of these components with respect to one another is not entirely clear. Once the system had become fully lexicalised, a variety of different developments happened, as summarised in (297). (297) a. Jaminjungan continued the lexicalisation process until the classificatory system was lost. b. Nungali innovated a new system of classification, most plausibly by procliticising prefixed demonstratives. Many of the prefixes in this innovated system lack an identifiable source form. This innovated system is itself synchronically closed in Nungali. c. The Eastern varieties innovated a new system of classification by encliticising prefixed demonstratives. The demonstratives were historically the only nominal subclass which indicated case oppositions. In those daughter varieties where demonstratives were cliticised, case oppositions became much more widely distributed across the nominal lexicon.

7.8 Case suffixation The Yirram and Ngurlun varieties all show an Oblique suffix -ni.48 In the Ngurlun varieties, this suffix appears with all nominal classes. In Nungali, it forms part of a paradigm, which varies according to class. (298) Class I -ni Class II -ngayi Class III -mayi The materials on Nungali also include a suffix -ki, with a locative function. This may be the Class IV allomorph for this paradigm. However, the materials are too limited to be certain of this (Harvey and Schultze-Berndt MS).

48 The Oblique suffix must be distinguished from the Non-Absolutive suffix among the Ngurlun varieties. The two are formally identical for Class I nominals, but distinct in the other classes — ngarrinypi-ni-ni ‘friend-I.NABS-OBL’, ngarrinypi-nga-ni ‘friend-II.NABS-OBL’. Jingulu has a cognate for the Ngurlun I.NABS suffix, but not for the Oblique suffix. Proto Mirndi 123

Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru also show evidence of having had a suffixal Oblique classificatory system. The oblique category is marked in the following ways in Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru. (299) Erg/Inst -ti after stops, -ni elsewhere Loc -ki after consonants -k after vowels (Jaminjung) -ni after vowels (Ngaliwurru) I reconstruct *-ni as the Class I Oblique suffix in Proto Yirram, in opposition at least to *-ngayi as the Class II Oblique suffix. These two Oblique suffixes are evidently to be related to the corresponding pronoun roots and Ergative prefixes (§6.3). It appears that the suffix *-ki is also to be reconstructed. However, the meaning to be assigned to this protosuffix is unclear. It was perhaps the Class IV Oblique, or it might have been some kind of locational case marker which could be attached to any nominal root. If *-ki is to be reconstructed as the Class IV Oblique suffix, then the distribution of the reflexes of *-ni and *-ki in Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru follows in a reasonably principled manner. The entities associated with Class I are generally animate, and consequently commonly appear in ergative function. The entities associated with Class IV are all inanimate. Consequently, they commonly appear in locative function, but only very rarely appear in ergative function. There is no evidence in the Ngurlun varieties for class marking oppositions within the Oblique. Consequently, I reconstruct only *-ni as the Oblique case suffix, at a higher level than Proto Yirram. As mentioned, its relationship to the 3SG Masculine Ergative prefix *ni- and to the free pronoun root *ni ~ nu should be noted. It appears that the Oblique suffix derives ultimately from the encliticisation of a free pronoun root. This parallels the probable development of the Oblique prefixes *ni- ‘I’ and *nga- ‘II’ at a more remote level (§7.7).

8 The evidence for Proto Mirndi There are a number of lexical and grammatical protomorphemes which have reflexes in two or more of the Mirndi varieties. The potential interpretations of these shared reflexes were set out in (1) and are repeated here as (300) for convenience. (300) a. A shared feature is inherited from a protolanguage which has no other daughter languages. b. A shared feature is inherited from a protolanguage which has other daughter languages c. A feature is shared because of borrowing. d. A feature is shared by chance. As we have seen, the quantity of grammatical morphemes that can be reconstructed and their distribution across the range of the lexicon, provides sufficient evidence to reject the (d) interpretation. I also argue that the (c) interpretation cannot be adopted. The percentages of lexical morphemes shared among the Mirndi varieties are low. Borrowing of lexical morphemes appears in fact to have been a very restricted phenomenon. It is a universal that the borrowing of grammatical morphemes occurs only in the context of extensive borrowing of lexical morphemes. 124 Proto Mirndi

This leaves the (a) and (b) interpretations. Distinguishing between these two is difficult. It is clear that the Mirndi varieties have a number of reflexes of protomorphemes which must be assigned to a higher level protolanguage that includes many of the NPN languages. The protomorphemes in (301) can be assigned to a higher level protolanguage, though not necessarily the same protolanguage in all cases. (301) Bound pronominal roots: *nga- ‘1SG’, *na- ‘2SG.ABS’, *ka- ‘3SG.NP’, *ngV- ‘1PL’, *yV- ‘1PL’, *ku- ‘2PL’, *pi- ‘3PL’ Pronominal number: *rrV- ‘PL’ Mood prefixes: *pV- ‘Future and Past Irrealis’ Free pronoun roots: *ngang ‘2SG.DAT/GEN’, *ni ~ nu ‘3SGM.DAT/GEN’, *ngayi ‘3SGF.DAT/GEN’ Case suffixes: *-ku ‘Dative’, *-ng ‘Pronominal Genitive’, *-kVn ‘Nominal Genitive’ Class prefixes: *ji- ‘I’, *na- ‘I/II’, *ma- ‘III’, *ku- ‘IV’ Verb roots: *ni ‘sit’, *ruma ‘come’, *yu ‘lie’ The following protomorphemes have no reflexes outside the Mirndi varieties.

(302) Pronominal Prefixes *mirnti- ‘1DL.INC’ All varieties *nganyji- ‘2SG.ERG’ Jam nganyji-, Nung ngaji-, Jing nganyji- Gud nganyji ‘3SGF.ERG’ *ana- ‘1SG.O’ Jam an-, Nung an-, Jing ana- *nyV- ‘2SG.O’ Jam nyi-, Nung nyi-, Jing nyV-, Ngarn, Wam, Gud, Bin ny- *nya- ‘CON’ Jam ya-, Nung nya-, Wam yi-, Gud yi-, Bin yi-, ya- (PR) *nya-nyji- Jam ya-nyji-, Nung nya-ji-, Wam i-nyj-, Gud yi-nyj-, ‘CON-2SG.S’ Bin yi-nyj-, ya-nyj- (PR) (also 3SGF.ERG) Nominal Prefixes *ni- ‘Class I.OBL’ Jing -rni, Ngarn, Wam, Gud, Bin ni- ~ -ni *nga- ‘Class II.OBL’ Nung nga-, Jing -nga Ngarn, Wam, Gud, Bin nga- ~ -nga Verb Root *akpa ‘unknown Jam akpa, Ngarn akpa, Wam akpa meaning’

Some of the protomorphemes in (301) have functions, or appear in structures, which are independent innovations common to the Mirndi languages. Proto Mirndi 125

(303) Pronominal Prefixes *nya-ni- Jam ya-ni-, Nung nya-ni-, Bin yi-na, ya-na (PR) ‘CON-3SGM.ERG’ *ka-ni- Jam kani- ‘3SG.ERG’, Nung ngani- ‘3SGM.ERG’, ‘NP-3SGM.ERG’ Wam, Gud, Bin kini- ‘3SGM.ERG’ *ni- ‘3SGM.ERG’ Jing ni-, Ngarn ni- *ngayi- ‘3SGF.ERG’ Nung (nga)yi-, Jing ngayi-, Ngarn, Wam, Gud, Bin ngiyi- Nominal Prefix *na- ‘Class II.ABS’ All varieties Nominal Suffix *-ni ‘Oblique’ Jam -ni, Nung -ni (Class I), Ngarn, Wamb, Gud, Bin -ni Dative Free Pronouns *mirnta-ku ‘1DL.INC’ All varieties *y/ngu-rra-ku ‘1PL.INC’ *y/ngi-rra-ku ‘1PL.EXC’ *ku-rra-ku ‘2PL’ *pi-rra-ku ‘3PL’ *y/ngi-(rri-)nya-ku Jam yi-nya-k, ku-nya-k, bu-nya-k ‘1DL.EXC’ Nung yi-nya-k, wu-nya-k, wi-nya-k *ku-(rri-)nya-ku ‘2DL’ Jing ngi-nya-ku, ku-nya-ku, wu-nya-ku *pi-(rri-)nya-ku ‘3DL’ Bin yu-rli-nya, ku-rli-nya, wu-rli-nya

The forms listed in (302) and (303) range across the basic nominal, pronominal and verbal morphology. I argue that they suffice to establish a Mirndi language family. While the evidence does support a Mirndi family, the paucity of lexical and grammatical cognates suggests that the break-up of the family is of some considerable time depth.

9 Subgroups in Mirndi I have proposed that the Mirndi languages can be divided into three subgroups: (304) Jingulu Ngurlun Ngarnka, Binbinka, Gudanji, Wambaya Yirram Jaminjung, Ngaliwurru, Nungali In this section, I present the evidence for the Ngurlun and Yirram subgroups. The Ngurlun varieties show a high degree of cognacy in the lexicon and in grammatical paradigms. As previously mentioned, Jaminjung and Ngaliwurru are dialects of a single language which is called Jaminjungan. The available materials on Nungali do not suffice for a determination of the synchronic relationship between Jaminjungan and Nungali. Nungali could be a divergent dialect of Jaminjungan or a distinct language showing a very high degree of both lexical and grammatical cognacy. 126 Proto Mirndi

It might appear straightforward that these high degrees of cognacy would establish Ngurlun and Yirram as subgroups. However, given the limited materials that can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi, it is not possible in the majority of cases to show that shared features could not have been inherited from Proto Mirndi, rather than solely from Proto Ngurlun or Proto Yirram. Nonetheless, there are a small number of innovations which cannot be assigned to Proto Mirndi, and must therefore be assigned to Proto Ngurlun or Proto Yirram.

