Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 5

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

Senie� A - No. 49

PAPERS IN SOUTH-EAST ASIAN LINGUISTICS No.5

David Bradley

Department of Linguistics

Research School of Pacific Studies

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Bradley, D. editor. Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 5. A-49, iv + 102 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A49.cover ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. PACIFIC LINGUISTI CS is published through the Lingui4�ie Ci�ele 06

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0 National Library of Australia Card Number and ISBN 85883 158 9 TAB LE OF CONTENTS

Page

PROTO-LOLOISH TONES by David Bradley 1

2. LOLOISH TONES 4

3. PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 6

4. PROTO-LOLOISH AND PROTO-SINO-TIBETAN 13

5. IMPLICATIONS 15

No.te

~~AKHA AN D SOUTHERN LOLO ISH by David Bradley 23~~

~~SUMMARY OF EXISTING DATA 24~~

~~AKHA AND PROTO-LOLOISH 29~~

~~Note~~

~~iii iv~~

~~PHUNOI or COONG by David Bradley 67~~

~~Abl>:tJta.c.:t 67 PREVIOUS WORK 67~~

~~PHUNOI AND THEIR SETTING 68~~

~~TRANSCRIPTION: PHONETICS , PHONOLOGICAL INVENTORY 69~~

~~1. Minor Syllables 69 2. Initial Consonants 69 3. Vowels 70 4. Final Consonants 70 5. Tones 70~~

~~PHONOLOGY 70~~

~~DIALECT DIFFERENCES 72~~

~~COMPARISON WITH *LOLOISH 73 Prefixes 73 Initials A. Manner 74 Initials B. Position 76 *Tones 77 Rhymes 78 Vocabulary 81~~

~~APPENDIX: Counting 94~~

~~No:tel> 95 BibUogJta.phy 96~~

~~DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~ABSTRACT~~

Recent discussion of tonogenesis has shown what kinds of develop ment in the pitch and contour realizat ion of tone are likely or poss ible . It is now possible to make hypotheses about the phonetic values of reconstructed tone categories. In this paper, pitch values are proposed for Proto-Loloish. tone categories, and the developments from the Proto-Loloish tone system to those of various attested Loloish languages are traced. Some insights into the process of tonogenesis, and the Proto-Sino-Tibetan tone system, are gained.

1. TONOGENES IS In this paper, the relative pitch values of tones are repre sented with Chao (1930) tone-letters . These allow a five-step division of the pitch range , 1 (lowest ) to 5 (highest). Level tones can be rep resented with two ident ical pitch-numbers; e.g. 55 , high-level. Con tour tones can be represented with pitch-numbers giving beginning, middle if necessary , and final pitches; e.g.. 51, high-to-low falling; 313, mid falling-rising . In most tone systems , this transcription is narrower than necessary ; but languages contrasting five level tones do exist . Chao proposes that short tones should be represented with one pitch-number, e.g. 1, short-low (level). In the area under consider ation , short vs . long distinctions are usually correlated with other supresegmental or segmental distinctions : short tones occur in stop final, laryngealized, or otherwise constri cted syllables. There are also short contour tones, difficult to repre sent with one pit ch-number.

Bradley, D. "Proto-Loloish Tones". In Bradley, D. editor, Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 5. A-49:1-22. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A49.1 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 2 DAVID BRADLEY

Therefore , I use two pitch-numb ers, and indicate with a postscript -s a final stop ; and -c a constriction or laryngealizat ion of the vowel; e.g. 21s, half-low-to-low-falling with final stop ; 33c, mid-leve l with vowel constriction . Many excellent art icles on tonogenesis, the process of tone develop ment , have appeared - especially in the last few years . Haudricourt , in several pioneering articles (1954, 1961) , suggests two basic con ditioning factors that may lead to the deve lopment of tone : syllab le initial consonants condition pitch differences, and syllab le-final con sonants of some kinds condition contour differences. Then , if the seg mental conditioning factors are lost , the pitch and contour differences may remain and become solely tone differences. Specifically, syllables with voiced initials may develop lower pitch, and syllables with voice less initials may develop higher pitch. Syllables with glottal-stop finals may develop rising cont our , and syllables with fricative finals, especially [h], may develop falling contour. There are many examples of tone developments conditioned by larynx activity during sy llable-initial consonants.l Even non-tonal languages show a tendency to higher pitch in voiceless-initial syllables, and 2 lower pitch in voiceless-initial syllables. The art iculat ory reasons for this correlat ion are fairly clear . Many languages have become to nal when the voicing/voicelessness conditioning factor ceased to be the main contrastive one , as in various Tibetan dialects. A two-way sp lit can also occur in a language that already has tones , as in Chinese . Rearrangement of the tone system is then likely . Less common , and less universal in the details of their conditioning, are three-way sp lits. Voiced, glottalized , and voiceless aspirated syllab le-initials have been reported to condition the development of low, mid, and high tones in Maru, a Burmish Tibeto-Burman language (Burling 1967).3 In lan guages that have tone systems , one or several of the tones may undergo a split conditioned by syllable-initials without all of the tones sp lit ting; in such a case , the tone system may also be further rearranged, possibly by mergers . This last kind of process , conditioned split of some tones, is particularly frequent in Central Loloish languages . The basic conditioning factors are similar : voiced initials condition lower-pitched tones, and voiceless initials, especially glottalized or unaspirated, condition higher-pitched tones. The deve lopment of contour conditioned by syllable-finals is not as universal as the developments conditioned by initials, but it is fre quently encountered. Haudricourt (1954) suggests that the two processes comb ined to produce the six tones of most dialects of Vietnamese . Mat isoff (1970) gives a clear example of the development of a rising PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 3

4 tone in Lahu conditioned by a final glottal-stop. Fewer changes conditioned by finals would in any case be predictable, as there are us ually fewer oppositions in final position. Other processes of tonogenesis are likely to occur only in languages that already have tone systems . These are called rearrangement above. Some such processes are discrete; others may be continuous. The most spectacular discrete process is flip-flop : two or more tones exchange phonetic values ; Hashimoto (1972) cites some examples from Chinese. Brown (1965) attempts to explain flip-flop as an art iculatory process. Another possibility is hopping : one tone 's phonetic value changes to a value opposite to that it previously had relative to another tone, without the other tone undergoing a change . 5 Baron (1975) cites some examples, again from Chinese. One subtype of tone sandhi may also be discrete : in a specific environment , often determined by the tones of adj acent syllables, a particular tone has a phonetic value unlike its own realization elsewhere , but identical or similar to the realization of another tone.6 Continuous tonal rearrangement processes are less unlike develop ment s in segmental phonology. There is assimilat ion; there are chain shifts within a contlnuously variable range of pitch; and there are changes in the direction of ease of articulation . Assimilat ion changes are also called tone sandhi in Asia, but the word 'spreading ' could in stead be borrowed from African linguistic usage : a tone become s more similar to an adj acent tone . Ballard (19 73, 1975) gives examp les of both progressive and regressive spreading, again from Chinese . Chain shifts usually occur a6�e� another process, often discrete or univer sal , has caused instability in the tone syst em. Part of the instab il ity may be resolved by me rgers of tones with similar realizations , but . Loloish data provide several instances , different in detail. of appar ent push-type chain shifts. For example, in Northern Loloish , the hop ping of the Proto-Loloish low tones to high pushes the Prot o-Loloish high tone to mid, and mid tone to low. 7 Ease of art iculation considerations can be seen in the spreading subtype of tone sandhi , and in chain shifts which increase phonetic distinctness between tones when other processes have made them more similar. Another kind of change which reduces muscular effort is the elimination of phonation differences , such as laryngealizatfon or other forms of constriction - wh ich oft en result from the presence of final consonant s, and then become contrastive when the final is lost. Thus , in a sense , there is a cyclical process - the f�nal disappears , leav ing phonation differences; then the phonation disappears , possibly leaving pitch and contour differences and hence a new tone . Of course, 4 DAVID BRADLEY

when the final or phonation difference is lost , the result could also be a merger with an otherwise similar un constricted tone . 8 Another kind of least-e ffort change , not previously suggested but widespread in languages that are already tonal , is the deve l opment of a mid-pitch tone from high- or low-pitch tones . Various measurements of muscle activity9 show that more effort is involved in the production of high or low pitches than mid pitches . We may thus account for the widespread tendency to develop mid tones , despite the possible result ing increase in the number of contrastive pitch-levels. This hypoth esis may account for changes in Proto-Loloish and elsewhere . Tone systems operate as systems , with each member opposed to all other members . Of course , the above kinds of change may re sult in ex tensive rearrangement of oppositions , adding more and more contrasts - up to five pitch levels ; contour , possibly including rising, falling, concave (falling-rising) and convex (rising-falling); and other supra segmental factors , such as length, constriction or phonation generally. Segmental factors , such as final glottal-stop or other stops with short tones , may also be considered part of the realizat ion of certain tones. However , few if any languages have more than eight tones. When tone change processes result in excessive numb ers of tone oppositions , mer gers can be expected . In fact , in languages with many tones , we can usually account for some tones in terms of the pro cesses outlined above . Given dat a from enough languages, and using the usual prin ciples of historical linguisticslO we can make and verify hypothe ses about the phonetic values of reconstructed tone categories ; provide further evidence for subgrouping based on shared tone changes; and show more instances of general tonogenetic processes.

2. LOLOISH TONES Data are given from languages in the three maj or subgroups of Proto Loloish. ll Southern Loloish is represented by Akha (Lewis 1968; two dialects); other Southern Loloish languages such as Bisu, Phunoi and Mp i have identical pitch systems , but have no distinction between con stricted and fully-voiced phonation . Northern Loloish is represented by 'Lu-ch' Uan Lolo' (Ma 1948, cited in Mat isoff 1973) . Central Lolo ish is represent ed by Lisu (Fraser 1922), Sani (Ma 1951, cited in Matisoff 1973) , and Lahu (Bradley 1975a ; three dialects) . Central Loloish languages have the most complex tonal systems : Lisu has a tone contrast maintained by cont our alone and a tone contrast ma intained by phonation alone ; Sani has five contrasting level tones. 12 Lahu (two dialects) has the most tones, seven; it uses syllable-type contrast , two or three pitch-levels , and rising vs . falling contour in vari ous PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 5

combinations. Two Tibeto-Burman languages close to, but not part of, Proto-Loloish are also cited to carry the reconstruction back towards Proto-Tibeto-Burman. Burmese (Bradley 1975a) is a member of the Burmese-Lolo division, the group of which Loloish is a subdivision; Naxi (Bradley 1975b) is the other modern member of the Naxi/Burmese Lolo subfamily, the group of which Burmese-Lolo is a division.

