How Understanding the Aboriginal Kinship System Can Inform Better
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How understanding the Aboriginal Kinship system can inform better policy and practice: social work research with the Larrakia and Warumungu Peoples of the Northern Territory Submitted by KAREN CHRISTINE KING BSW A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Social Work Faculty of Arts and Science Australian Catholic University December 2011 2 STATEMENT OF AUTHORSHIP AND SOURCES This thesis contains no material published elsewhere or extracted in whole or in part from a thesis by which I have qualified for or been awarded another degree or diploma. No other person‟s work has been used without due acknowledgement in the main text of the thesis. This thesis has not been submitted for the award of any degree or diploma in any other tertiary institution. All research procedures reported in the thesis received the approval of the Australian Catholic University Human Research Ethics Committee. Karen Christine King BSW 9th March 2012 3 4 ABSTRACT This qualitative inquiry explored the kinship system of both the Larrakia and Warumungu peoples of the Northern Territory with the aim of informing social work theory and practice in Australia. It also aimed to return information to the knowledge holders for the purposes of strengthening Aboriginal ways of knowing, being and doing. This study is presented as a journey, with the oral story-telling traditions of the Larrakia and Warumungu embedded and laced throughout. The kinship system is unpacked in detail, and knowledge holders explain its benefits in their lives along with their support for sharing this knowledge with social workers. Australian history is examined through the lens of the kinship system and offers insights into why the Aboriginal peoples are located in the spaces and situations in which we currently find ourselves. This knowledge also sheds light on the current relationship between Aboriginal peoples and social workers. The findings suggest that knowledge and understanding of Aboriginal kinship is a gap in social work theory, practice, education and literature. This thesis argues that addressing this gap could result in culturally safer outcomes for Aboriginal peoples who come into contact with social workers, other professionals and service deliverers. Outcomes of this study have been the development of a research model suitable for Aboriginal social workers, which has been called Aboriginal Circular Research, as well as a Pendulum of Practice and a Kinship Mapping Tool. 5 Aboriginal peoples are warned that there are names and images of deceased persons within this thesis. 6 7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I acknowledge and thank the Great Creator, the Rainbow Serpent, and all the other Creation entities for their gifts since the Dreaming. I also thank mother earth for sustaining our lives and for the relatedness and kinship connections she provides and maintains between all entities within the cosmos. I acknowledge I will speak here of the Rainbow Serpent‟s Law and therefore ask for blessings and guidance as I proceed on this journey. I thank my ancestors for the great gift of maintaining our kinship system and the system of eight, which has sixteen skin names. I extend thanks to all my Elders and teachers, but most especially to my parents, kumunjayi 1 Jim Fejo and Lorna Nungali (Nungala) Fejo; along with the many other people within our kinship system and who supported them in this endeavour and who also lived their lives within its boundaries. I especially acknowledge my siblings, Rosemary Naljarri, kumunjayi RF2 Jappaljarri, Aleeta Naljarri, Mirella Naljarri, Eric Jappaljarri and Richard Sr. Jappaljarri. All have embedded within me knowledge and lived experience of kinship and a desire to pattern my life according to its teachings. I thank Robert, my sweetheart and partner of over thirty years, whose skill as a graphic artist enabled my concepts to be illustrated within this thesis. Thanks to our karu3 Jessica Narrurlu, Kathleen Narrurlu, Jad Juppurla and kumunjayi Paul Juppurla. Kathleen‟s carers, Stella and Janette, thank you for all your kindnesses to Kathleen. Thank you also to Jan and Ta Poona. Jan has spent many hours discussing my ideas and concepts with me. Also acknowledged is Erin Barry who edited this thesis for me. Not forgotten are the four- 1 My father is deceased so his first name will be shared only once. From then on, following the protocols of my people, the term „kumunjayi‟ is used to refer to him. The same applies to my son Paul. 2 RF indicates of whom I am speaking through the use of initials. 3 Children. 8 legged members of our family, Izzi and Genkie, who represent one of our totems, the dingo. The ACU provided a scholarship that enabled me to take time off work to progress my research and I thank them. In following the cultural protocols of my people, I have received the benefit of guidance by my Elders and particular knowledge and networks from two cultural advisers, Mrs Fejo (my mother) and Mr Patrick Ah Kit, thank you also. In accordance with university policy I have worked closely with two academic advisors, Dr Joanna Zubrzycki and Professor Morag McArthur: thank you for all you have done to assist my journey. Finally, I wish to acknowledge and thank the many others who have been supportive, kind, helpful and wished me well on this journey. 