9.1 Ngurlun There are three innovations which all the Ngurlun varieties share. (305) The *rlV Dual marker. As discussed in §6.2.5, the Proto Mirndi Dual shows significant allomorphic variation, but all allomorphs involve the palatal nasal. As also discussed, the Proto Ngurlun Dual may derive from a nominal Dual marker *-p/kulu (121), which also appears to have a reflex in Jingulu. Whether or not it derives from a more widespread Dual marker, its role as a verbal and pronominal Dual is an innovation common to all the Ngurlun varieties. (306) The Ngurlun varieties have innovated a /u/ Dual vs /i/ Plural vocalism for the 1st Exclusive, 2nd and 3rd persons (§6.2.4).

Ngarnka Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka NPR 1DL.EXC ngu-rlu- ngu-rlu- ngu-rlu- yu-rlu- 2DL ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- ku-rlu- 3DL wu-rlu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- wu-rlu- 1PL.EXC ngi-rri- ngi-rri- ngi-rri- yi-rri- 2PL ki-rri- ki-rri- ki-rri- ki-rri- 3PL i-rri- yi-rri- wi-rri- wi-rri-

(307) A distinctive subsection terminology can be reconstructed for Proto Ngurlun, involving a specific borrowing to replace some subsection terms inherited from Proto Mirndi (§7.5).

9.2 Yirram There are four innovations which the Yirram varieties share. (308) The nominal Dual suffix, after which the group is named. This suffix is -jirram after [-continuant] segments and -yirram elsewhere. If a nominal Dual suffix is reconstructable for Proto Mirndi, then it would be *-pu(r)lu (§6.2). (309) The 1SG Absolutive pronoun *ngayuk. Reflexes of a 1SG Absolutive pronoun *ngayu (Harvey 2003c:501) are widely attested among NPN languages, including the other Mirndi varieties. It is probable that *ngayuk derives from a suffixed form of this pronoun (i.e. *ngayu-kV > ngayuk). However, neither *ngayuk nor the putative *ngayu-kV have reflexes outside the Yirram languages. Two of the Yirram innovations relate to the non-singular Dative and Genitive paradigms, which are repeated here as Table 15. Proto Mirndi 127

Table 15: Yirram Non-Singular Dative and Genitive Pronouns Jam Dative Jam Genitive Nung Dative Nung Genitive 1DL.INC minta-k minta-j-kina minta-k -minta-j-kina 1DL.EXC yi-nya-k yi-nya-j-kina yi-nya-k -i-nya-j-kina 2DL ku-nya-k ku-nya-j-kina wu-nya-k -u-nya-j-kina 3DL pu-nya-k pu-nya-j-kina wi-nya-k -wi-nya-j-kina 1PL.INC yu-rra-k yu-rra-j-kina yu-rra-k -u-rra-j-kina 1PL.EXC yi-rra-k yi-rra-j-kina yi-rra-k -i-rra-j-kina 2PL ku-rra-k ku-rra-j-kina wu-rra-k -u-rra-j-kina 3PL pu-rra-k pu-rra-j-kina wi-rra-k -wi-rra-j-kina

(310) As shown in Table 15, the non-singular Genitive pronouns involve a stem augment /j/.There is no evidence within Mirndi as to the origin of this /j/. We may note that Wagiman has plural Dative pronouns involving /j/. 1PL 2PL 3PL Absolutive ngeko ngoko poko Dative ngerre-ju ngorro-ju porro-ju Genitive kerto-kin korto-kin porto-kin Given the close connection between Dative and Genitive pronouns, it is possible that the Yirram non-singular Genitives derive from the suffixation of *-kina to Dative pronouns of this nature. However, there is no evidence for such pronouns in Mirndi. Further, even if there were, their use as a stem for *-kina suffixation would be an innovation. (311) As discussed in §6.2 the Dative pronouns are to be reconstructed with a final /u/ vowel, as they historically involve the Dative case marker *-ku. The loss of this final /u/ is restricted to the Yirram varieties, and formed part of a more general pattern of apocope in trisyllabic nominal forms (§3.5).

10 The geographical associations of Proto Mirndi The evidence on the geographical association of Proto Mirndi is very limited. However, the various pieces of evidence do converge and favour a north-eastern association, in the areas to which Binbinka and Gudanji are synchronically associated. There are two reasons for proposing that the geographical associations of Proto Mirndi were in the area synchronically associated with the Eastern Mirndi varieties, rather than in the area synchronically associated with the Western Mirndi varieties. Firstly, it is a general principle of historical linguistics that the geographical associations of a protolanguage are in the area where there is the greatest diversity among daughter languages. There are three distinct languages forming two subgroups in the east. There is one subgroup consisting of either a single language or two very closely related languages in the west. Consequently, an eastern association is favoured over a western association. Secondly, as discussed in §3.3, §7.6.3, and §7.7, there is evidence establishing connections between Proto Mirndi and Ngarna languages, which is best explained by proposing that Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna were adjacent. Synchronically, there are two 128 Proto Mirndi groups of Ngarna languages. The Warluwarric subgroup — Bularnu, Wakaya, Warluwarra, Yindjilandji — are to the south-east of Wambayan, and Yanyuwa is to the north-east of Wambayan. As Wambayan is the easternmost Mirndi language, this again favours an eastern association for Proto Mirndi. The evidence showing a connection between Proto Mirndi and the Ngarna languages is summarised in (312). (312) a. The morphologically analysable form *ma-ngarra(n) ‘III-food’. b. The Class I prefix *ji-. The protoform *ma-ngarra(n) ‘III-food’ has reflexes which are synchronically analysable as consisting of a prefix ma- and a root ngarra(n) in Nungali and Yanyuwa only. As discussed in §3.3, this common synchronic analysability can only be explained by inheritance from an analysable protoform in their respective protolanguages: Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna. It does not appear that Proto Mirndi and Proto Ngarna form a subgroup, and the protoform *ma-ngarra(n) cannot be assigned to any more remote protolanguage. Consequently, the common presence of *ma-ngarra(n) in both protolanguages must be due to borrowing, which implies that the two protolanguages were geographically adjacent. The prefix *ji- is clearly attested as a Class I prefix only in Proto Mirndi and Yanyuwa. It is not attested in the Warluwarric branch of Ngarna. As discussed in §7.7, there are two possible explanations for the restricted distribution of the prefix. One is that Proto Mirndi and Yanyuwa preserved a form from a more remote protolanguage. The other is that this prefix independently developed into a prefix in both Proto Mirndi and Pre-Yanyuwa from a common independent word source, perhaps the *jiyi ‘that (not previously mentioned)’ demonstrative reconstructable for Proto Mirndi. Whichever hypothesis is correct, the common sharing by Proto Mirndi and Yanyuwa, but not Warluwarric, favours a closer association between Proto Mirndi and Pre-Yanyuwa than between Proto Mirndi and Proto Warluwarric. This favours a north-eastern association for Proto Mirndi, rather than a south- eastern association. There are four other reasons for proposing that the geographical associations of Proto Mirndi were northern rather than southern within the areas synchronically associated with the Eastern Mirndi varieties (i.e. the geographical associations were north-eastern rather than south-eastern). These reasons are listed in (313). (313) a. Cognates in northern languages (§3.4). b. The earliest (Pre-)Proto Mirndi structure for complex verbal predicates (§5.3). c. The system of portmanteau prefixation for both class and case. d. The pattern of development of subsection terminologies. As discussed in §8, a number of the nominal and verbal prefixes reconstructed for Proto Mirndi have cognates in many other northern languages. So also does the free pronoun *ngayu (§6.3.3), and a few nominal and inflected verb forms (§3.4, §5.2). These lexical forms are all shared with the Gunwinyguan languages. As discussed in §5.2, two types of verbal predicates can be reconstructed for Proto Mirndi. One type consisted simply of an inflecting verb. The other consisted of two words: an inflecting verb and a coverb in a somewhat loose association. However, as discussed further in §5.3, the Yirram varieties preserve traces of another and presumably earlier system whereby coverbs were compounded directly with verb roots. Proto Mirndi 129

This earlier system is structurally isomorphic with that found synchronically among the Gunwinyguan languages to the north, and also Mangarrayi. This suggests areal contact between Pre-Mirndi, Pre-Mangarrayi and Proto Gunwinyguan. The greatest concentration of Gunwinyguan languages, and thereby presumably the geographical locus of Proto Gunwinyguan, is to the north of the eastern Mirndi languages. The portmanteau class/case marking system that is reconstructed for the demonstratives in Proto Mirndi is a typologically unusual system. In Australia, it is otherwise found only in Mangarrayi, Alawa, Marra, and Yanyuwa. These comprise continguous block of languages to the north of the Eastern Mirndi varieties. The sharing of this unusual typological feature is again suggestive of a north-eastern geographical association for Proto Mirndi. The diachrony of subsections is discussed in §7.5. The relevant points are summarised in (314). (314) a. Subsections, as a structural concept, most plausibly originated to the north of the Mirndi varieties in Wardaman. b. The particular terminology created at this point-of-origin was borrowed, either directly or indirectly, into an early stage of Proto Mirndi. These facts are most directly accounted for if Proto Mirndi had a northern territorial association rather than a southern territorial association. Given that the evidence does converge in favouring a north-eastern location for the territorial associations of Proto Mirndi, it is of interest to note that evidence from Binbinka, the north-easternmost variety, is critical to various aspects of the overall reconstruction. (315) a. Binbinka is the only Mirndi variety to have both /y/ and /ng/ initial reflexes for the 1NSG pronominal roots. The other Eastern varieties have only /ng/ initial reflexes and the Western varieties have only /y/ initial reflexes (§6.2.4). b. Binbinka is the only Ngurlun variety to have reflexes of the Proto Mirndi palatal nasal Dual markers (§6.2.5). c. Binbinka is the Mirndi variety which has the most extensive reflexes of the *-ng pronominal Genitive (§6.3.4). d. Binbinka is the Eastern variety with the most direct reflexes of the Proto Mirndi Conditional prefix *nya- (§6.3.1). Jingulu has no reflexes of this prefix, and the reflexes in the other Ngurlun varieties are less direct. e. Suffixal nominal classification in the Eastern varieties arose through the encliticisation and subsequent reduction of prefixed demonstratives (§7.3). Binbinka is the only Eastern variety which has both free demonstrative and nominal suffix reflexes of a single original protoparadigm of free demonstratives. This dual set of reflexes in Binbinka is the critical evidence supporting the hypothesis that nominal suffixation arose from the encliticisation of prefixed demonstratives. In all of the aspects listed in (315), Binbinka appears to be conservative. It preserves structures from Proto Mirndi and from Proto Ngurlun which are otherwise either lost or less directly maintained. 130

Appendix 1 Appendix 1 Similar lexemes in Eastern and Western Mirndi

The following abbreviations for language names appear in the appendices: Bi - Bilinarra; Ga - Garrwa; Gu - Gurindji; Mi - Miriwoong; Mu - Mudburra; Nga - Ngarinyman; Wag - Wagiman; Ward - Wardaman; Warl - Warlmanpa; Ya - Yanyuwa. This appendix lists apparently similar lexemes found in both Eastern and Western Mirndi, where both the phonological and semantic relationships appear straightforward.

Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 1 *jalalang jalalang jalalang ‘to Mi jala-jalalang ‘to ‘to hang, to tip, to spill’ hang’, Mu ‘to tip’, stick out’ Nga ‘to hang’ 2 *thangki high, up thangka jangka ti-yangkaku jangki ?kayangka ?kayangka 3 *jarra(r)ta women’s jarrata jarrarta Nga jarrata, song style Warl jarrarta 4 *jiyi that (not ji ‘3SG ji ‘3SG jiyi previously pronoun’ pronoun’ mentioned) 5 *jaju MoFa juju juju jaju Mu jaju ‘MoMo’, Warl jaju ~ jaja ‘MoMo’ 6 *juka woman’s son juka juka juka Mu juka, Ward juka ‘child (vocative)’, Warl juka ‘first cross- cousin’ Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 7 *ju(r)lak bird (generic) jurlak jurlak ti-yurlak jurlak-pulu julak-ji julak-pulu Bi julak, Ga julaki, Mu jurlaka, Wag jurlak, Warl jurlaka, Ya julaki 8 *kamamurri blind kamamurru kamamurri kamamurri Mu kamamurru 9 *kaminyjarr DaCh kaminyjarr kaminyjarra Mu kaminyjarra, Nga kaminyjarr 10 *karrij cold karrij karrij n-arrij karrijpala karriji 11 *karrkany chickenhawk karrkany karrkulany karrkanya karrkarrkayi Bi karrakanya, Mi karrkang, Mu karrkany, Nga karrkany, Wag karrkkany 12 *(kija-)kija bull ant kija-kija kija-kiji-rni kija-rna kija-rna Mu kija-kija 13 *kiji-kiji(k) to tickle kiji-kijik kiji-kijik kiji-kiji-p- kiji-kiji-pi Bi kiji-kijik, Ga kiji-kijimpa, Mi kajik, Mu kiji- kijik, Nga kiji-kijik, Ward kijik-pa 14 *kitpu red ochre kitpi kitpu 15 *kulinyjirri shitwood kulinyjirri kulinyjirri kurlunyjurru wulunyjurra Warl kulunyjurru 16 *kuluku(ku) dove sp. kuluku kuluku kulukuku-rna Mu kulunkurru, Warl kurlukuku 17 *kulumarra sky kulumarra kulumarra kulumarra Mu kulumarra ‘sky’ 18 *kulumpung throat, kulumpung kulumpu Gu kulumpung didgeridoo ‘didgeridoo’ ‘didgeridoo’, Mu

kulumput ‘didgeridoo’ Appendix 1 19 *kumpu urine kumpu kumpu kumpu Mi kumpu, Mu kumpu, Nga kumpu 20 *kungkala firestick kungkala kungkala nu-wungkala kungkuli-mi kungkala-ma kungkala-ma Bi kungkala,

Ga kungkala ‘light a 131 fire’, Mu kungkala, Nga kungkala Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 132 21 *kuntarri pollen kuntarri kuntirri-mi Nga kuntarri

22 *kunyju flesh kuwunyju kunyju kunyju Ward kunyju, Appendix 1 Warl kunyju ‘muscle’ 23 *kurij fat kurij kurij n-urij kurija kurij-ka kurija 24 *kurrkapati bush turkey kurrkapati kurrkapati kurrkapati kurrkapati kurrkapati Mu kurrkapati

25 *kurrupartu boomerang kurrupartu kurrupartu kurrupartu kurrupartu Bi kurrupartu, Mi kurrupartu, Mu kurrupartu, Nga kurrupartu 26 *ku(r)turu club kurturu kurturu kurturu kuturu Mu kuturu, Nga kurturu, Ward kuturu, Warl kurturu 27 *kuwarri shield kuwarri kuwarri kuwarri kuwarri-mi Mu kuwarri, Nga kuwarri 28 *kuyVka fire kuyuk kuyuk nu-wuyuk kuyika ? Ya puyuka 29 *lamparra Fa-in-law lamparra lamparra lamparra lamparra lamparra lamparra Mu lamparra, Ward lamparra 30 *langa ear langa langa Mu langa, Nga langa 31 *larrkaja bony larrkaj larrkaja Bi larrkaj, Mi larrkajang, Mu larrkaja, Nga larrkaj, Ward larrkaja, Warl larrkaja 32 *lawa plant sp. lawa lawa lawa Mu lawa 33 *lirraku eagle lirraku lirraku ‘eagle Mu lirraku ‘eagle moiety’ moiety’ 34 *lungkura blue-tongue lungkura lungkura lungkura Bi lungkura, lizard Mu lungkura, Nga lungkura

Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 35 *lurrpu to return lurrpu lurrpu Bi lurrpu, Mu lurrpu, Nga lurrpu, Ward lurrpu 36 *mamaj to wave mamaj mamaj mamajparra Ward mamaj 37 *manka ear ni-na-manka manka Ga mankawurru ‘ear’, Ya mankawurru ‘ear’, Warluwarra marnkarru ‘ear’ 38 *manyanyi plant sp. manyanyi manyanyi Mu manyanyi, Nga manyanyi, Warl manyani ‘bush’

39 *manyingila gutta percha manyingila manyingila manyingila Appendix1 Nga manyingila, tree Mu manyingila, Warl manyingirla 40 *marli-marli butterfly marli-marli marli-marli marli-marli- Mu marli-marli, rni Nga marli-marli, Wag marli-marli, Warl mali-mali, Ward merle-merle 41 *marluka old man marluka marluka Bi marluka, Mu marluka, Nga marluka, Wag marluka, Ward marluka 42 *marntaj all right, later marntaj marntaj marntaj marntaj marntiji Mu marntaj, Nga marntaj, Wag marntaj 43 *marntak human status tu-marntak marntak-ji marntak-pulu term 44 *marntiwa circumcision marntiwa marntiwa Mu marntiwa, ritual Warl marntiwala 45 *mira upper leg, miri ‘thigh, miri ‘thigh, ti-miri miri-mi ‘hip, mira ‘hip’ Nga miri, thigh, root root’ root’ ‘thigh’ rump’ Ward wu-miri ‘root’ 133

Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 134 46 *mukmuk owl mukmuk mukmuk mukmuk Nga mukmuk,

Wag mukmuk, Appendix 1 Ward mukmuk 47 *mu(wu)m to be dark mum mum muwum Mu mum, Nga mum 48 *muntarla scorpion muntarla muntarla muntarli-rni Bi muntarla, Mu muntarla, Nga muntarla, Ward muntarla 49 *munungku string munungku munungku munungku munungku-mi munungku- munungku-ma Bi munungku, ma Mu munungku, Nga murnungku 50 *murlku upper arm murlku murlku murlku murlku Mu murlku, Ward murku 51 *murrkun three murrkun murrkun tu-murrkun murrkun-pala murrkun-ji murrkun-ji Bi murrkun, Ga murrku, Mu murrkuna, Nga murrkun, Wag murrkkun, Ward murrkun 52 *nij to name nij nij ?liyijku nij-pi ‘to sing, nij-pi ‘to sing, to call’ to name a place’ 53 *nungkuru hand ni-na- nungkuru Mu nungkuru ‘hand’, nungkuru ‘fingernail’ Ward nungkuru ‘hand’ 54 *ngalijirri female ngalijirri ngalijirri ngalijirri ngalijirri-rni Mangarrayi ngalijirri, antelopine Mu ngalijirri, wallaroo Ward ngalijirri 55 *ngalyak to lick ngalyak ngalyak ngalyak- Nga ngalyakap 56 *nganya to sing nganya nganya nganya 57 *ngapilipili bauhinia ngapilipili ngapilipili Bi ngapirlipirli ‘fruit of bauhinia’

Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 58 *ngapuju FaMo ngapuju ngapuja ngapuji Bi ngapuju , Mu ngapuju, Nga ngapuju, Warl ngapuju 59 *ngapulu breast ngapulu ngapulu ngapulu ngapulu ngapulu ngapurlu Bi ngapulu, Mi ngapoeloeng, Mu ngapulu, Nga ngapulu, Ward ngapulu, Warl ngapurlu 60 *ngartap to be hot ngartap ngartap ngarrapi Bi ngarrap,