~~phonation Akha (A) fully voiced vs. laryngealized 55 33 33c 21 21c~~

~~Lu Ch'i.ian (LC) fully voiced vs. constricted/short, glottal-stop final 55 55c 33 11 22s~~

~~Lisu (Ls) fully voiced vs. constricted 55 44 33 f 33c (dialectal) 35 21 21cs often glottal-stop final~~

~~5ani (5) long short 55 44 33 22s 11~~

~~Lahu (Black) long short, glottal-stop final (L-B) 54 35 35s 33 21 21s 11(2) rise is optional~~

~~(Yellow) long short, opt�onai glottal-stop final 55 s 54 35 33 11 lIs merger in rapid speech 13~~

~~(5hehleh) long short, glottal-stop final (L-5) 44 45 45s 22 21 21s 6 DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~Burmese (B) long laryngealized short , glottal-stop final 43 44c 55s 11~~

~~Naxi (Nx) (no phonation contrast) 55 33 21~~

~~3. PROTO-L OLOISH TONES~~

Burling (1967) very insight fully reconstructed the tones of Proto Burmese-Lolo, using Akha , Lisu , and Lahu data for Proto-Loloish, and Burmese among other data for Proto-Burmish. While various scholars , especially Matisoff , have made considerable advances on Burling in the reconstruction of segmental phonology , only one maj or change is necess ary in Burling's reconstructed tone categories. Burling reconstructed three tones, Proto-Tone 1 (*1), Proto-Tone 2 (* 2), and Proto-Tone 3 (*3) in vowel- or nasal-final syllables ; and two tones, herein Proto High Stopped Tone (*HS) and Proto-Low Stopped Tone (*LS), in stop-final syllables. The correspondences are as follows : (changes shown by lines)

*L A LC Ls S L-B L-S L-Y environment *1 55 33 33 44 33 44 33 *7- prefix voiceless 55 33 33 44 21 21 54 *7- prefix voiced 55 33 44 33 33 44 33 (non-?-prefix)*voiceless 55 11 44 33 21 21 54 (non-7-prefix)*voiced

*2 21 33-11 55 55 11(2) 22 11 *7- prefix 21 21 11 11(2)-54 22-21 11-55 *c- prefix voiceless 21 55 21 11 54 I 21 55 *voice1ess (unprefixed) 21 33 21 11 11(2)-54 22-21 11-55 *C- prefix voiced 21 [;33 21 11 54 I 21 55 elsewhere

*3 33 11 33(c) 44 33 44 33 *voiceless 33 11 33(c) 33 33 44 33 *voiced

*HS 33c 22s 35 44 35s 45s 35(s) *voice1ess (unprefixed) (*S2) 33c 22s 33(c) 44 35s 45s 35(s) *prefixed or *voiced

*LS 21c 55c 55 55 35 45 13 *?- prefixed (*Sl) 21c 55c 21cs 22s 21s 21s l1(s) elsewhere PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 7

The *HS and *LS tones of Proto-Loloish do not correspond to any to nal dist inction outside Loloish , not even in closely-related Proto Burmish. Matisoff (1972) elegantly demonstrates that this Proto Loloish tonal distinction was conditioned by *voicelessness/*voicing of initials - *HS/*LS . When the conditioning environment was disrup ted by changed in *initials, a pit ch distinction became tonal. The preponderating reflex of *HS is a mid-level tone, apart from Lahu which has added contour - possibly conditioned by a final glottal stop . The preponderating reflex of *LS is a low-falling tone . In Central Loloish , a *?-prefix and a final glottal-stop together produce a high (rising) tone, and the final glottal-stop is lost . In Northern Loloish , *LS has hopped past *HS to high level, producing rearrange ments in other part s of the tone system - including a downwards push for the reflex of *HS in this language . 13 Having thus accounted for differences from the preponderat ing reflexes, mid-level pitch can be postulated for *HS , and low-(falling) pitch - contour not contrastive - for *LS . At the Proto-Loloish stage , this contrast was a two-way split conditioned by *initial-consonant larynx activity; at an earlier stage , Proto-Burmese-Lolo, no tone contrast is reconstructed in *-stop syllables. Different Loloish languages have reached different stages in the reduction of the *-st ops. Some Southern Loloish languages retain I-p i 14 and l-t/; some Central and Northern Loloish languages have glottal stop finals rerlecting *-stops in some reflexes of *HS , *LS , or both. Loloish languages in all divisions have constriction or laryngealiz at ion of the vowel as a reflex of *-stops in some or all reflexes of *HS , *LS , or both . And in some cases, all trace of the *-stop is lost - in Central Loloish, which is precisely the division which has devel oped contrastive use of contour . The presence of final glottal-stop or constrict ion in reflexes of syllab les with tones *1, *2 or *3 - and no *-stop - is rare , and lim ited to reflexes of *3 in some dialects of Lisu and Nasu. There is greater effort involved in producing final glottal-stop or constric tion; also, the addition of such features appears to be contrary to the general tendency observed above to eliminate them. So why do they appear in reflexes of *3? The answer appears to be that , at the Proto Burmese Lolo stage , *3 split form *2 , conditioned partly by *5- prefix es and various suffixes including *-d and a morphological *_1;15 and that these segment al items left a phonation difference which persisted to the Proto-Loloish stage . This tone is by far the least frequent in the etyma reconstructed for Proto-Loloish. Most reflexes are mid- level unconstricted; but in Northern Loloish , *3 has chain-shifted down to 8 DAVID BRADLEY

11; Sani is the only language to split *3: a higher tone results with a *voiceless initial, but a mid-level tone is the reflex with a *voiced initial. Thus, we can postulate mid-level pitch for *3 at the Proto Loloish stage , with a possibly noncontrastive constriction that dif fered from the *-stop in *HS syllables . When development s of the tone systems of Lu Ch ' Uan, Lisu/Sani, and Lahu are considered individually, the basis for the hypothe sis of pitch values for *1 and *2 will become clearer. I propose that the pitch values of reflexes in Southern Loloish be considered conservat ive - as in fact they have been shown to be for *HS , *LS, and *3. That is , *1 was high level, and *2 was low (falling) . In other words, Akha may have kept the Proto-Loloish tonal system intact in terms of pitch - along with most other Southern Loloish languages. Thus the system was

~~Proto Loloish vowel/nasal final stop final *1 55 *3/*HS 33(c) 33s *2/*LS 21 21s~~

Some Southern Loloish languages show interesting tone phenomena. The Akeu dialect of Akha (Bradley 1976) shows a flip-flop of high-level and low-falling fUlly-voiced tones , leaving the mid fully-voiced and the two constricted tones unaffected. Mp i (Duanghom 1976) has rising allophones of its three tones , low, mid , and high, which occur with non-negated verb-phrase final verbs. The rise appears to be condit ioned by some verb particle which has subsequently been lost ; possibly the particle had an initial glottal-stop, leading to the rising allo tones. The main change in the tonal systems of the Northern Loloish lan guages is the hopping from low to high pitch of *LS , and in parallel fashion of *2 . A push chain then moves *HS down in some languages, and *1 and *3 in all languages. The exact details of the conditioning of the push chain differ in different languages. In the Nasu language re corded in Hu/Dai (1964), the raised tone *2 merges with tone *1 as mid level tone, 33; while tone *3 is pushed down to low-falling tone , 21. The resulting tonal system has two constricted tones, 55c and 33c ; and two fully-voiced tones, 33 and 21; similar languages, such as the one recorded by Fu (1950), then make ease-of-articulation changes that eliminate constriction when the syllable-initial is a resonant ; then , a three-way distinction reappears in fully-voiced syllables . In the Lu-Ch'Uan language recorded in Ma (1948) and analyzed in Mat isoff (1973), the hopping result s in the pushing of the reflex of *HS down to 22s . In this language, the me rger of the raised *2 and the high *1 is only PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 9

partial; the detai ls suggest a stage at which the raised *2 was higher than the original high *1, as *2 but not *1 has a high-level reflex, 55, after voiceless initials; also, the deve lopment of *1 but not *2 to low-leve l, 11 after voice'd initials suggests that the original high *1 was lower than the raised *2. Otherwise , *1 and *2 are merged to mid-level, 33 . There is also a sandhi phenomenon, which lowers the first of two mid-leve l tones - to low-falling in Nasu (Hu/Dai 1964), and to low-leve l in Lu Ch'lian . The Central Loloish languages share one maj or instance of condition ed hopping : *LS and *2 became high when the *initial had a *?- prefix . This partial change is similar to the unconditioned development of the same tones in Northern Loloish . Lisu and Sani share a split of *1 which can be seen as a chain shift downwards in reaction to the raised *2, but although the conditioning is the same , a *?-prefix , the results are opposite in pitch. With *?-prefix, Sani has a half-high level re flex for *1, while Lisu has a mid-level reflex. Without *?-prefix , Sani has a mid-level reflex for *1, and Lisu has a half-high level re flex. Lisu has one further split that does not occur elsewhere : *HS be comes high-rising with unprefixed *voiceless (aspirated) initials , and the final glottal-stop is lost ; with other *initials, prefixed or voiced, *HS remains mid-level as in Proto-Loloish, but loses its final glottal-stop and in most dialects its constriction. The former dev elopment may have been caused by initial aspirat ion and final glottal stop . The latter development results in a merger of some *HS with *3 and the *?-prefixed *1 syllables also lowered to mid-level. Also , a con�ou� contrast become s contrastive , to keep the new high-rising tone distinct from the high-level, half-high-leve l, and other tones. The *LS tone reflex also acquires constriction . Schemat ically ,

*L CL Ls-S Ls 55 ) 55 ) 55 *1 55--"L--+'>44�44 ) 44 *2 L---��21 21 )21 *3 33(c) 33(� 33(C) *HS 33s-!----,--->33s ) 33s� 3 5 *LS 21sL-----�21s------�)21s------�)21cs

The Sani developments, as in some Northern Loloish languages, tend to produce exclusively level tones, with five pitches and possibly also phonation, but no contour . As noted above , the split of *1 is the same, but opposite pitches result from the conditioning factors . There is no *HS split , but there is a split of *3, merging with the reflexes of *1: 10 DAVID BRADLEY

a higher , half-high-level pitch results with voiceless initials, and a mid-level pitch results with voiced initials. In addition , the non contrastive contour of *2 (not *?-prefixed) is eliminated in favour of low-level; the noncontrastive cont our of *LS (not *?-prefixed) is elim inated in favour of a half-low level; thus , the final glottal-stop seems to condition a higher pitch . The *HS has a half-high-level pitch, and has thus also been raised in pitch ; as in Lisu, it merges with the *?-prefixed *1 and some (but unlike Lisu , not all ) *3. Perhaps there has been a flip-flop between half-high and mid-level in Sani , preced ing the unique split of *3, but following the Lisu-Sani split of *1 and the merger of *HS with the lower-pitch reflex of *1. Schematic ally,