9 GLOSSARY Aboriginal. The terms Aboriginal peoples, Aboriginal, Australian Indigenous and Indigenous are used interchangeably throughout this thesis and refer to the First Peoples of Australia, not including Torres Strait Islanders (see below). Within this research, the definition of Aboriginal refers to, „people of Aboriginal descent through immediate Aboriginal genealogy bloodline‟, or „a person who can name their ancestors who have identified, lived and were known and accepted in their Aboriginal community‟ and „who live and are known and accepted as being of Aboriginal descent, can name immediate family members, identify and live as an Aboriginal community-oriented person, and who are known and accepted by the Aboriginal community where they live and work‟ (Briggs- Smith, cited in Grieves, 2008, p. 300). Aboriginal. It should be noted that Canadian academics sometimes refer to their Indigenous peoples as Aboriginal. Therefore, citations from Canadians in which the term Aboriginal is used will refer to Canadian Indigenous peoples. Aboriginal Governance. Refers to Aboriginal governance that is embedded within Aboriginal Law, culture, protocols and the Aboriginal kinship system. This form of governance was given in the Dreaming by the Creation Entities and has been continually used by the Aboriginal peoples as a guide in our lives. This understanding of governance is very different to the way the term is used in the broader Australian context where it is usually attached to western views of accountability, structure and finance. Axiology. A term used to describe the „ethics or morals that guide the search for knowledge and judge which information is worthy of searching for‟ (Wilson, 2008, p. 34). 10 Cultural competence. Describes the delivery of services that are responsive to the cultural concerns of racial and ethnic minority groups including their languages, histories, traditions, beliefs and values, and responds by developing a set of skills, knowledge, and policies to deliver effective treatments (United States Department of Health and Human Services, 2001, cited in Gibbs, Huang & Associates, 2003 p. 36). Culturally congruent practice. Practice in which social workers are aware of their own worldviews, epistemologies, and axiology and recognise that these may differ from those of the Aboriginal peoples. They are also aware of any privileges they may have with regards to whiteness (where applicable), and the privileges and power that come with being a social worker, as well as the history of interactions between social workers and the Aboriginal peoples. Social workers are also aware of and incorporate cultural protocols that impact on their interactions and engagements with Aboriginal peoples at the individual, family and community levels. Cultural safety. Refers to an environment that is spiritually, socially, emotionally, physically and culturally safe. Key concepts in cultural safety include a person understanding their own values and beliefs and how they affect relationships with others and the dynamics of power relationships. Indigenous. This term is used interchangeably between the Aboriginal peoples of Australia and the First peoples of other countries depending on the context being referred to. Jukurrpa. The Warumungu term for Aboriginal Law. Included in Jukurrpa are the following: kinship, reciprocity, obligations, land, care of country and totems, to name but a few. Law cannot be separated from the Dreaming or from spirituality, since they are 11 interconnected and interwoven. Much is lost in attempting to translate this complex and inter-related concept into the English language. Kumunjayi. An Aboriginal word from the Northern Territory used to indicate that the person being spoken of is deceased. This term replaces the given name of the deceased person as a sign of respect. In some instances the initials of the deceased person are used in conjunction with this term, for example kumunjayi JF. Mission. For the purposes of this thesis, „mission‟ refers to distinct compounds organised by various Christian religions where Aboriginal children were sent when they were removed from their parents, in order to be taught Christianity, English, and be prepared to become servants. Moiety. The word used to describe the two halves of Aboriginal society (Trudgen, 2000, p. iii). However Aboriginal understandings from other nations are more extensive then that offered by Trudgen, for the Larrakia and Warumungu, the cosmos fits into moiety, thus connecting all entities, including people. Nation. Bodies of people bound together by their bioregional and other natural cultural affinities (Deloria Jr, 1984). Many Aboriginal peoples prefer this word rather than the word tribe.