Mu ngarrap, Ward ngartap(a) ~ ngarrap, ?Warl ngarrak 61 *nyurijman bird sp. nyurijman nyurijmin-ji Ward nyorij-pan 62 *pank(iy)aja to dream pankiyaj pankaja Mu pankaja 63 *papa OBr papa papa papa-yi papa Ga papa ‘older brother/sister’, Mu papa ‘brother’, Wag papa ‘brother’ Warl paparti ‘senior brother’ 64 *parnangka nightjar parnangka parnangka parnangka parnangki Mu parnangka, Wag parnangka, Ward parnangka 65 *parnmarra young woman parnmarra pirnmirri-rni parnmarra- parnmarra- Gu parnmarra rna rna Appendix 1 66 *pa(r)ntimi women’s parntimi pantimi Mu pantimi, dance Wag pantimi, Ward pantimi 67 *partangarra moon ?parrangan ?parrangan ta- partangarra wartangarri Mu partangarra, parangarra Warl partangarra, 135 Ya parlangarra Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 136 68 *partarta baby partarta partarta Mu partarta, Ward

partarta Appendix 1 69 *parung(ku) hot weather parung parung parung parungku Mu parungkula, Nga parungkarla ‘hot dry wind’, Warl parungarla

70 *pa(r)turu cicatrice paturu paturu parturu Mu paturu 71 *pin(y)mala scraper pinymala pinymala pinymala pinmala Ga pinymala, Mi pinypalang, Mu pinymala, Warl pinymala ‘spear barb on karrarlarla spear’ 72 *pipi father pipi pipi pipi pipa Gaagudju piipi, Warray pippi 73 *pulany snake (generic) pulany t-urlany wulany-ji 74 *pulukaj(a) to bathe pulukaja pulukaja wulukaj ? Ga pulukartijpa ‘to soak in water, to water lawn’, ? Nga wulyuk ‘to wring, to wash clothes’ 75 *puna ashes puna puna puna Mu puna, Nga puna, Warl puna 76 *punturr/tu full puntut punturru wunturra punturru Mu puntunturra 77 *purrp to finish purrp purrp purrp purrp Bi purrp, Mi purrp, Mu purrp, Nga purrp 78 *puwarraja dreaming puwarraja puwarraja Ga puwarrajimpa ‘dream’, Mu puwarraja, Nga puwarraja, Wag puwarraja, Ward puwarraja, Warl puwarijpa

Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 79 *tarlukurra deep (hole) tarlukurru tarlukurru tarlukurra Mu tarlukurru 80 *tili/u flame, light tili tili tilu Mi tili ‘to light a fire’, Mu tili/tilu 81 *tirrk to be tied up tirrk tirrk Mu tirrk, Ward tirrkpa 82 *tiya-tiya feather tiya-tiya tiya-tiya tiya-rtiya Mu tiya-tiya, Nga tiya-tiya, Wag tiya-tiya, Ward tiya-tiya ‘painted design on body’ 83 *turrp to poke turrp turrp Bi turrp, Mu turrp, Nga turrp, Ward turrp, ?Mi thurrp 84 *walk to open walk walk Mu walk, ?Ward warlng 85 *wa(r)lmayi woomera walmayi warlmayi Mu warlmayi 86 *warlujapi black-headed warlujapi warlujapi warlujapi-rni Nga walijapi python 87 *warnayaki strange(r) warnayak ti-ya- warnayaka warnayaka wanayaki Mu warnayaka, warnayak Warl warnayaka 88 *warnta grass (generic) warnta warnta nu-warnta warnta 89 *warr to scratch warr warr warr Mu warra 90 *warratirla number seven warratirla warratirla warritirli warritila Mu warrirtila, boomerang Ward warrirtila 91 *warrija freshwater warrij warrij warrij warriji Bi warrija, Appendix 1 crocodile Nga warrija, Ward warrija 92 *warrp to be together warrp warrp warrp Bi warrp, Mu warrp, Ward warrpa ‘to be numerous, many’, 137 ?Nga warrp ‘to be resting’ Protoform Meaning Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Non-Mirndi 138 93 *wilikpan parrot sp. wilikpan wilikpi-rni Mu wilikpini,

? Wag welecpan, Appendix 1 ?Ward welecpan 94 *yalang new ji-yalang ji-yalang ma-yalang yalang-ka Ward yiyalang ‘to inform, to let know’ 95 *yapa initiated youth yapa yapa yapa yapa Mu yapa, Nga yapa, Ward yapa, Warl yapa ‘child’ 96 *yarrinti Magic song yarrinti yarrinti yarrintu Miri yarrinting, Wag yarrinti 97 *yarrulan young man yarrulan yarrulan yarrulan Bi yarrulan, Mi yarrulang, Mu yarrulan, Nga yarrulan, Wag yarrulan, Ward yarrulan

Appendix 2 Possibly similar lexemes in Eastern and Western Mirndi

This appendix lists apparently similar lexemes found in both Eastern and Western Mirndi, where there are one or more factors which make positing a relationship problematic.

Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Other languages 1 jalik jalik ti-yalik alak-ji alak-ulu child child I-child child-I child-DL There is no regular relationship between an initial /j/ in Jaminjungan, and an initial /Ø/ in Ngurlun. 2 jawarrka jawarrka japarrka Mu jawarrka, Ward jawarrka lungs lungs liver liver It is problematic to connect ‘liver’ and ‘lungs’. Also Jaminjungan is non-leniting, so a correspondence between /p/ in Jingulu and /w/ in

Jaminjungan is irregular. Appendix 2 3 thawut jawut juwarr- sneak around sneak around follow Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 139 140 Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Other languages

4 jingil jingil yingalka Mu yingalka, Ward yingilka Appendix juice, soup juice, soup juice, nectar soup Jingulu does not lenite initial /j/. The lack of the final /ka/ syllable in Jaminjungan is also problematic. It is possible that there was a protoform *jingVlka. Apocope in stop-final trisyllabics is a standard process in Yirram (§3.5), so *jingVlka > *jingVlk would be regular. 2 The Yirram varieties rarely have final clusters in nominals, so a reduction *jingVlk > jingil is plausible. Wardaman lenites initial stops regularly, so *jingVlka > yingilka is a regular Wardaman development. The Wardaman form could then have been borrowed into Jingulu and Mudburra. 5 jintin jintinarri Mu jinti, Warl jinti

vulva, clitoris vagina vagina The Jaminjung, Mudburra and Warlmanpa forms are probably all related. Mudburra and Warlmanpa avoid consonant final words, so a loss of final /n/ is plausible. No explanation can be provided for the /arri/ portion of the Wambayan form. 6 jipilyukun ~ jipilyuman ?kibilyawu- jipilyawu-na Mu jipilyuku ~ kipilyawuni, jipilyuman rna Nga jipilyukun, Ward jipilyuman whistleduck whistleduck whistleduck whistleduck whistleduck The forms jipilyu ~ jipiyu and forms based on them are found in a number of languages. The variation in the added final /kun/, /man/, /wu/ syllables does not follow from any regular principles. The /k/ initial form found in Jingulu and Mudburra cannot be related by regular principles. 7 jit jit Mu jit to go down to kneel knee Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 8 jutu jurru Mu jututu dust red sand, not recognised dirty twice, once given as ‘flat white ground’ The form given as Jingulu is not reliably established as Jingulu. Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Other languages 9 kakung kakung kakung kangku Ga kangku ‘MMB’, Mu kaku ‘FaFa’

FaFa FaFa FaFa FaFa There is no evidence for a reduction of *VngkV > VkV in the Yirram varieties. Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of final /ng/ in Wambayan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 10 kampaja kampaja wampaja kapij kamijpi kami laugh laugh laugh laugh laugh laugh The various /m/, /mp/, and /p/ relationships are not regular.

11 kartan kartanka katankula Mu katankula frill-necked frill-necked blanket lizard, frill-necked lizard lizard lizard rejected four times The form given as Jingulu is not reliably established as Jingulu. Also the various final syllables remain to be explained. 12 kat kat kirt Mu kirt ‘break’ cut cut broken, in pieces Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 13 kawala kawala Mu kawala coolamon coolamon (flat), identified coolamon four times as Mudburra The form given as Jingulu is not reliably established as Jingulu. 14 kujarting kujarting kuji-nya kujij-pulu mother mother mother mother-DL Appendix 2 The /rti/ portion of the Jaminjungan form is plausibly a suffix (Nash 1992) giving *kuja as the original root. However, the Ngurlun root is kujij. It is possible that the Jaminjungan forms derive from *kujaj + -rti > kuja-rti. However, the putative *-rti suffix is only rarely attested in Jaminjungan, and this putative derivation cannot be shown to be part of a general pattern. 141 142 Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Other languages 15 kulaka kula Mu kulaka

head head head Appendix 2 Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final /ka/ syllable in Wambayan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 16 kuwarlarla kuwarla kuwarla single woman women’s single camp women’s camp Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 17 laman limirn-mi laman-ma Mu lamana ‘big river’, Warl lamanpa ‘hollow log’ large river fishing log fishing log Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 18 maliwi mali- larger big Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final /wi/ syllable in Wambayan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 19 muja mujaka rock rat burrowing mouse Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final /ka/ syllable in Jaminjungan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 20 ngarla ngarla Mu ngala try?;try and do s.th. (?), now!, well!, hey! (emphatic now what about (?) or for attention), damn! Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 21 nijpilija nijpilija nijpi nijpi call out name call out name to sing to sing Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final /lija/ syllables in Wambayan and Ngarnka. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Other languages 22 ngathalany ngajalany -ngajalin nganyjala Ward yi-ngenyjeliny, Ya nganthal tongue tongue tongue tongue tongue Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final nasal in Wambayan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 23 ngumuyun ngumuku ngupu east east east The relationship between /m/ in the Yirram varieties and /p/ in Jingulu is not regular. The final /yun/ syllable in Ngaliwurru and final /ku/ syllable in Nungali cannot be explained. 24 -warlijku(k) palika palijijpi paliji Mu palika