*L CL Ls-S pre-SA pre-SB S 55 )55 )55 )55------�)55 *1 55--':..-./-�44 )44 )44 44 )44 *2 �--�� 2l )21 )21� 21 )11 *3 3 3 ( c ) � 33(c)--::;7 33(c) 33 )33 *HS 33s-l---�33s ) 33s""""""-- *LS 2lsL-----� 2ls------�)2ls------�)2ls------�) 2ls------�)22s

The developments in Lahu are far the most complex , and the result� ing tone systems also have the most contrasts, including contour ; length and final ; and three (or two ) contrasting pitch levels. Also, developments in different dialect s produce very different pitch and contour realizations for underlyingly similar tone systems . I consider the Black Lahu dialect , the standard and probably the most conservative, first . The Central LolQish hopping of *2 and *LS , contrary to the above diagrams for Lisu and Sani, must have maintained a distinction between the high reflexes of *2 and those of *LS; the distinction was then merged in Lisu-Sani . In Lahu , however , the distinction is maintained to the present . The modern distinction in Lahu is rising cont our in reflexes of *LS , and level in reflexes of *2 in most dialects; thus the Central Loloish distinction lost in Sani-Lisu was probably a glottal stop in *LS reflexes, which conditioned the Lahu rising tone and was then lost ; and was lost without trace in Sani-Lisu . The Re flex of *3 has lost it s constriction , as in most Central Lolo ish languages. There is a split of *1 as elsewhere , in a chain-shift reaction to the raising of some *2. However, the split is conditioned by *voicelessness (higher-pitched tone results) vs . *voicing (lower pit ched tone , which merges with *3, results) and not *?-prefix . Thus , PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 11

as in the case of the *LS/*2 hopping , a similar change with different conditioning occurs in separate, but close subgroups of Prot o-Loloish; in this case, Lisu-Sani vs . Lahu . There was then a flip-flop of all pitch values in fully-voiced syl lables - not including the raised *LS , which must thus have kept its final *-stops at this stage . As frequently occurs , the flip-flop leaves the mid-level tone unaffected, but reverses all other values. In this case , the raised *2 , 55, is reversed to 11 ; the *voiceless init ial *1, 44, is reversed to 22; and the non-raised *2, 21, is re versed to 54. After this flip-flop , various rearrangements are introduced which produce a rising vs . falling contour contrast . The reflexes of stop final syllab le tones are adj usted in a chain shift : the raised (*7- prefixed) *LS become s high rising and then loses the final glottal stop that conditioned the rise ; then the *HS deve lops a rise - and in some dialects, later a fall. 16 Also , the low-level and half-low-level tones develop contour , possibly by analogy with the high-falling vs . high-rising contrast that occurs after the stop-syllable chain shift. In Black Lahu , the low level tone deve lops an optional rise that does not occur in all dialects and may thus be a separate development ; and the half-low-leve l tone develops a fall. A sandhi process which pro duces rising allotones of the mid tone ceases to be productive , and some instances of the sandhi allot one are reinterpreted as the new high-rising tone. Schematically,

*3 deconstriction stop contour sandhi Black *L CL *1 split flip-flop chain adjust loss Lahu

55--755 )11 )11(2 ) )11(2 ) *1 55i 44 44 )22 )21 ) 21 *2 21 21� 21 >54 ) 54 ,------�-- *3 33(c)�33(c) 33 ------�) 33 --' 55' >3�5---- � 35�35 -'- ' -'�� *HS 33s 1:.33s )35s )35s-54s *LS 21s 21s ------�)21s

~~Common Lahu~~

The developments suggested seem to have occurred in the order cited. Alternative ways of account ing for the development of Lahu tones are possible, but this schema seems to fit best with deve lopments in closely related languages, and with likely processes of tonogenesis . Other dialects of Lahu have undergone further developments; once a system is as complex and unstable as the Lahu tone system, further 12 DAVID BRADLEY

development s are likely . Yellow Lahu (Bradley 1974, 1975a) seems to have begun its separat e development some time ago , at the Common Lahu stage . A decontour rule shift s the Common Lahu high-falling tone to high-level; also, the low-level tone does not have a possible contour in Yellow Lahu ; and the lowest stop-final tone also loses its contour . Thus , pre-Yellow Lahu avoids a rising vs . falling dist inction; but it keeps a cont our contrast , with high-level vs . high-rising, and low level vs . low-falling tones . This can be seen as a rearrangement af ter the stop chain and cont our adj ust rules of Common Lahu . Subsequent to this rearrangement , a flip-flop occurs with non-stop final cont our tones : low-falling becomes high-falling, and high-rising becomes low rising. After this flip-flop , a destopping change in cert ain juncture environments permit s the two Common Lahu glottal-stop final tones to occur without the glottal-stops . No contrast is lost with the loss of the final in the high-rising tone as a result of the previous flip flop , but there is part ial neutralizat ion of the low level stopped and unstopped tones . The result ing tonal system for Yellow Lahu contrasts three pitch levels, and has a contour contrast in unstopped tones ; the two contour tones move from the extreme s towards mid pitch. Tones which may be stopped are high , with rising cont our , and low, usual ly without contour . Schematically,

~~Common Lahu decontour flip-flop destopping Yellow Lahu (contour) (optional) 11(2) �ll �ll 21 �54 �54 54 �55 �55 33 �33 35 �13 �13 35s �35(s) �35(s) 21s �lls �ll(s) �ll(s)~~

Shehleh, which is somewhat more closely relat ed to Black Lahu , also shows considerable rearrangement of its tone system. Like Yellow Lahu , it eliminates the rising vs . falling contrast , but by merging the high falling tone to lOW , and decontouring the low (rising) tone to level. The result is a contour contrast , with a low-falling and a high-rising tone . Then , a chain-shift adj usts the pitches of the various tones up wards so that only two pitches are contrasted . Schematically, PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 13

~~merger, Common Lahu raising Shehleh decontour 11 (2)-----+) 11 -----+)2 2-----+) 22~~

~~21- . ____> 21------�---�)21 54� 33------�)44------�)·44 35 )45 )45 35s )45s )45s 21s )21s~~

The result ing system has contour which moves away from the contrasting pitch , and is redundant in stop-final syllables. Using the ab ove tonal developments to subgroup within Proto-Loloish, we find a tree diagram as follows .

*LS,

~~Northern Loloish Southern Loloish *2/*LS ��;=Sers, " / Lu-L\ Akha �Bisoid i"uz �u 3 ni ' 'Plf'\,�it � Sani Lisu Shehleh Black Yellow~~

4. PROTO-LOLOISH AN D PROTO-SINO-TIBETAN Benedict (1972) has reconstructed a two-tone system , Tones *A and *B, for Proto-Sino-Tibetan , with correspondences in Chinese , Karen, and in various subgroups of Proto-Tibeto-Burman inc luding Burmese-Lolo. It seems likely that this system contrasted higher and lower pitches ; but the likelihood of flip-flop s at any stage makes it very difficult to say which tone had which value at what stage . At the Proto-Loloish stage , *A corresponds to *1, and hence a high-pitch value , while *B corresponds to *2, or a low (falling) value . Attempt s to compare the Proto-Loloish tone system with those of Burmese and Naxi follow. First , a correspondence table: 14 DAVID BRADLEY

*BL *L B Nx *1 55 11 21 *2 21 43 33 Naxi *3 33c 44c does not occur n°'sh Lo oish Bu� As noted above , Proto-Burmish developments of *-stop syllables do not correspond to the Proto-Loloish *HS/*LS split . The Naxi spit is also separate, as shown in Bradley 19 75b . Also as noted ab ove , *3 is a unique Burmese-Lolo development ; the non-occurrence of a separate tone corresponding to *3 is a maj or criterion for separating Naxi from Proto-Burmese Lolo . The above tree diagram thus indicat es the genetic relations between the three as suggested by tone correspondences. When Burmese is compared to Proto-Loloish, various differences can be seen. The Burmese reflex of Proto-Burmish *1 is low level, and of *2, falling and higher than that of *1 . Thus , we must postulate a flip-flop in the values of *1 and *2 either in Proto-Burmish or in Proto-Loloish. A look further afield, at Naxi , reveals agreement with Burmese ab out the relative pitches of *1 and *2 : *2 was higher than *1 . Hence , we may postulate a flip-flop in Proto-Loloish, as well as the split in *-stop syllables discussed earlier. Checking pitch and contour of tonal reflexes in Burmish languages other than Burmese suggests that the three tones which contrasted in *vowel- or *nasal-final syllab les in Proto-Burmish were : *1 low , more or less level ;.*2 falling, usually thus higher than *1 in pitch ; and *3, high , often constricted or with glottal-stop final . 17 Much more work is necessary to allow secure internal reconstruction of the his tory of Prot o-Burmish. The development of *3 in Proto-Burmese-Lolo from *2 when certain *prefixe s or *suffixes were present accounts for the fact that reflex es of *3 often show laryngealization , constrict ion , or even final glottal-stop . Presumab ly, *3 was similar to *2 in pitch and contour when it first developed, and the distinction was one of phonation . In Proto-Loloish, ease of art iculat ion considerat ions moved *3 to mid pitch , and subsequent ly the phonation difference was lost in most lan guages - producing three distinctive pitch levels for tone . In Proto Burmish , the phonation difference is often kept , as in Burmese ; but languages which have lost the phonat ion difference have often kept the reflex of *3 as a high pitch, usually level; while they have a reflex of *2 which is lower in pitch than that of *3, and which usually falls. This tendency can be seen to a small extent even in Burmese , but lan guages like At si and Maru (Burling 19 67) seem to show the development of contrastive falling cont our and lower pitch for reflexes of *2 - PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 15

another instance of a possible chain shift, with a phonation loss in itiating the downward movement of pitch of a tone that had the un marked, fully-voiced phonation. In Naxi, there are several tonal splits separate from those of Burmese-Lolo. Syllables with *-stops show a three-way split, low (falling), mid, or high tones resulting depending on the initial. Syllables with Proto-Naxi/Burmese-Lolo tone *2, Proto-Sino-Tibetan tone *B also sometimes have reflexes with high tones instead of mid tones; this split is morphologically conditioned. However, both splits are separate from the similar splits in Proto-Burmese-Lolo, with dif 18 ferent conditioning environments. The resulting system contrasts three pitches, with no contour or phonation contrasts.