hungry hungry hungry hungry hungry These forms might derive from a protoform *parlijku. However, relating them would involve a reduction of *jk > k in Jingulu and the reverse reduction of *jk > j in the Ngurlun varieties. There is no evidence for such patterns of reduction. 25 parnnga parnnga parnngirri Ward parnnga bark bark bark tree bark Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final /rri/ syllable in Jaminjungan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 26 purrmarri purrmurumura Mu purrmurumuru scorpion hornet hornet Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 27 purrumpurrum pirrimpirra reed species plant sp. Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final nasal in Jingulu. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. Appendix 2 28 purtpaj part paj- Mi purtpaj fall dodge fall Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 143 144 Jaminjung Ngaliwurru Nungali Jingulu Ngarnka Wambayan Other languages 29 titit titit tirritirriji Mu titi-titin

peewee peewee peewee peewee Appendix 2 Relating these forms would involve positing *VtV > VrrV in Wambayan. There is no supporting evidence for this change. 30 turlu turlu kurturlu kurturlu heart heart heart heart Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the initial /ku/ syllable in Jaminjungan. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. 31 wanput wanput warnpurrk-pi Mu warnpurrpi cucumber cucumber cucumber cucumber There is no evidence for a relationship between final /t/ in Jaminjungan and final /rrk/ in Jingulu. 32 wulkij palkij Ward pulkej middle next to, beside in the middle of the water There is no evidence for a relationship between initial /w/ in Jaminjungan and initial /p/ in Jingulu. Indeed there is evidence for the converse relationship (§3.5). 33 wurrk wurrk wurrkpi throw away throw away take off, pull out Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 34 yimijimiji yimijimiji yipit-jipit ipijipiji yipijipiji ipijipiji Mu yipijipiji, Nga yimijimiji, Wag yipit-jipit eyebrow/lash eyebrow/lash eyebrow/lash eyebrow/lash eyebrow/lash eyebrow/lash eyebrow/lash The relationships between /m/ and /p/ are not regular. The final /t/ in the Nungali form cannot regularly be related to the other forms.

Appendix 3 Similar lexemes in Jingulu and Wambaya

This appendix lists apparently similar lexemes found in Jingulu and Wambaya, where both the phonological and semantic relationships appear straightforward.

Wambaya Jingulu 1 intirra root inturru root 2 intura red snake sp. irntira yellow-bellied snake 3 ipijipiji eyelashes ipijipiji eyebrow, eyelash 4 jalyu bed, nest jalyu bed (of flattened grass or leaves) 5 jaminjila MoFa jaminja grandfather (MoFa) 6 japurru first, before japurra before, first, previously 7 jaru-ma ceremonial coolamon jaru-mi shield

with handle Appendix 3 8 jawaranya billy-can jawaranya billy-can, cup, jerry-can, tin, metal vessel 9 jawulungka moustache jawulungpulungku moustache 10 jayili down jayili inside, under, down, low, inside, underneath 145 11 jika-ma large plains yam jiki-mi yam sp., wild potato 146 Wambaya Jingulu 12 jingkali to be pleased with oneself jingkarli happy Appendix3 13 jinkiji star jirnkiji star 14 jirrkul-a wet, wetland jurrkurl-u creek, river 15 jirtalyi angry, cheeky jirtat angry

16 jula-ji bird (generic) jurli-ji bird 17 junturra dust junturru dust 18 jurrkuparri plains goanna jurrkupati plains goanna (grey striped, spiny tail) 19 jutama mountain kangaroo, male jurtama kangaroo (black or red) 20 kajura tree sp. kajura tree sp. (with red seeds), bottle tree? 21 kala-ma nose kili-mi nose 22 kalwalwa-na crested pigeon kilwilwi-rni crested pigeon 23 kalyurringi water kalyurrunga water (any) 24 kamamurri blind person kamamurri dark, blink 25 kangku FaFa kangkuya FaFa (ego: male) 26 kang-ma rainbow, rainbow snake king-mi rainbow 27 kangpi-rna gecko kangpi gecko, wood adder 28 kanypirra meat kanypurru muscle, flesh, beef 29 kapala-ma yam sp. kipili-mi yam type 30 kapi no, nothing, negative marker kapu ignorant person (ignorant of ceremonies etc.), silly person 31 kapurri left-hand lizard kapuri tree lizard 32 kara-rna fish sp. kiri-rni catfish, type of fish, also eel 33 kari husband, HB, ZH karu wife-relation 34 karnanganja-na emu kirninginji-rni emu 35 karnawun-ka Lancewood tree karnawun-ji lancewood tree 36 karninyanji bush turkey karninyinji bush turkey, Australian bustard Wambaya Jingulu 37 karrinji jabiru, black-necked stork karrinji jabiru, stork 38 karrkalyi plains lizard kitkilyi woodland dragon lizard, other medium sized lizards 39 karruji big black spider karruji spider 40 kartajali devil kirtijili-rni wild woman, female spirit 41 kartawurri wrist (or all lower arm ?) kartawurra lower arm 42 karuka scrub karuka shrub, plant 43 kawula white-faced heron (?) kawula night heron 44 kijikijipi tickle kijikijip- tease, annoy, provoke, tickle, touch 45 kijilulu money kijurlurlu stone, pebble, money (coins), game of marbles 46 kingkirra wild rice kingkirra wild rice 47 kinima spinifex wax kirnima spinifex grass, spinifex wax 48 kinyakpanji flying fox kinyakpanji flying fox 49 kujika the ceremony sung for kujika first-stage initiation ceremony (men’s) male initiation 50 kuku MoMoB, MoFaZH kuka MoMoB 51 kulamantarri-na long-neck turtle kulamantarri-rni turtle (short neck) 52 kulu S (female ego), ZS kula nephew (ZS) (ego: male) 53 kumuntungu long hat worn by men kumuntunga headdress, hat during ceremony 54 kungkala-ma tree sp. kungkuli-mi kerosene tree Appendix 3 55 kunyma-na straw-necked ibis kunymi-rni ibis 56 kurija fat, grease kurija fat 57 kurlukurla round kurlukurla small (things) 58 kurranja shallow kurranja thirsty, dry, shallow

59 kurrkuji southern boobook owl kurrkuji mopoke, owl 147 148 Wambaya Jingulu

60 kutingi bush rat kutingi mulgara, rat (native) Appendix3 61 kuwarla single women’s camp kuwarla women’s residential quarters, women’s ceremonial law 62 laman-ma hollow log used for limirn-mi fishing log catching fish

63 lamparra father-in-law lamparra father-in-law, son-in-law 64 lawunji coolamon lawunja coolamon 65 linka chest linku chest 66 lungkarra salt, poison, grog lungkarru salt, poison, medicine 67 majika-yi “sea-side” crab, silver majikayi yabby, marron 68 makirra white ochre, white paint makirra white body paint 69 malampa liver malampa liver 70 malinpungu wild wind, cyclone marlinpungu cyclonic winds and rain, cyclone-related weather 71 mangkuru plains country mangkuru plain 72 manjala newborn baby manjala baby (human) 73 mankulukuluta ear wax marnkulukuliti ear wax 74 manyingila gutta percha tree manyingila gutta percha tree 75 marala heart maralu belly, feeling 76 marawunji spider marawunji web (of spider) 77 marinkila bird sp. marrinkili kingfisher, kookaburra (small) 78 marlumarlu sick person marlumarlu fever, sick, wounded, lame or crippled with sickness 79 marranya yarn, tale, story marrinju ~ marrinyku story, word, language 80 marrapapi-na peaceful dove marapapi-rni wood pigeon 81 marrkulu egg marrkulu egg 82 marung-ma edible sap miring-mi edible gum (of trees) Wambaya Jingulu 83 mawuru-ma tassel top grass, pussycats mawuru-mi sharp grass seed tails grass 84 mayampa whirlwind, willy-willy mayampa whirlwind, dust (flying) 85 munungku-ma belt (hair string ?), munungku-mi string, wire strap for swag 86 munyunyu-na mouse (spinifex hopping munyunyu-rni red mouse mouse?) 87 murala-ma bush tomato murulu-mi small melon type 88 murtulyi crooked, bent martilyi lame 89 murula-ma bush cucumber murulu-mi small melon type 90 nawayiya-rna white cloth headband worn nawaya headband by women during ceremony 91 ngamarraka-ma bush banana ngimirriki-mi bush banana (older fruit) 92 nganji seed, seed pod nginja seed, nut 93 ngantarrkala supplejack tree ngarntarrkalu supplejack tree 94 ngapuji FaMoB, FaFaZH ngapuja grandmother’s (paternal) brother 95 ngapurlu breast, milk ngapulu breast, milk 96 ngarlika woomera ngarlika woomera, spearthrower (short, with rounded haft) 97 ngayilaji dreaming snake that lives ngayiliji white snake on Anthony Lagoon

98 nginginji black-winged stilt nginginji stilt Appendix 3 99 ngirrikpi hunt ngirriki hunt, hunting 100 nguwajparli one who is jealous nguwaj jealously 101 nyanyalu tea nyanyalu leaf, tea 102 pakarrinji goanna sp. pakarranji ground goanna 149

150 Wambaya Jingulu 103 pakiri white cloth head-band worn pakuri headband Appendix3 by women during ceremony 104 panga saliva, spittle panga spit 105 pangkirra knee pangkirri-mi knee, kneecap