5. IMPLICATIONS Now that it is possible to reconstruct possible pitch values for reconstructed tones, further insights can be gained into the process of tonogenesis. For example, the tendency towards mid pitch and the relative stability of mid tones in flip-flops had not previously been suggested for pitch-tone languages. Also, many more examples of pro cesses like flip-flop and hopping can be discovered. Moreover, in sights for the reconstruction of segmental phonology may also arise. It is no longer necessary to resort to proto-tone-stuffing, as in Brown (1965), once tone, phonation, and segmental systems are seen to interact in relatively systematic ways. And genetic subgrouping is also aided. Attempts to rewrite the relatively simple development processes above with binary features (Wang 1967, Woo 1969 or others) will demon strate the extreme complexity which arises when trying to use such features, the sacrifice of clarity and insight which can result, and especially the massive redundancy required: 27 (128) possible tones could be represented with Wang's seven features, if they were really binary, privative oppositions.19 It would appear that language-spec�ic n-ary features expressing the actual oppositions used would be much clearer, more economical, and would reflect the phonology of tone bet ter. The kinds of changes that seem to be frequent in suprasegmental phonology are much rarer in segmental phonology. Discrete changes, regressive assimilation to syllable-initial features, and push-chain shifts seem to be common in suprasegmental developments. Gradual changes, progressive assimilation, and drag-chain shifts are much more usual in segmental developments. Tones, perhaps even more than segments, seem to operate within closed systems which react in various ways when a change occurs in one tone. DAVID BRADLEY

~~NOTE S~~

~~1. Hyman (ed. ) 1973, Maddieson (ed. ) 1974 , and various other works .~~

~~2. Hombert , Ewan and Ohala 1975 .~~

3. Burling 1967 p.65, in *-stop syllab les only . Gandour 1974 sug gests a similar but more detailed hierarchy in Dai languages . The highest pitches result from aspirated initials, next highest from voiceless fricatives , then voiceless unaspirated, next glottalized, and lowest pitches in voiced-initial syllables . Loloish data, on the other hand , imply that unaspirated or glottalized initials can result in higher pitches than aspirated initials ; thus the data are somewhat contradictory .

4. In Lahu , this deve lopment is conditioned by two glottal incidents in the syllable : initial and final . After the rising contour developed in Central' Loloish , the second glottal incident , the final glottal-stop, was lost .

~~5. That is, low > high while mid remains mid. The Northern Loloish development of *LS , below , is an instance of hopping.~~

6. This kind of tone sandhi is analogous to neutralization in seg mental phonology . Such a process may also be nondiscrete, if the en vironment could condition the resulting allotone : 33 > 35 1 5 nondiscrete, assimilatory ; Lahu (one dialect ) 33 > 11 1 ___33 may be nondiscrete; Northern Loloish (one dialect ) Wang 1967 cites a spectacular example of a discrete sandhi process which shifts a number of tones in a circle, each taking the value of another. There are various possible consequences of tone sandhi. A process may cease to be productive ; it will then be restricted to

~~16 /~~

~~PROTO-LOLOISH TONES 17~~

certain forms . These may be eliminated through recompounding; but a residue may be left . Such lexical items would then be likely to be reinterpreted with the tone most similar . Internal reconstruction may then be necessary to identify these forms ; see Bradley 1975a pp . 86-9 for an instance in Lahu (one dialect ).

~~7. Push chains are of course rare in segmental phonology ; but then, so are flip-flops . This instance could also be analyzed as a shift of phonetic values in a circular fashion .~~

8. AS.in Bisoid Loloish languages, below . Incidentally , there are various counterexamples in Proto-Burmese-Lolo and Proto-Loloish to Wang 's (1967) claim that laryngealized tones tend to be low-pitched. See , for example , Proto-Burmese-Lolo tone *3 below .

9. The following are cited in Sawashima 1974: Faaborg-Andersen and Sonninen , 'The function of the extrinsic larynx muscles at different pitch ' Acza Ozo- La�y 51: 89-93 1960. Hirano, Koike and von Leden, 'The sternohyoid mus cle during phonation ' Acza Ozo-La�y 64: 500-7 1967. Zenker and Zenker , 'Uber die Regierung der St imml ippenspannung durch von aussen eingreifende Mechanismen' Folia Pho niaz�ica 12 :1-36 1960.

~~10. E.g. statistical preponderance of reflexes; low probab ility of parallel independent changes; and phonetic reasonableness of postulat ed changes.~~

~~11. Subgrouping cr·it eria (Bradley 1975a) were shared segmental sound changes, and shared vocabulary .~~

~~12 . Thurgood 1975 point s out that at least one of these is also dis tinguished by phonation from the others: 22s.~~

13. This downward shift of *HS does not occur in all Northern Loloish languages ; for example , in standard Nasu as cited in Hu and Dai 1964, analyzed in Bradley 1975a, the reflex of *HS is 33c , and of *LS 55c.

14. It is certainly no accident that the languages which have pre served the *-stops best , the Bisoid languages Phunoi and Bisu , are also the ones which have merged the tones of *-stop syllab les with other tones : *HS with 3, and *LS with *2. Since most of the segmental 18 DAVID BRADLEY

~~distinctions are preserved, not much amb iguity is caused by a tonal merger. The result is a three-tone system.~~

~~15. Bradley 1971.~~

~~16. Matisoff describes such a dialect .~~

~~17 . Bradley 1975a p.318 .~~

~~18 . For more details, see Bradley 1975b .~~

19 . Some , of course, are not ; Wang also uses marking conventions to further reduce the redundancy; but why use excessively powerful me ch anisms and then constrain them? Binary features with a-rules can be used very effect ively to represent discrete changes of some kinds ; but so can n-ary features. The fact that the mechanics of using bi nary features are well-developed is no reason to rej ect alternat ives which have been less fully-exp lored.

~~ACKNOWLEVGMENTS~~

This paper was greatly assisted by the stimulat ion of various people , especially Dr . Sprigg , at the School of Oriental and African Studies ; and by papers and discussion at previous Sino-Tibetan Con ferences, especially the Eighth. It has also been improved by com ment s from my colleagues at the Australian National University . The remaining fault s are of course my own . PROTO-LOLOISH TONES

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~~1975b 'Nahsi and Proto-Burmese-Lolo' . Linguih tic� 06 the Tibeto Bu�man A�ea 2.1:93-150. Berkeley .~~

~~19 20 DAVID BRADLEY~~

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~~DAVID BRADLEY~~

Akha is a Southern Loloish Burmese-Lolo Tibeto-Burman language spoken by more than 1000,000 people in southwestern Yunnan, China; eastern Shan State, Burma ; northern Thailand and Laos ; and northwest ern Vietnam. Various names are used by other groups to refer to the �z) Akha: in Burmese , 6(YY") or Kaw ; in Thai , !f}fl-a or Ikaw ; in Lao and Shan , �l tL0 or Kha Kho ; in Chinese � )0 or Rani ; and in Vietnamese , Ranhi . Because of this diversity of names, some of which also refer to other groups , the total extent of Akha populat ion has not usually been realized . l The term 'Rani ' as used in China and Vietnam refers to various ethnic groups who speak Loloish languages; the maj ority of these are probab ly speakers of Akha dialects. At any rate, the 'standard ' LUchun dialect of Rani , recorded in Ru!Dal 1964, is an Akha dialect ; 2 and several other dialects, including Ji�yin and Y�ni, also may be. On the other hand , various other languages included within 'Rani ' are Wonoid. 3 Some Ranhi in Vietnam are also Akha; but others are speakers of Wonoid languages. 4 The Akha have a dist inctive culture , with strong emphas is on re ligion . They are divided into named patriclans ; dialect divisions are said to follow these clan divisions . The 'standard ' Akha of Burma and Thailand is the dialect of the Jeuvg'oev clan, and the next most im portant dialect there is that of the AVjawV clan.5 A similar dialect is recorded from northwestern Laos ; 6 most of the Akha in Thailand also are Jeuv g'oev , but speak a slightly different dialect . In northeastern Laos and adj acent areas of Vietnam, these clans are unknown ; a rather different dialect is spoken . In Laos , the largest clan is the Nu-Quay! It is possible that LUchun Rani , Jiayin , and Yani are similarly the

Bradley, D. "Akha and Southern Loloish". In Bradley, D. editor, Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 5. A-49:23-66. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A49.23 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 24 DAVID BRADLEY

~~dialects of particular Akha clans , living in China. There are also more divergent dialects, such as the AYkeuV of Burma ; 8 possibly some languages spoken in China also fall in this category .~~

~~SUMMARY OF EXISTING DATA~~

~~A. Akoid Vocabularies~~

~~1. Burma/Thailand/NW Laos Akha Scott/Hardiman 1900 Madrolle 1908 Ko Antisdel 1911 Kaw Lewis , Nishida , Dellinger , Egerod, Kat sura, e� al.~~

~~2. Vietnam/NE Laos/China Akha Lefevre-Pontalis 1892 Ounhi Roux 1924 Hu/Dal 1964 Yani~~

~~3. NW China Akha Hu/Dal 1964 Hani Hu/Da1 1964 Ji ayin Scott/Hardiman 1900 Aka (no� Lefevre-Pontalis 1892 Koui , v which is La hu_ shi : banvkeo :)~~

~~5. Lami , Khali (China ) Lefevre-Pontalis 1892~~

~~6. Asong, Ph ana (Vietnam, Laos) Lefevre-Pont alis 1892 (formerly called Kha Pai , and Nguyen 1973 Sila now Sila)~~

~~7. Pevlawvmehv or LawvPev (China) (Lewis 1970a v.IV 764 ment ions )~~

~~B. Bi soid Vocabul aries~~

~~1. Pyen (Burma) Scott/Hardiman 1900~~

~~2. Bisu (Thailand) Nishida 1966a , 1966b , 1967~~

~~3. Phunoi (Laos , Vietnam) Lefevre-Pontalis 1892 Khong Roux 1924 Phunoi Bradley 1973 Phunoi Ferlus 1975 Phou Noy Vuong 1973 Coong~~

C. Wonoid Languages Kaduo: Wonoid group living near ZhenyuAn , cited as Ka-to, K'ato, etc. in Lefevre-Pontalis 1902 , Madrolle 1908, and Davies 1909 . Vocabulary in Hu/Dal 1964. AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 25

~~Biyue : Wonoid group , cited as Woni with two subgroups , Pi-yo and Lo-mi , in Madrolle 1908; and as Pi-o in Davies 1909 . Vocabulary in Hu/Da1 1964.~~

~~Baihong : Wonoid group , cited as Ma-he in Madrolle 1908, and as Ma-he i or Pa-hawng , with a vocabulary , in Davies 1909. Vocab ulary in Hu/Da1 1964.~~

~~Haon! : another Wonoid group in the same area; vocabulary in Hu/Da1 1964.~~

~~Mp i: Wonoid group in Thailand ; data from Harris , Ege , and Bradley . 9 'Hani' vocabularies (of Wonoid languages): Gao 1955, Madrolle 1908.~~

~~'Woni' vocabulary (of a Wonoid language): Yuan 1947.10~~

~~D. Lahoi d 1 cf. Bradley 1975a E. Lisoid ) F. Nasoid (not Southern Loloish)~~

~~Hua y, formerly White Lo10 China and Vietnam; vocabularies Lefevre Pontalis 1892, Madrolle 1908, Lietard 1913, 11 and elsewhere .~~

~~Luquan , included in Hani by Hu/Da1 1964. (also many other languages, spoken far to the north)~~

~~G. Geneti c Group Uncertain~~

~~Mh1UQ 'Hani' dialects cited by Hu/Da1 1964 without vocabulary . XTm61uQ 1 Zatwa : Loloish language cited in Hu/Da1 1964 (no� Hani ).~~

~~Putu : cited by Davies 1909 and Madrolle 1908 (who adds Makho) as close to KaduQ and Blyue ; no vocabularies , China.~~

~~Lopi/Nopi : cited by Madrolle 1908 and Davies 1909 ; China.~~

~~Peupa/Pu1a/Fu1a : cited by Madrolle 1908 and Davies 1909 ; China.~~

~~Simo : Madrolle 1908, China .~~

~~K'u- tsung : Dev�ria 1886, Davies 1909 ; China, no� Tibetans .~~

~~Sansu : Davies 1909 , China.~~

~~Bo Kho Pa , former ly Xa Pho : Nguyen 1973, Vietnam .~~

Data on non-Southern Loloish languages from outside the usual range of Southern Loloish is not included. Herein, only the data on Akha will be considered in detail. Reconstructions are from Bradley 1975a. 26 DAVID BRADLEY

These reconstructions are formulae based on Proto-Loloish (*L) corre spondences. Forms from Lewis 1966b , Roux 1924, and Hu/Dal 1964 are listed in a wordlist , which forms the corpus of data to be considered . Thus , three main subdialects within Akha are compared. These data are sup plemented with data from Lefevre-Pontalis 1892, comparable to the Roux material ; and from Madrolle 1908, most directly similar to the Lewis material. The Lewis transcription is his orthography for Akha , using some convent ions from the Lahu orthography . Roux uses the Vietnamese or thOgraphy12 to represent Akha , with less than total success. Hu and Dai use an IPA-style transcription, with Chao tone-letters . A brief summary of the transcript ions follows ; for more detail, consult the original works .

~~Le.w Initials Vowels ..U , p py t ts c k k' ¢ I (0 I ) vi b by d dz j g (e ) oe eu~~

~~m my n n y ng eh aw~~

~~5 sh (h ) (m) a (ah ) z y g ' Tones Y [ ., ] [ �] A[ -l ] v [J] A[ .J]~~

~~c, j, n y , sh and y represent Itfl , Id�/ , Ip/ , IfI , and Ijl respective ly. ng and g ' represent IQI and Iy/; k represent s lx i, and ¢ (absence~~

of init ial) represents 17/ . 01 and oe represent Iy l and I¢/ ; ul and eu represent Iwl and Iv/; and eh and aw represent lei and 10/ . m can be syllabic ; ah is a nasalized 15/ . The tones have the pitch values given in brackets. Akha, a register language , has three unconstricted tones, which occur with aspirated init ials ; and two constricted tones , which occur with unaspirated initials , and are marked with inverted haceks . Thus , aspiration is a redundant factor in the realization of unconstricted syllables. Parenthesized items occur only in unconstric ed syllables . AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 27

~~Roux~~

~~p pi t t s, k i c, k ¢ U' U , p' p ' i th tch k' e CI 8 b b i d ch 9, c e a 0~~

~~m mi n nh n9 ' 5 sh , ch kh h [ .., ] z ¢[ -1 ] ¢'. [ ] y 9 ' -1 '[ ] .J ] J .J~~

Roux is not entirely consist ent in his transcription ; he includes pho netic details unnecessary for other dialects, such as aspiration ; but he does not dist inguish between, for example , front rounded and back spread vowels - both are represented with Vietnamese 'barbed' letters. There are also many errors in his glosses . Only the exist ence of better-recorded dialects makes such data useful . It is possible , for example , that this dialect , like some dialect s in Thailand , has merged the dental affricates/fricatives and palat o-alveolar affricates/frica tives. 13 It is also possible that the aspiration may have become contrastive, with the loss of constrict ion in the higher of the two tones that are constricted elsewhere - the transcription of this tone is very incon

sistent . Fluctuation between c and k, 9 and c, and so on is less easy to account for. Some contrast s, such as that between 191 and Iyl , are completely unrepresented - but may be present nevertheless.

~~lia/Va.t ¢ p pj t ts tQ k Y 1 w u~~

~~ph ph j th tsh tQh kh e ¥ 0~~

~~b bj d dz d; 9 ::> m mJ n I). I) a~~

~~5 Q X~~

~~Z j Y .., (unconstrict ed only) -1 (unconstricted or constrict ed)~~

~~.J (unconstrict ed or constricted)~~

Constriction is represented by und e�lining �he vowel , the usual con vention now used in China. Absence of initial probab ly represents initial glottal-stop . There are alveopalatal, instead of palato alveolar , affricates and fricat ives. In the more than 240 forms cited by Hu and Dal , there are no aspirated stops in constricted syllables; hence this distinct ion again appears not to be phonologically contrast ive . 28 DAVID BRADLEY

In comparing the three dialect s, the Lewis material will be cited both orthographically and in IPA terms ; Roux dat a is used when patterns are clear . The initial systems of Jeuv g'oev (Lewis) and LllchITn (Hu/ Dai ) Akha appear to be identical in pattern apart from the ab sence of Ihl in LuchITn , and the ab ove-noted nonphonological representat ion of aspiration in LtchITn . Ihl occurs in Jeuvg'oev only in unconstricted syllables ; it would appear that LtchITn has simp ly merged *h > Ix/ . LtchITn has merged *5 and * J to l s i , unliRe Jeuvg'oev . It has then developed a new IQI from various prefixed *R-type resonant s - most of which instead develop to y /jl in Jeuvg'oev . The *5/*J merger must have followed the development , noted ·below , of *i/ik to 1 11 in LuchITn after *dental affricate/fricative initials . In general , half-close vowels in LuchITn have merged with close vowels : *e > Iii, *¢ > Iy l, and * 0 > lui; bu� *v remains Ivl in most cases. Subsequently , half-open vowels in LuchITn have become half-close vowels : *e > le i , and *0 > 101 . The development of *L *m-final and some *Q-final rhymes provide s an excellent example in which Nu Quay (Roux) and Yanl data show a differ ent deve lopment than Jeuvg'oev and LGchITn .

~~Jeuvg'oev Nu Quay Y�nl *-m m ung/ong UQ 5 ang aQ~~

Jeuvg'oev keep s the two sets of rhymes distinct , conservat ively preserving the final *m, and the nasalization associated with *iQ/oQ (but not *aQ). LuchITn , with the raised back half-open vowel, merges the two 'nasal-final ' rhymes to 10/ . In Nu Quay and Yanl , the *-m rhymes have back rounded vowels as their reflex , while *iQ/oQ have a more open vowel; in both cases, there is neutralizat ion of final nasals to IQ/. *L *aQ and *n-final rhymes have non-nasal reflexes in Akha . This development is rather difficult to reconcile with the hypothesis presented by W. S.-Y. Wang and M. Chen on the development of nasal finals in Chinese . LUchITn preserves a distinction between *L *uk and *ok, unlike Jeuvg'oev ; but the distinction is the opposite of that seen in Lahu , and reconstructed for *L. Another instance in which *L forms are required for the interpreta tion of dialectal correspondences is 1 11 in LUchITn . This vowel occurs after *dental affricate/fricative init ials as the reflex of *L *i or *ik, with the appropriate tonal correspondence . In Jeuvg'oev , such AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 29

*rhymes with these *initials have merged with other front-vowel *rhymes such as *e , giving reflexes such as Ilil, ui/w/, and so on . Subsequent ly , LUchun also develops *e > Iii. A dialectal difference which separates southern Jeuvg'oev from other Akha dialects is the reflex of *L *w and *r initials before rhymes with *a, such as *a. *ak , and *ay . Southern Jeuvg'oev has z/zl as the re flex, while nothern Jeuv g'oev, Nu QuAy , 14 and LUchun have Iy/ . There are some apparent differences in the development of *resonants in Nu Quay . *hy initials have a reflex transcribed hi by Roux ; this re flex is conservat ive when compared to the Jeuvg'oev Y/j/. Also, *11 initial has a reflex transcribed ch I by Roux - unlike the 111 which is the reflex elsewhere . Before Iii (including secondary Iii from *e) Lllchun has initial I�I for In/. With some vowels, the palatalized bilabial Ibjl is instead merged to Ibl in Lllchun . Sporadic irregularities in correspondence between Jeuvg'oev and LGchun are indicated in the wordlist below : for initial , V for vowel, and T for tonal irregularity. For examp le wing (83) dawv miv IdoJ miJ I Jeuvg'oev , IdoJ miJ I not the expected IdoJ miJ I in LQchun. The Lllchun vowel development from *1 *daQ2 1mrl2 is irregular . The regular differences between Lllchun and Jeuvg'oev are summarized below.