106 pangkulya-na mosquito pangkulya mosquito, beetle 107 pantu-ma lower back, back parntu-mi lumbar back, back (lower) 108 papa older brother papa brother (elder) 109 paripari shooting star paripari country and various related sites belonging to Baribari (emu star) dreaming 110 parnangila big father, FaB (older), MoZH parnanga father (ego: son) (where MZ is older than M) parnangala father and sons 111 parnangki bird sp. (Australian hobby ?) parnangka nightjar, brown owl (small), night bird 112 parnka male cross-cousin parnka friend 113 parnmarra-rna white cloth headband worn by pirnmirri-rni girl at or just before puberty women during ceremony 114 parrala sulphur-crested cockatoo pirrili cockatoo (white) 115 parrku nulla-nulla, fighting stick parrku club, waddy, nulla-nulla 116 partku fall, fall down partk- drop, go down, move downwards (generally) 117 pikirra grass pikirra grass (most types) 118 pililipila-ma intestines pilipila small intestines, milk guts, bowels 119 pirrinji little brown frog pirrinji tree frog 120 pirrirri shake, shiver pirriy- shiver, tremble 121 pirrita Australasian grebe pirritini diver duck (small) 122 piyawuja big round grinding stone piyawuja flat (red) stone, grindstone (small, held in hand) Wambaya Jingulu 123 pulumirri fat, healthy baby parlamarra boy (crawling) 124 pulunpulunji plant sp. pulunpulunji grass with soft white flowers 125 pulunpuluta spoonbill sp. pulumpulurti spoonbill, any fishing bird (spoonbill, crane, ibis) 126 punturru full punturru food 127 punungkurra lake punungkurru lake, swamp (large) 128 purnaring-ma wild orange fruit purnaring-mi wild orange tree, bush orange 129 purrukarra-na little lizard sp. putukurri-rni goanna (plains, small) 130 putpurri hit tops of crossed outstretched putpurr- clap hands legs (women only) 131 putunarri-ma bindi-eye putunarri-mi vine sp., creeping grass, bindi-eye 132 tamangka head tamangka head 133 tankurra yellow ochre tankurra ochre (yellow) 134 tarralyaki bloodwood ? tarralyaka ghost gum 135 tarrangku stick, tree (generic) tarrangku tree, wood, stick (unshaped), branch, log 136 titila-yi kite sp. (whistling kite ?) tirtila sparrow hawk 137 tutpa whiskered (marsh) tern turtpa bosun bird, tern, gull (large) 138 tuwa get up (and leave), get out tuw- rise, get up (of pouch, egg etc.) 139 wajapiwajapi black-eared cuckoo wajapajapa miner bird, mynah bird 140 wakunyi left-handed person wakunya left-handed (person) 141 walanypirri Australian pelican walanypirri pelican Appendix 3 142 walapatpi wood duck warlapatpi pygmy goose, chestnut teal, local name: wood duck (small) 143 walumpu bullwaddy tree warlumpu bullwaddy tree

144 wampa snappy gum wampa snappy gum 151 145 wamuku-na death adder wamuku-rni death adder 152 Wambaya Jingulu 146 wanayaki stranger warnayaka foreign, foreigner, stranger Appendix3 147 wanki alive wanka alive 148 wankarri little grey wallaby (?) warnkarringka ~ yellow wallaby warnkurra

149 wanyka armpit wanyku armpit 150 warapulupulu collared sparrow-hawk warupurlupurla kite, hawk 151 warlitaji magpie goose warlitaji magpie goose 152 warnu tobacco (esp. chewing tobacco) warnu tobacco 153 wulunjurra corkwood tree kurlunjurru corkwood tree 154 wungkurri to make a rumbling, wungkarr- whistle roaring noise 155 wunpa wind wunpa wind 156 wurtalyi ankle wutilyi shin, lower leg, calf 157 wurumpumpi dragonfly wurrumpumpi dragonfly, damselfly 158 yalanarra-ma tree sp. yilinirri-mi soap tree (one kind) 159 yapa boy that has already yapa boy, young man, youth been initiated 160 yawulyu women’s ceremony yawulyu women’s love song, secret women’s business

Appendix 4 Possibly similar lexemes in Jingulu and Wambaya

This appendix lists apparently similar lexemes found in Jingulu and Wambaya, where there are one or more factors which make positing a relationship problematic.

Wambaya Jingulu 1 jalapanya little lizard sp. jilipinyji legless lizard These forms could derive from a root *jalapany. The Wambaya form is apparently Class II, and would reflect *jalapany-rna > jalapanya. The Jingulu form is Class I and would reflect *jalapany-ji > jilipinyji, with the /i/ harmony characteristic of Absolutives in Jingulu. The two lizard species are very different, and the use of a common root might represent a masculine vs feminine pairing of species. However, supporting evidence of such a pairing remains to be established. 2 janpalyi bird sp. janpa wood swallow, white dollarbird The Wambaya form may be historically analysable as janpal-yi, with a form of the Class I suffix. However, relating janpal and janpa would involve positing a loss of final /l/ in Jingulu. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss.

3 jintirrijpirrinya willy wagtail jirntikirrijpi-rni willy wagtail Appendix These forms do not show regular phonological relations. Many languages have similar forms as names for the willy wagtail. 4 ilyirrka leaf wulyurrku bush, scrub

Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. Further, the vowels are not related in a regular pattern. 4 153 154 Wambaya Jingulu 5 kalula clean kilarliju clear, clean Relating these forms would involve positing a loss of the final /ju/ syllable in Wambaya. There is no evidence for such a pattern of loss. Appendix 4 6 kaningki to come close up, to be kaningki together, rejected three times as either Wambaya or Mudburra close up (different sources) The form given as Jingulu is not reliably established as Jingulu.

7 kankara stone knife karnkarra scar, old mark Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 8 kayarra desert country kayarra forest, woods, timber country Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 9 kimurra a premonition of s.th. bad kimurti corpse, carrion Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 10 kiyanyji widower kiyanm- take away The Wambaya form could derive from a coverb *kiyan ‘to take away’ and the Class I suffix *-ji. However, it remains to be established that this is a plausible semantic connection. 11 kulumpu upper arm kurlumpu thigh bone (of mammal) Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 12 lakurra hole lakut buried, covered Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 13 lawura time between the wet season lawura late in the morning and the start of cold weather, no wind time Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 14 mingkilyanu-ma bush passionfruit mingkilawurnu-mi bush passionfruit, bush pawpaw These forms do not show regular phonological relations. Wambaya Jingulu 15 murlu eye murlurlu pupil (of eye) In some other Australian languages ‘pupil’ is a compound involving ‘eye’ — e.g. Bininj Gunwok mim ‘eye’, mim-belerri ‘pupil’. It is possible that the Jingulu murlurlu is a reduction of an old compound *murlu + *rlu, but there is no direct support for this hypothesis. 16 nayita woman nayu-rni woman The Wambaya form is perhaps analysable as*nayi + ta, as -rta is a rare Class II Absolutive suffix in Wambaya (Nordlinger 1998:69). If this was the case, then the two forms could plausibly be related. However, it remains to be established that this is the case. 17 ngurrarampa night-time ngurraru- morning kurrarrampa midnight, full night The concepts ‘night’ and ‘morning’ are often formally linked in Australian languages. Therefore it seems likely that these forms are related. However, there is no regular relationship between initial /ng/ in Wambaya and initial /k/ in Jingulu. 18 nyila needle (of the echidna), spike nyila fin of fish Plausible pathways connecting the meanings remain to be established. 19 paliji to be hungry, to be cross palika hungry There is no regular relationship between /j/ in Wambaya and /k/ in Jingulu. 20 yawirri plains kangaroo sp. yawirri kangaroo (big plains variety) identified as Mudburra, Warlmanpa or Warlpiri on four occasions The form given as Jingulu is not reliably established as Jingulu.

Appendix 4 155 156

Appendix 5 Appendix 5 Similar lexemes in Wambaya and Yanyuwa

This appendix lists apparently similar lexemes found in Wambaya and Yanyuwa, where both the phonological and semantic relationships appear straightforward. In the Yanyuwa materials, meaning (1) is the primary meaning or generic domain of the lexical entry. Subsequent numberings are additional or more specific meanings.

Wambaya Yanyuwa 1 jakurti to not talk (e.g. for some ceremonial jakuti 1. dumb; 2. speechless; 3. remaining silent purpose) 2 jangani sharp stone for spear head jangani 1. spear type; 2. shovel nose spear 3 jaraji special paint made out of white jarraji 1. ceremonial object; 2. ritual pole feathers and (now) flour and used to decorate body for ceremony 4 jarrawaja trousers jarrawaja 1. trousers; 2. pants 5 jaruma young grasshopper (can’t fly yet) jaruma 1. insect sp.; 2. locust, large [Valanga irregularis] 6 jatara stony place jartara 1. clay, hardened; 2. clay pan 7 jawala men’s ceremony sung after jawala 1. song type; 2. song cycle someone’s death 8 jinpilarri small berry sp. jinpilarri 1. plant sp.; 2. mistletoe; 3. glutinous fruit from mistletoe 9 jurtayi tick jutayi 1. insect sp.; 2. tick [Arachnida sp.] Wambaya Yanyuwa 10 kajaja father kajaja 1. kinship term; 2. father; 3. father’s brother 11 kajakaja son (male ego), BS kajakaja 1. kinship term; 2. son; 3. brother’s son; 4. daughter; 5. brother’s daughter 12 kajikajirra fast, quickly, soon kajikaji 1. quickly 13 kampa-ta sun kampa 1. sun 14 kapula tree sp. kapurla 1. tree sp.; 2. ghost gum [Eucalyptus papuana] 15 kapurri left-hand lizard kapuri 1. lizard sp.; 2. lizard with black nose and patches over eyes; 3. [Amphibolurus sp.]