~~dichun Jeuvg'oe v O. *ok > u, *uk > 0 *ok, *uk > 0~~

~~- l. * iiik > 1 1 1 I *TS 2. e, ,/>, 0 > i, y , u 3. e:, 0 > e, 0 4. m, 5 > 0 5. f > 5 , h > x 6. *hr > Q~~

~~AKHA AN D PROT O- LOLOISH~~

Tonal development s in Akha , as in all Southern 1oloish languages, are not very spectacular . In fact , Bradley 1975a suggests that Akha preserves the *1 tonal system intact . 15 The following chart shows the regular correspondences ; position of the vowel is shown by V. 30 DAVID BRADLEY

*1 Liichun Jeuvg'oev Nu Quay Phonetic Value 1 * Vi VV � [ l ], unconstricted *2 V -J V v � [ -J ], unconstricted [ *3 v -i V V -n, unconstricted [ *H � -i V A (various ) -l ], constricted [ *1 V � VA Y ..J ], constricted

There is some shifting from unconstricted to constricted register, and vice versa, which is particularly frequent , but does not always occur, in certain environments. For example, there is a 'k-dissimila tion rule ' ;16 when a lexical item had the *k-prefix , and a final *k, it develops an unconstricted tone . Examples include leopard (14), rat (31), chicken (50) , ant (73) and rock (337) . Conversely, constricted tones develop in some instances with *fricative and certain *resonant initials; examp les include he (440), sand (334), bamb oo (295), and so on . There are also some sporadic instances of both developments in other environments. The deve lopments of the *1 rhymes (vowel and final if any ) in Akha differ very substantially between dialects. Such differences are presumably of comparat ively recent origin ; thus they may indicate that Akoid maintained some distinctions which had been merged in other 10loish languages. Sout hern 10loish is generally very conservative with consonant-final rhymes ; some Bisoid languages have actually re tained ,'c-m, *-n, *-p and ,'c-tas such , while Akoid appears to have been conservative in the case of *-m, *-� in some environment s, and in the regular reflection of *-st ops with the constricted register . The fol lowing chart summarizes the deve lopments.

*1 LUchun Jeuvg'oev Nu Quay Comment or Environment Open Syllables (unconstricted register tones) *u u u lui u

*0 y oe I¢I (1 (Burmese ui , but *1 *0)

*aw o aw 101 o *a a alai a

*wa , eu hi

* i oe 1'1'/ *1ateral init ial /iI, ui Iwl *Dental Affricate/ Fricative initial II/ elsewhere

*e u i Iwl If with *r, initial or medial ah 151 a *n initial Iii elsewhere AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 31

*L dichun Jeu.g'oe. Nu Quay Comment or Environment (Opell Syllables Cont inued) *ay e e lei e *Dental Affricate initial *Velar + * - y - initial l w u I Iwl u with *r, initial or medial /il elsewhere

Nasal -Final (unrestricted register tones) * i m 0 mimi ung (the differences in *um 0 mimi ung/ong/ong Nu Quay are based on *am 0 mimi ong limited data: a total *wam mimi ong of ten forms ) *in e eh hi *un eh hi e *an e eh hi e

*wan ui Iwl II *m initial eh hi e *fricative initials *il) ah 151 ang *01) 0 ah 151 ang * al) 0 aw 101 0 (*wal) merges with *al) or *01))

Stop-fi nal (constricted register tones) *ip u u/ul u " u p u u lui u (sometimes merges with *ap instead ) *ap o aw 101 010 oe It/>I rare , but cf. fo ld (695) with both *it Iii ;cyet e lei rare , but cf. bamboo shoot (296) *et e eh hi *ut u u lui *Palatal initial

~~eu hi d elsewhere *at/wa t e eh hi *ik u I Iwl 1 II *ek eu Ivl o~~

*ok v eu I¥/ d (this rhyme may simply { w u i Iwl repre sent variat ion be tween *ek and *ok in *L) *uk o o 101 Note that LUchun distin guishes "uk and "ok, un *ok u o 101 like Jeu.g'oe. ; but the *ak a alai a reflexes are the opposite of the Lahu . *wak u o 101 u/o 32 DAVID BRADLEY

It should be strongly emphasized that the attested Akha forms often show irregularities in rhyme development in the case of particular lexical items , implying that the *rhyme for Akoid was different from that proposed for *L in Bradley 1975a and herein. The deve lopments from *L to the various Akha dialect s are summar ized in the following diagrams . Solid lines represent regular or 'elsewhere ' developments, and broken lines represent part ial , condi tioned developments. Underlining is used to represent constriction. Order is shown by numbers associated with lines . When no lines pro ceed from a *rhyme , its reflex is similar to the postulated *L recon struction , e.g. * u > u is not shown .

~~Jeuvg' oe v (unconstricted)~~

~~------4 --- -~~

-----� - ..... / - - - ' --- - - _ / * ' '''' --- y .! w *u I ... 3"', 1\ t ...... 4 ...... ) 2 " '" 'I .... � * 0 ..... " -_ ¥ e ... \ \ ..... 1 " 3 5 ...... ) ¢�-' \ 0 " ..... I " ay , ..... 1 *a *wa ,. I "aw ' ..... , e: I

~~..... , * i m u ...... * i *01) � � 0 I I) � � I *am� I *a I I /~~

~~(constricted) *wan--~~

~~_ _ _ _ _ ./______,. , �2 "it * - - '" ' ut i w u *ip *up J *yet ' f 1 -----.... *ap· e o *et "at �e: - -0~~

*ik

*ek

*wak AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 33 dichun (uncons...--tr1cted) ---..... 1..- ....-- - / , , ...... " , I 1 " 1\ * i y "1 w *u I \ , 1 3 '* 1 1 *0 e, ..... 1 *il) *01) 11 '" *am *al) I I

~~\ I *a \ I � \' *ay *wa *a ( C Onstricted)� *in � r * i p *up / : *ap ,� n III~~

~~:::�: _ 2 _ _ "'_ 1 . ; !.Iy e < ,%l 0 �/ *il< /*uk /a �~~

~~Nu Quay (unconstr1cted)~~

2 - ____ ,_ .,. - .... . '� * I -all u II ,. ' I I • �• " I *e 1 e 0 *0 l "'- - I d - - '" ) ang , I , .... , ' 3\ e , )\' " , /" *01) \ \ ' II) " I : - o ...... * � I *a �* W y . *al) , , *wa

*in *un / I / 34 DAVID BRADLEY

~~(constricted) *it *ut� � p *a � p y � �r *et, . :;:::� *at *wa� !:. a *ik ,o� *ek~~

*ak I *wak "

The parallelism of developments is clear . There are fewer differences between Akha dialects in the develop ments of *L initials than there are in the development s of *L rhymes. Southern Loloish languages generally are rather conservative in the position of art iculation of reflexes of *L init ials ; but there have been many mergers among *L manners of art iculation in the Southern Loloish reflexes . For *Stops, five *positions of art iculation are reconstructed in various sources ; using the voiceless unaspirate to represent the class, they are *P, *T , *TS , *C, and *K. In addition , as noted in Matisoff 1973, *p and *K posit ions have three cluster possibilities with *me dials *-y -, *-r- , and *-1-; in total, there are thus eleven *positions : *P, *PY, *PR, *PL, *T , *TS , *C , *KY , *KL , *KR, and *K. The possibil ities for *Nasals are slight ly more limited : *M, *MY , *MR , *ML , *N , *� , *�R, and *� . In fact , Bisu (Southern Loloish) data is the only support for *-1- in Loloish. 17 For *Fricatives , three *positions are reconstructed: *S, *I, and *X. *Resonant s are reconstructed in four '*posit ions ': *W, *L, *y and *R. There are also several *Laryngeals : *h , *7 (and vocalic anlaut or vowel initial) . Akha has merged *PY, *PL , and *PR positions to palatalized labials : / p j/, /bj/ or /mj / as appropriate. *KY has merged with *C, as /tII or Id?/ ; while *NY merges instead with *�R and *� to IQ/. *KR and *KL merge to Ikl or 19/ ; while *K becomes /�/ or Iyl in Akha . Some dia lects merge Its/ and ItII, and Idz/ and Id?/ . The following table summarizes the *Stop and *Nasal posit ion devel opments in Akha .

~~------AKHA SOUTHERN LOLO ISH AND 35~~

*p *PY *PL *PR *T *TS *C *KY *KL *KR *K

Ip/,1fbl :x:: It/,/1 dl Its/,/1 dzl Itf/,/Yd, 1 Ik/V,/gl Ix/ ,/ylj *M *MY *ML *MR *N *JI '�4, J YImJ I J 1 As was noted above , in LGchITn Inl merges with Ipl before Iii. The developments of the *Fricatives posit ions parallels that of the *Stops and *Nasals to a certain ext ent . The relat ively scarce *voiced frica tives *z and *, have some *Resonants merged with them. In Jeuvg ' oe v *X I B position fricatives merge into * I position fricat ives , giving III; in LUchITn there is a further merger of voiceless lsi and III. Syllables reconstructed with *vowel-initials in *L sometimes have Ixl initial in Akha . Akha thus may keep *vowel-initial syllables distinct from *7 and *h-initial syllables , which have initial 171 and Ihl as their reflexes in Akha . The development s of *Resonants are quite complex in Akha, and will be treat ed separately below. In Akha , there is a voicing distinction for stops and fricat ives ; all nasals are voiced. Many *L manner of art iculat ion distinctions associ ated with *BL and *TB prefixation have been entirely merged in Akha . Thus , Akha is not of much help in the reconstruction of *L manner dis tinctions ; the development of the unconstricted/constricted register system has resulted in a merger of voiceless unaspirated and aspirated stops , probably distinct at an earlier stage but not in Akoid . Essentially, *L voiceless stops have voiceless reflexes in Akha when *plain (unprefixed) *7-prefixed, and usually when *C-prefixed. *L voiced stops have voiceless reflexes when *C-prefixed. Other *L stops, that is *N-prefixed (voiceless or voiced), some *C-prefixed voiceless, *7-prefixed and *plain (unprefixed) voiced stops, have voiced reflexes in Akha. *L nasals all have voiced reflexes in Akha , whatever the pre fix . In this respect , Akha is strikingly unlike the rather closely re lated Bisoid group - which may imp ly that the merger of *nasal manners in Akoid is a recent phenomenon. *Voiceless fricatives remain voiceless irrespective of prefixat ion ; *Voiced fricat ives , and many *Resonants , have voiced fricative reflexes in Akha . The deve lopment of *L Resonants in Akha is very complex, sometimes involving fusion of prefixes, reprefixat ion , and other phenomena wh ich make simp le statement of reflexes incomplete. There are dialect dif ferences in the reflexes of some *Resonants. Some such differences are 36 DAVID BRADLEY

related to differences in the distribution of certain init ials before vowels between dialects. That is , IVI occurs before lal in LUchun, Nu QuAy , and northern Jeuvg'oev as the reflex of *w and *r; but in southern Jeuvg'oev Izl is the usual reflex, and a syllable Ivai does not occur if the lexical item is a noun or a verb . 19 Other such dif verences seem to reflect different reflexes for particular *Resonants in diffe rent dialects. For example, some *C or *? prefixed, *-y -medial *r and *y resonant s in LUchun have the reflex lv i, unlike Jeu.g'oe. which in most of the same cases has Ij/.20 Jeuv g'oev has the reflex I I for *hr and one instance of *Cy ; but in these cases the *h r I I f > f development is re lat ively long-standing, as LUchun has merged such I f I with *Fricat ives I f I to lsi . The LUchun development to Ivl must be more recent than this merger , and has re-created an alveopalat al frica tive in LUchun . In general , *1at eral resonant s have III as their reflex in Akha - but for an exception, see four (481) , and for an instance of the *pre fix becoming the Akha initial , see lick (630). *y resonants usually have Ijl as their Akha reflex , but in a numb er of cases Izl occurs instead. Similarly, *Voiced fricatives *z and *� usually have Izl and Ijl as their reflexes, but converse examples do occur. *W resonants most frequent ly have Izl as their reflex ; there is no Ivl in Akha ; there are also instances with Ij/, lVi, and even Ibl - the latter pos sibly loanwords or area words , and hence not really reconstructab le for *1. *R resonant s show the mo st variation . The most frequent reflex is lVi , but I?I , Izl and Ijl are also frequent more so in Jeuvg'oev than elsewhere . *h r, as noted, usually has I f I as its re flex; *k-r frequent ly has Ihl as its reflex. 191 occurs in some in stances , for example count (671), in which a prefixed *9 has been re analyzed as the initial , and the *r as a *medial; *9r regularly has 191 as its reflex . Part of the reason for such variety in possible reflex

es - lVi, Iz/, Ijl and I?I for certain *plain (unprefixed) Resonant s is the phonotact ics of Akha - with some vowels , only some of these voiced fricatives may occur. There are some instances in whi ch Jeuv g'oev shows an irregular de velopment , replacement , or semant ic shift of a *1 etymon , but LUchun has a regular cognate; the converse also occurs .

ti L chun Jeu.g' oev *L Comment (on Jeu.g'oev ) horse (6) ImoJ I mahv/m5J 1 *mral ( area) rhyme irregular salt (408) ItshaJ drJI savdeu. *tsa (initial irregular ) IsaJdyJ I 1 thousand (489) Ith::>l I he Ihel I *tOI) Lahu loan v tah It5l1 hundred mi Uion semantic shift AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLO ISH 37

LUchun Jeuvg' oev *L Comment (on J euvg ' oev ) l 8me H bad (573) Inol I beh.-eu *?nam loss IbIJ d I 1 fly (659 ) Ibjol I zaw-eu *byam irregular ; reanalysis? Izo-1 dl 2 near (751) 1�IJ I dawvpeh *Cni ' loss IdoJ PE -1I

In some cases , LUchITn has a reflex of one *L form, while Jeuvg'oev has a reflex of an alternat ive *L form with the same gloss. mortar (240) IkhuJ I tahvtsmV 240 C *?kri l It5.Jtsml I 240 A,B *?to,)2 tsuml There are some etyma whose reflexes in all Akha dialects have in itial stops when the *L initial was na� al . Such forms may have been influenced by Bisoid languages, which have voiced stops as reflexes of *L *C-prefixed nasals. bamboo 8hoot ( 296) aVbye. * (s)myetL la 1 by�J I blow (690) baw-eu Ibolll I

Some forms show intere sting prefix fusions . in all Akha dialects. lightning (328) myaw.-eu Imj�J l � I 2 which may imply reanalysis as fi re (329) *Cmi + needte (382) *rapL. lick (630 ) myeu.-eu Imj lJ r-l I again , fusion which differs from that seen in other Loloish languages .

8 tar (319 ) avguiV *bkrayl /?aJgwl l 2 perhap s reanalyzed as 8ky (321) *m0 + 8tar (319A) *kra yl, fusing to *Nk rayl and then developing regularly. Akha dialects preserve *L *k animal prefix and *1 body-part prefix as SUCh, in addition to the *? kinship prefix .

"leopard (14) IxaJ zlJ I k'avzuiv IxaJ zwJI This preserved *prefix seems to have caused loss of final *k in the word ; see k-dissimilation rule above . The following chart shows the relat ionships between various Sout h ern Loloish languages . The branching is based on various criteria : predominant ly shared lexical material (Bradley 1975a) and also shared sound changes (Matisoff 1972; Bradley 1975a) . The branching relation ships shown are intended to in dicate genetic relat ionships ; horizontal 38 DAVID BRADLEY

~~relat ionships on the chart s indicate likely contact re lat ionships sometimes across genetic boundaries, as between Lahoid and Akoid .~~

~~Southern Loloish Central Loloish~~

~~(Kha Akoid~~

~~/::;�. Pyen� Bisu Phuno i .// Lami Khal1~~

~~ng JUi.y1n Ltichun � Hani Bai h6ng M~~

~~Nu Quay~~

Further dat a on Akoid, Bisoid, and other languages will cert ainly clarify the genetic re lat ionships within Southern Loloish. The chart below gives an impression of the genetic relat ionship s of Akha within Proto-Sino-Tibetan (*ST) ; Proto-Tibeto-Burman (*TB) ; Proto Burmese-Lolo/Moso (*BLM) ; Proto-Burmese-Lolo (*BL ) , and Proto-Loloish (*L) . AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 39

~~Sinitic~~

~~Burmish Bisoid Akoid Lahoid Wonoid Lisoid Nasoid Mosoid Burmese (Bisu) (Akha) (Lahu ) (Woni) (Lisu) (Lolo) (Naxl)~~

~~Maru Phunoi Rani Rani At si Lashi Mpi Achang~~

For further details of branching relationships within *ST , see Benedict 1972. Bradley 1975b clarifies the relationship between Na.xl and *BL . Burling 1967, and various works by Mat isoff have explored the reconstruction of *BL ; Mat isoff, Bradley , and Thurgood have in vestigated the relationships within *L; see especially Mat isoff 1972 and 1973, and Bradley 1975a. 40 DAVID BRADLEY

~~NOTE S~~

~~1. There are probab ly about 5,000 Akha in Vietnam, 10,000 or more in Laos, about 20,000 in Thailand, and 50,000 or more in both Burma and China .~~

~~2. See Bradley 1969 for the first discussion of LGchun Han{ as an Akha dialect .~~

~~3. Including Blyue , KaduD , Haon{ , and Baih6ng in Hu/Dal 1964; also Gao's study of Yang-wu Han{ , and Yuan 's study of Woni; see below for further discussion .~~

~~4. Lefevre-Pontalis 1892 Ou-nhi is Akha ; but Madrolle 1908 Hanhi is Wonoid.~~

~~5. Lewis 1970a IV 764.~~

~~6. Madrolle 1908, from 'Province du Haut-Mekhong ' (Nam Tha Province).~~

~~7. Roux 1924; vocabulary in Lefevre-Pont alis 1892 is of a similar dialect, as is Y�n{.~~

~~8. Lewis ibid . 765.~~

~~9. Gao Huanian 'Preliminary Investigation of the Hani Language of Yang-wu ' (in Chinese) Chung-� han Unive��i�y Jou�nal 1955.~~

~~10 . Yuan Jiahua 'Preliminary Investigation of the Woni Language ' (in Chinese) F�on�ie�� 06 Human Cul�u�e 1947 (Nankai University, Tientsin).~~

~~11. Lietard , A. 'Au Yun-nan , les Lo-lo P'o' A�h�opo� -Biblio�heR 1.5 1913.~~

~~40 AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 41~~

~~12. With a few additions : p' for asp irated [ph ].~~

~~13. Dellinger 1968.~~

~~14. Actually Nu Qufty g, which in such cases probably represents Iy/ .~~

15. However, the AVkeuv dialect has undergone a tonal flip-flop , leaving the reflex of *Tone 3 as mid pitch, but reversing the pitch values of the reflexes of *Tone 1 and *Tone 2. *Tones 1, 2, and 3 oc cur in *open and *nasal-final syllables, while *H (high) and *L (low ) tones occur in *stop-final syllables.

~~16. Reminiscent of the glottal-dissimi lat ion rule of Lahu , Mat isoff 1970a; first noted in Bradley 1971.~~

~~17. Of course, within Burmese-Lolo Burmese inscriptions and Burmese dialects provide ev idence for *-1-. Further detail on the Loloish correspondences is found in Bradley 1975a .~~

~~18. No examples of a voiced *y are reconstructed; the *Resonant *r may have had such a realization .~~

19. But 9 'av lya4 I is the 'classifier for people' (496) even in south ern Jeuvg'oev . Differences in development s between different form classes are widespread in *BL languages. For example , Burling 1967 notes a difference in tonal reflexes of *Tone 2 between nouns and verbs in At si.

~~20. Cf. fouT' (485) and 8tand (687). DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~BIBLIOGRAPHY~~

A. Olde� Sou�ee4 AN TISDEL, C.B. 1911 'Elementary Studies in Lahoo , Akha (Kaw ) and Wa Languages'. Jou��al 06 �he Bu�ma Re4 ea�eh Soeie�y 1.1:41-64. BERNATZIK, H.A. 1970 A�ha a�d Miao (2 vols). Innsbruck 1947; translated New Haven 1970: Human Relations Area Files . BONIFAC Y, A.L. 1905 'Etude sur les langues parlees par les populations de la haute Riviere Claire '. Bulle�i� de l'Eeole F�a��ai4 e d'Ex��eme-O�ie�t 5:306-27 .

DAUFFES, M. 1906 'Notes ethnographiques sur les Kos'. Bulleti� de l'Eeole F�a�eai4 e d'Ext�eme-O�ie�t 6:327-34. DAVIES, H.R. 1909 YU�-�a� , The Li�� be�wee� l�dia a�d �he Ya�gtze. Cambridge University Press. DEvERIA, G. 1886 La F�o�tie�e Si�o- A��amite. Paris : Leroux. GARNIER, F. 1873 Voyage d'Explo�atio� e� l�do - ehi�e. Paris : Hachette . LE FEVRE-PONTALIS, P. 1892 'Notes sur quelques populat ions du nord de l'Indo-chine '. Jou��al A4iatique 8th series 19 :237-69.

~~1902 Mi4 4io� Pavie, l�do-Chi�e 1879-1905 Geog�aphie et Voyage4 V. Voyage4 da�4 le Haut Lao4 . Paris : Leroux .~~

~~42 AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 43~~

MADROLLE , C. 1908 'Quelques peuplades Lo-lo'. T'oung Pao 2nd series 9:529- 565. d' ORLEANS, H. 1898 Vu Tonk�n aux Indeh . Paris. ROUX, H. 1924 'Deux tribus de la region de Phongsaly '. Bullet�n de l'Ecole F�anca�h e d'Ext�eme-O��ent 24: 373-500.