16 karrkalyi plains lizard karrkalyi 1. lizard sp.; 2. small lizard [Carlia sp.] 17 kingkirra wild rice kingkirra 1. plant sp.; 2. wild rice [Oryza sp.] 18 kujika the ceremony sung for male initiation kujika 1. song cycle; 2. dreaming path 19 kumayangu cave kumayangu 1. cave 20 kumuntungu long hat worn by men during kumuntungu 1. ceremonial object; 2. feather plumes ceremony 21 kurija women’s ceremony kurija 1. dance style name; 2. song composed by women 22 kurtakurtarna heavily asleep kurtakurta 1. asleep, soundly 23 kurturlu heart wurtulu 1. body part; 2. life spirit, your; 3. heart beat, your; 4. pulse, your 24 kutingi bush rat kutingi 1. bandicoot sp. [Isoodon sp.] 25 kuyuwarna dead child kuyuwarna 1. dead person 26 lakurra hole lakurr 1. hole in the ground

27 lamurra ironwood tree lamurra 1. tree sp.; 2. ironwood tree Appendix 5 [Erythropleum chlorostachyum] 28 larakiparli right through, from one side to the other larrakiparli 1. through 29 lujuluju coolamon lujuluju 1. dish, wooden; 2. coolamon, long wooden 30 majikayi “sea-side” crab, silver majika 1. prawn [Panaeus sp] 31 makirra white ochre, white paint makirra 1. ochre; 2. white ochre 157 32 mangarnami put the decorative marks on a mangana 1. fluting/grooves on boomerangs boomerang, spear, coolamon, etc. Wambaya Yanyuwa 158 33 mangkuru plains country mangkuru 1. tide; 2. low tide

34 manka ear manka 1. body part; 2. body, your Appendix 5 35 manka ear mankawurru 1. body part; 2. ears, your (avoidance speech) 36 mantawayi foot marnta 1. body part; 2. foot, your; 3. footprint, your

37 mapuluma navel mapuluma 1. body part; 2. umbilicus, your; 3. navel, your 38 marna hand, finger marnangal 1. body part; 2. wrist, your 39 marnangka river, creek manangka 1. river 40 marrarraparna mermaid, dreaming woman mararaparna 1. dreaming women 41 martumparra saltwater crocodile martumparra 1. crocodile; 2. salt water crocodile [Crocodylus porosus] 42 mawula play mawurla 1. person constantly talking; 2. person offending in their speech 43 mimi MoFa, BDS, DS (male ego) mimi 1. kinship term; 2. mother’s father; 3. daughter’s child 44 mirrinjungu to lie on one’s side propped up on mirrinjungu 1. lying position on side, knees bent, one elbow upper body resting on one elbow 45 mukunjana lunchtime mukunjarna 1. midday meal; 2. position of sun/moon being high in the sky 46 mulungu hit man, wild blackfella, kadaicha man mulunguwa 1. sorcerer 47 munti good luck charm munthi 1. good-luck charm 48 murala-ma bush tomato murala 1. plant sp.; 2. wild cucumber [Cucmis melo] 49 murrinja coolibah tree murrinja 1. tree sp.; 2. hill coolibah tree [Eucalyptus tectifica] 50 murrurntu athel tree murrurntu 1. tree sp.; 2. freshwater mangrove [Barringtonia acutangula] 51 mururru kneel down murruru 1. kneeling position on both knees 52 muwata-na boat muwarta 1. dugout canoe; 2. canoe; 3. aluminium dinghy Wambaya Yanyuwa 53 ngamangama breast decoration worn during ngamangama 1. across the chest ceremony 54 nganjala tongue nganthal 1. body part; 2. tongue 55 ngapuji FaMoB, FaFaZH ngapuji 1. kinship term; 2. father’s mother; 3. father’s mother’s brother; 4. sister’s son’s child; 5. son’s child 56 ngapungapuni afternoon ngapungapu 1. late afternoon 57 ngarlika woomera ngarlika 1. spear thrower 58 ngarrangarra be hot ngarrangarra 1. hot; 2. sharp; 3. dangerous; 4. harmful; 5. cheeky; 6. poisonous 59 ngatijirri budgerigar ngatijirri 1. bird sp.; 2. red winged parrot [Aprosmictus orythropterus] 60 ngulyayi blood ngulya 1. blood 61 ngurlwayi king brown snake ngulwa 1. snake sp.; 2. king brown snake [Pseudechis australis] 62 nguyarra spinifex nguyarr 1. grass sp.; 2. spinifex grass 63 nukurnu Indian siris tree nukurnu 1. food of any type, meat/vegetable 64 nyanyalu tea nyanyalu 1. leaves; 2. tea leaves 65 nyilanyila thorny tree sp. nyilanyila 1. tree sp.; 2. parkinsonia tree 66 nyungka hair, fur nyungka 1. body part; 2. hair, of head, your 67 palamurru spear palamurru 1. spear thrower 68 pangarni here, this way wangarni 1. nearby; 2. close 69 papa older brother papa 1. kinship term; 2. brother; 3. father’s brother’s son who is older; 4. sister; 5. mother’s sister’s daughter who is older; Appendix 6. female cousin’s child 70 paralala all night, during the night, night-time paralala 1. early morning

71 paripari shooting star paripari 1. sorcery; 2. spirit being; 3. shooting star; 5 159 4. comet 72 parnmarrarna white cloth headband worn by parnmarra 1. headband women during ceremony Wambaya Yanyuwa 160

73 parrala sulphur-crested cockatoo parral 1. bird sp.; 2. sulphur-crested cockatoo Appendix [Kakatoe galerita] 74 parrawu house parrawu 1. house; 2. building; 3. town; 4. city 75 parrku nulla-nulla, fighting stick parrku 1. fighting stick; 2. club 76 partiparti poor bugger partiparti 1. woman old/elderly 77 pikiki plum sp. pikiki 1. tree sp.; 2. bush plum [Buchanania 5 abovata] 78 pipiyurru deceased adult male pipiyurru 1. weak; 2. frail 79 pujili bottle pujili 1. bottle; 2. jar 80 pulinja algae pulinja 1. plant sp.; 2. water weed, with very fine leaves 81 punkurri tree sp. punkurri 1. tree sp.; 2. plum tree 82 punupunu-na file snake punupunu 1. snake sp.; 2. Javan file snake [Acrochordus javanicus] 83 purnaringma wild orange fruit purnaringma 1. tree sp.; 2. cheesefruit [Morinda citrifolia] 84 purrupurru paper purrupurru 1. paper bark; 2. paper; 3. cardboard; 4. book 85 tajpitajpi grasshopper rtajpirtajpi 1. grasshopper swarm/plague; 2. locust swarm/plague 86 tapulu-na slippery lizard rtapurlu 1. lizard sp.; 2. small lizard 5-15cm long. [Carlia sp.] 87 tarrpa lie on back with knees bent tarrpa 1. lying position on back; 2. sitting position on seat or drum 88 tawurtawurra hill country taputapurr 1. rough; 2. stony ground; 3. difficult; 4. troubled 89 titikurru python sp. (large brown python?) tirtikurru 1. snake sp.; 2. olive python [Liasis olivaceus] 90 wajangarnja swim (not bogey); paddle a boat wajangantharra 1. paddling a canoe 91 wakalakala-na sugar glider wakalakala 1. bat sp.; 2. orange horseshoe bat poss. [Rhinonicteris aurantius] 92 wakujirri fish sp. wakujiri 1. fish sp.; 2. marine salmon tailed catfish Wambaya Yanyuwa 93 wakula bad, rotten, sleep (i.e. that wakul 1. rotten; 2. decayed you get in your eyes) 94 walamakamaka saltwater warlamakamaka 1. sea; 2. ocean 95 walumpu bullwaddy tree walumpu 1. boomerang; 2. very large boomerang, made for duelling, not always thrown, sometimes used at close range in the manner of a club 96 walyayi dugong walya 1. dugong/sea turtle (generic) 97 wanjirra leaf, tea leaf wanjirr 1. leaf; 2. leafy branch; 3. leafy plants; 4. tea; 5. tea-leaves 98 wapa skin wapa 1. skin of an animal; 2. shell of shell fish; 3. cocoon; 4. outer layer 99 wararru paperbark tree wararru 1. tree sp. 100 warluku for a little while waluku 1. while, a little; 2. for a while 101 warnu tobacco (esp. chewing tobacco) warnu 1. tobacco, for chewing 102 winmurra little wire fishing spear wirnmurr 1. spear; 2. wire spear; 3. four pronged fishing spear; 4. the prongs were once made of wood, today they are made of light steel rod or heavy wire 103 wukarra-ma pandanus tree wukarra 1. pandanus palm [Pandanus spiralis] 104 wuntukarri flying fox wuntukarri 1. flying fox sp.; 2. red flying fox [Pteropus scapulatus] 105 wuwarri ghost, spirit wuwari 1. guardian (primary) 106 yakayaka be no good, feel lazy yakayaka 1. deaf; 2. hard of hearing; 3. naughty;

4. disobedient; 5. foolish; 6. stupid; 7. mad; Appendix 5 8. mentally unwell 107 yawulyu women’s ceremony yawulhu 1. ceremony name

161 162

Appendix 6 Appendix Similar lexemes in Wambaya and Garrwa 6

This appendix lists apparently similar lexemes found in Wambaya and Garrwa, where both the phonological and semantic relationships appear straightforward. In numbered Garrwa entries, meaning (1) is the primary meaning or generic domain, and subsequent numberings are additional or more specific meanings.

Wambaya Garrwa 1 jalyu bed, nest jalyu bed 2 jampa ground, earth, dirt jampa ground 3 jangani sharp stone for spear head jangani spear head 4 japarri the same japarri continously, repeatedly 5 japi wart japi small raised lump on skin (not broken) 6 japula spit, spittle japula saliva 7 jarlu arm, wing, handle jalu forearm 8 jarrajaji peaceful dove jarrajaji bird sp. 9 jarrawaja trousers jarrawaja trousers [English loan] 10 jarrpalami scatter jarrpala 1. scattered – ants from anthill; 2. dispersed – clouds in the sky; 3. spread out 11 jaruma young grasshopper (can’t fly yet) jaruma grasshopper Wambaya Garrwa 12 jawala men’s ceremony sung after someone’s jawala song to sing spirit home from the west place death to the east 13 jikuwarra river-side kangaroo sp., female jikuwarra small wallaby 14 jinya sneeze jinya cough 15 jirriwarri whitewood jirriwarr tree sp. 16 jirrkulyi get wet, be wet jirrkul wet 17 jitpi antbed jirtpi anthill 18 juka little boy juka boy 19 junturra dust junturr dust 20 jurtayi tick jutayi tick 21 kajaja father kajaja man’s father 22 kajakaja son (male ego), BS kajakaja 1. man’s son; 2. man’s daughter 23 kalapirra river red gum kalapirr 1. tree sp.; 2. type of gum tree, dark white bark; 3. ghost gum 24 kampata sun kampa sun 25 kampirriji morning and evening stars kampirriji star 26 kamula water coolamon kamula large coolamon 27 kangku FaFa kangku great-uncle (MoMoB) 28 kanturru lower leg karnturr lower leg bone 29 kapalama yam sp. kapala type of yam 30 kapula tree sp. kapula 1. tree sp.; 2. type of gum tree, dark white bark; 3. ghost gum 31 kapurri left-hand lizard kapuri type of small lizard with a black head 32 karnanganjana emu karnanganja 1. bird sp.; 2. emu 33 karninyanji bush turkey, kori (Australian) bustard kaninyanyi 1. bird sp.; 2. wild turkey Appendix 6 34 karnumpa wet season karnumpa wet season 35 karrurtarna boil karrutana boil 36 kartawala gidgee tree katawal 1. tree sp.; 2. bush medicine made from this tree 37 kartunganjarna father-in-law’s sister kartunganja father-in-law 38 kingkirra wild rice kingkirra type of grass seed 163 Wambaya Garrwa 164 39 kujarra two kujarra two 40 kulangunya blue-tongued lizard kulangunya partly grown blue-tongued lizard Appendix6 41 kulukukurna diamond dove kulukuku 1. bird sp.; 2. pigeon 42 kumayangu cave kumayangu large cave in hillside 43 kumuntungu long hat worn by men during ceremony kumuntungu hat of grass or paper bark tied on with hair belt

44 kungkala rub two sticks together to start a fire kungkala light a fire 45 kunpi blanket lizard kunpi blanket lizard 46 kuntukuntu small male spirit who lives at kurntukurntu 1. evil spirit; 2. debil-debil Murunmurula 47 kurija women’s ceremony kurija woman sing, chant 48 kurijpijpina Australian pratincole kurrijpijpina bird sp. 49 kurrinya white woman kurrinya white woman 50 kurturlu heart kuturlu heart 51 kurturtu sulk kurturtu 1. sulk; 2. go away after being refused food 52 kuyuwarna dead child kuyuwana dead person, animal, bird, fish 53 laja bark string laja bark strap for carrying coolamon 54 lakija coolamon (i.e. used for carrying babies, lakija coolaman for carrying baby etc.) 55 lamurra ironwood tree lamurra 1. tree sp. with hard bark; 2. ironwood [Erythrophleum] 56 larakiparli right through, from one side to the other larrakipali right through 57 lujuluju coolamon lujuluju long wooden coolamon 58 lungkaji be no good lungkaji policeman 59 majikayi “sea-side” crab, silver majika big crab 60 makirra white ochre, white paint makita white paint 61 mangarnami put the decorative marks on a mangana decorative marks on handles of boomerang, boomerang, spear, coolamon, etc. spear shaft, etc. 62 mangkuru plains country mangkurru desert (no shade) 63 manjungu shade manjungu shade 64 manka ear mankawurru ear Wambaya Garrwa 65 manku hear, listen, remember, think, feel manku 1. hear; 2. listen 66 mapuluma navel mapuluma umbilicus 67 marnangka river, creek manangka river 68 marrapapina peaceful dove marapa 1. bird sp.; 2. type of large pigeon 69 martumparra saltwater crocodile martumparra saltwater crocodile 70 milarra tears mirlarr tears 71 mimi MoFa, BDS, DS (male ego) mimi grandfather (MoFa) 72 mirntikirri dance performed by women during mirntikirri clapping legs/knees together initiation ceremonies in which they slap the top halves of their legs together 73 mirrinjungu to lie on one’s side propped up on mirrinyungu lying on side one elbow 74 miyangki ZH ? miyangki 1. sister-in-law; 2. brother-in-law (woman’s sister’s husband) 75 mukunjana lunchtime mukunjana midday 76 mukura spear mukura spear 77 muralama bush tomato murala wild cucumber 78 murrkunji three murrku a few, three to five 79 murrurntu athel tree murruntu tree sp. 80 muwatana boat muwarta 1. boat; 2. canoe 81 nananga look after, care for nanangajpa 1. care for; 2. look after carefully; 3. protect 82 narunguja car, vehicle narunguja motor car 83 ngajirri be cold ngajirrijpa be very cold 84 ngamarrakama bush banana ngamarraka wild banana

85 nganjala tongue nganjal tongue Appendix 86 nganyangpi lick nganya body hair 87 ngapuji FaMoB, FaFaZH ngapuji 1. brother-in-law (man’s wife’s brother); 2. sister-in-law (woman’s husband’s sister) 6 165 88 ngapungapuni afternoon ngapungapu 1. sundown; 2. late afternoon 89 ngaraparli one who drinks a lot, a drunk ngarapa drink Wambaya Garrwa 166 90 ngarlika woomera ngalika 1. spear thrower; 2. woomera

91 ngarlurra flu, cold, snot ngalurr a cold, cough Appendix 6 92 ngarninji body nganinyi man 93 ngarrangarra be hot ngarrangarra 1. hot; 2. cheeky; 3. angry 94 ngartarru white cockatoo feather, ngatarru feather worn on head in ceremonies 95 ngila girl ngila girl 96 ngirrwarra growl at ngirrwa growl 97 ngulungulu little grey wallaby ? left-hand kangaroo ? ngulungulu type of kangaroo 98 ngulyayi blood ngulya blood 99 ngunungarri traditional skirt, cockrag ngunungarri woman’s pubic apron 100 ngurlwayi king brown snake ngulwa brown snake 101 ngururra shadow ngurrurr steam 102 nguwajparli one who is jealous nguwajpa jealous 103 nguyarra spinifex nguyarr 1. type of grass; 2. spinifex 104 nukami foot nukami 1. foot; 2. footprint 105 nukurnu Indian siris tree nukunu 1. tree sp.; 2. tamarind 106 nyanyalu tea nyanyalu tea 107 nyilanyila thorny tree sp. nyilanyila 1. tree sp.; 2. parkinsonia 108 nyungka hair, fur nyungka hair 109 nyurrunyurru chase nyurrunyurru rush up and fight 110 pakiri white cloth headband worn by pakirri headband women during ceremony 111 palamurru spear palamurru 1. spear-thrower; 2. woomera 112 pangarni here, this way pangani 1. near; 2. close 113 panngarrarti to dry, hang out to dry panngarratijpa be dry - clothes 114 papa older brother papa 1. elder brother; 2. elder sister 115 paralala all night, during the night, night-time paralala all night 116 paripari shooting star paripari shooting star Wambaya Garrwa 117 parnarna big father, FaB (older), MoZH parnarna father, father’s elder brother (where MoZ is older than) 118 parrala sulphur-crested cockatoo parral 1. bird sp.; 2. white cockatoo 119 parrawu house parrawu 1. building; 2. house 120 parrku nulla-nulla, fighting stick parrku 1. fighting stick; 2. nulanula 121 partiparti poor bugger partiparti old woman 122 payungu west payungu westwards 123 pujili bottle pujili 1. bottle [English loan]; 2. cup; 3. mug; 4. panican 124 pulungurna young woman, girl who has had pulungu young animal her first menstruation 125 punkurri tree sp. punkurri tree sp. with edible berries 126 purlinja smoke, whistle pulinja smoke 127 purlukarti soak, put in water pulukartijpa 1. soak in water; 2. to water lawn 128 purnaringma wild orange fruit punarringma tree sp., with fruit like apple 129 purrupurru paper purupuru paper 130 tajarrarrana plover tajarrarra bird sp. 131 tankurra yellow ochre tankurr yellow/red ochre 132 tanya clothes tanyan many clothes 133 tapuluna slippery lizard tapulu type of lizard 134 tarrpa lie on back with knees bent tarrpa 1. sitting position one leg crossed over the other; 2. lying position one leg crossed over the other 135 tirtipulyi peewee, Australian magpie-lark titipulyi 1. bird sp.; 2. peewee 136 titikurru python sp. (large brown python?) titikurru long water snake 137 turnpu rubbish tunpu rubbish

138 wajangarnja swim (not bogey); 2. paddle a boat wajanganja 1. row; 2. paddle Appendix 139 wajarra bauhinia tree wajarr 1. tree sp.; 2. bauhinia tree 140 wajarri fish wajarrijpa to fish

141 wakalakalana sugar glider wakalakala bat 6 167 142 wakujirri fish sp. wakujirri 1. fish sp.; 2. catfish 143 wakunyi left-handed person wakunyi side of the body which is not predominant Wambaya Garrwa 168

144 walyayi dugong walya dugong Appendix6 145 wampa snappy gum wampa 1. tree sp.; 2. type of gum tree; 3. snapping gum 146 wangarra wangarr a song 147 wanjirra leaf, tea leaf wanjirr 1. leaves; 2. bush; 3. tea leaves 148 wapa skin wapa 1. outer covering; 2. bark of tree; 3. hide; 4. skin 149 wara face, forehead warla face 150 wararru paperbark tree wararru 1. tree sp.; 2. paperbark tree [Melaleuca argentia] 151 warluku for a little while waluku 1. in front; 2. firstly 152 warnu tobacco (esp. chewing tobacco) warnu bush tobacco 153 warrawarra be drunk warrawarra be very hungry 154 wartanguji young boy to be initiated watanguji young man 155 winmurra little wire fishing spear wirnmurr wire spear 156 wukarrama pandanus tree wukarra 1. tree sp.; 2. pandanus 157 wulunjurra corkwood tree wulunjurra tree sp. 158 wuntukarri flying fox wuntukarri Flying fox 159 wuwarri ghost, spirit wuwarr evil spirit without bodily form 160 yarrampaja men’s business, the law yarrampaja a corroboree 161 yukala smoke, steam yukala smoke

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