~~1954 (reprinted, with a new introduc tion ) F�ance-Ah�e X:92-3. SCOTT, J.G. and J.P. HA RDIMAN 1900 Gah ettee� 06 Uppe� Bu�ma and the Shan Stateh . Rangoon : Government Printing Office .~~

~~B. Recent Sou�ceh on Akha BRADLEY, D. 1968a A Comparison of Nishida's and Lewis's Akha Materials. MS .~~

~~1968b The Akha Dialect of Aru . MS .~~

~~1969a Shan Loanwords in Lahu and Akha. MS .~~

~~1969b Problems in Akha Phonology : Synchronic and Diachronic . A.B. thesis , Columb ia Universit y.~~

~~1970 Prosodic Phonology of Akha : First Approximat ion . MS .~~

~~1971a Prosodies in Akha : Questions to Investigate . MS .~~

~~1973 Phunoi Today . Paper delivered at the Sixth International Sino-Tibetan Conference, San Diego .~~

~~1975 Lahu Dialects and Proto-Loloish . Ph .D. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies , University of London .~~

~~1971-2 , Field Notes on Akha . 1975-6 DELLINGE R, D. 1967 'Notes on Akha Segmental Phonemes and Tones '. Pac�6�c L�ngu�h t�ch A.9:35-43.~~

~~1968 'Amb ivalence in Akha Phonology '. Anth�opolog�cal L�ngu�h �ch 10.8:16-22 .~~

~~1969a 'A Generative Approach to the Phonology of Akha '. Australian Universities' Language and Linguistics Association Twe lfth Congress.~~

~~1969b Akha : A Transformational Description . Ph .D. thesis, The Australian National University , Canberra. 44 DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~1969c 'Some Comments on Akha : Its Relationships , and Structure , and a Proposal for a Writing System' . In : P. Hinton , ed. 1969:108-12 .~~

~~1970 The Morphology of Nouns and Verbs in Akha . Paper delivered at the Third International Sino-Tibetan Conference, Ithaca cf. 1973.~~

~~1971 Phonetic Changes in Borrowed Words in Akha . Paper delivered at the Fourth Internat ional Sino-Tibetan Conference, Bloomington .~~

1973 'Structure and Rules in Akha Morphology '. Pac�6�c L�ng u��z�c� A.30:l-l7. EGEROD, S. 1971 Some Akha Basic Features. Paper delivered at the Fourth International Sino-Tibetan Conference , Bloomington .

~~1973 Further Notes on Akha . Paper delivered at the Sixth International Sino-Tibetan Conference, San Diego .~~

~~1974 Further Notes on Akha Sentence Particles. Paper delivered at the Seventh International Sino-Tibetan Conference, At lanta.~~

~~EGE ROD, S. and I.-L. HANSSON 1974 'An Akha Conversat ion on Death and Funeral '. Acza O��enzal�a 36 . 225-84 .~~

~~HANKS , L.M. , J. R. HANKS and L. SHARP 1965 A Repo�z on T��bal People� �n Ch�eng�a� P�o v�nce, No�zh 06 zhe Mae KOR R� ve�. Ithaca : Cornell University.~~

HINTON, P. , ed. 1969 T��be�men and Pea� anz� �n No�zh Tha�land . Chiangmai : Tribal Research Centre . HU TAN and DAI QINGSHA 1964 'Vowels with and without Stricture in the Hani Language '. Zhongguo YUwen (Chinese Linguistics) 128:76-87 (glosses translated by J.A. Matisoff) .

JAFAR, S.J. and A.R. WALKE R 1975 'The Akha People : An Introduction '. In : A.R. Walker, ed. 1975: 169-81. KACHA-ANANDA, C. 1971 'The Akha Swinging Ceremony '. Jou�nal 06 zhe S�am Soc�ezy 59.1:119-28. AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 45

~~KATSURA , M. ' 1966 , 'The Akha Dialect of Aru Village '. To na.n Ajia. KenR.yu 4.1: 1973 122-32 . Also in English in : Pa.cinic Ling ui� tic� A. 30:35- 53.~~

~~196B 'Out line of the Phonological and Morphological Str ucture of the Akha Language in Northern Thailand '. Iona.n A/La. Kenkyu 6.4:220-40 (in Japanese).~~

~~1970 'An Outline of the Structure of the Akha Language (I) Introduction and Phonemics'. Tona.n Aj�a. Kenkyu 8.1:16-35.~~

~~KICKERT , R.W. 1969 'Akha Village Structure '. In : P. Hinton , ed. 1969 : 35-40.~~

~~LEWIS , P.W. c.1966 Fi nal Particles in Akha . MS .~~

~~196Ba 'Akha Phonology '. Anth40pologica.l Lingui� tf.c� 10.2:8-18.~~

~~196Bb Akha.-Engli� h Victiona.4Y. Ithaca: Cornell University.~~

~~196Bc 'The Role and Fu nction of the Akha Village Priest '. Beha.viM Science Note� 3.4:2 49-62.~~

~~1969a Ethnog4a.phic Note� on the Akha.� On BU4ma. . (vols I and II) New Haven : Human Relat ions Area Files.~~

~~1969b 'The Rice Theme in Akha Culture '. ]ou4na.l on Sociology a.nd Anth40 pology 2.2. University of Chiengmai .~~

~~1970a Ethnog4a.phic Noteh on the Akha.h 06 BU4ma.. (vols III and IV) New Haven : Human Relat ions Area Files.~~

~~1970b Int40ducing the Hill T4ibe� on Tha.ila.nd . University of Chiengmai , Faculty of Social Sciences.~~

~~1972 'Phonetic Problems involved in Teaching Thai to Speakers of Lahu and Akha' . In : Harris and Noss , eds . Ta.i Phonetic� a.nd Phonology 105-12 . Bangkok .~~

~~1973 'Tone in the Akha Language '. Anth40pologica.l Lingui� ti c� 15.4:183-8.~~

~~1976 Personal Communication .~~

~~NGUYEN , Vien Khac , ed. 196B Vietna.m eh e Studieh 15. Mounta.in Regionh a.nd Na.tiona.l " Min04itieh on the VR V. Hanoi .~~

~~1972 Vietna.me� e Studieh 32 . Ethnog4a.phic Va.ta. vol. I. Hanoi~~

~~1973 Vietna.meh e Studieh 36 . Vonneeh ethnog4a.phiqueh vol. II. 46 DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~NISHIDA, T. 1965-6 'The Phonemic System of Akha : a Descriptive Study of the Language of the Akha Hill Tribe in Northern Thailand'. On� ei Kagaku Kenkyu 4:1-37.~~

~~SHOLZ , F. 1968-9 'Zum Feldbau des Akha-Dorfe s Alum, Thailand'. Jah�buch de� SUda�ien-ln��i�u�� de� Unive��i�a� Heidelbe�g Band III : 88-99.~~

~~Series of films on Akha : Encyclopedia Cinema�og�aphica Gottingen :~~

~~'Akha (Thailand , Chi eng Rai-Provinz) ... '~~

~~'Entkernen von Baumwolle mit einer Entkernungsmaschine '. E124l/1968.~~

~~'Auflockern und Walken von Baumwolle'. E1242/l967.~~

~~'Spinnen von Baumwolle' . E1243/l967.~~

~~'Scharen einer Baumwol-Webkette' . E1244/1967.~~

~~'Weben von Baumwolle auf dem Trittwebstuhl '. E1245/1968.~~

~~'Herstellen einder Bastmatte'. E1246/1968.~~

~~'Binden einer Dachmatte' . E1247/1967.~~

~~'Bau eines Wohnhauses'. E1249/l968.~~

~~'Schmieden eines Haumessers '. E1250/l968.~~

~~'Herstellen einer Haumesserscheide '. E1251/l968.~~

~~'Flechten eines Deckelkorbes'. E1252/l968.~~

~~'Herstelien einer Feder-Zierschnur '. E1284/l968 .~~

~~'Kettflechten einer Zierschnur aus Baumwolle und Samenkcrrnern '. E1285/l967.~~

~~'Mannertanz ' . E1286/1968.~~

~~'Madchentanze' . E1287/1967.~~

~~'Hundeopfer beim Hausbau '. E1301/l968.~~

~~'Sabeltanz '. E1302/1968.~~

~~1976 Personal Communication .~~

~~SMALLEY, W.A. n.d. Notes on Some Problems in Akha as Spoken in the Chiangrai Area. MS . AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 47~~

~~TELFORD , J.H. 1937 'Animism in Kengtung State'. Jou�nal 06 the Bu�ma Reeea�ch Society 27.2:85-238.~~

~~WALKER, A.R. , ed. 1975 Fa�me�e in the Hille . Penang: School of Comparative Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia .~~

~~WALKER, P.H. 1975 'The Akha of Huai San : A Note '. In : A.R. Walker, ed. 1975 :183-6.~~

~~WYSS , P. 1969 'Thai Orthography for Akha' . In : P. Hint on , ed. 1969 : 113-6 .~~

~~YOUNG , O.G. 1961 The Hill T�ib ee 06 No�the�n Thailand. Bangkok : Siam Society . ( Revised fifth edition : 1974.)~~

~~C. Booke in Akha~~

~~Yo Vha. ( St . John in Akha) . British and Foreign Bible Society 1965.~~

~~Luvka. ( St . Luke in Akha ) . British and Foreign Bible Society 1966 .~~

~~Javli.yaw ehui . ( New Testament in Akha ) . Bible Society of Burma , Rangoon 1968.~~

~~V. Southe�n Loloie h~~

~~BRADLEY, D. 1973 Phunoi Today . Paper delivered at the Sixth International Sino-Tibetan Conference, San Diego .~~

~~n.d. Mpi Field Notes ; Phunoi Field Notes .~~

~~EGE , N. 1972 Tape of Swadesh List in Mpi .~~

~~FERLUS , M. 1975 'Le Phou Noy : phonologie et morphologie '. Aeie du 6ud-Eet et Monde Ine ulindien VI ( l ) .~~

~~HARRIS, J.G. n.d. Phunoi Tapes.~~

~~c . 1971 Handout for Talk at Siam Society on Mpi.~~

~~NISHIDA, T. 1966a, 'A Study of the Bisu Language '. Tonan Aj�a Kenkyu 4.1:65- 1973 87 . Also in English in : Paci6ic Linguietice A.3 0:55-82 ; see also 1966b , 1967. 48 DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~BENEDICT , P.K. 1972 Sino-Tib�tan : A Con4p�ctu4 . Cambridge University Press .~~

~~BRADLEY , D. 1971b Prefixes and Suffixes in Burmese-Lolo . Paper delivered at the Fourth International Sino-Tibetan Conference, Bloomington .~~

~~1975 Lahu Dialects and Proto-Loloish . Ph .D. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London .~~

~~BURLING, R. 1967 P�oto-Lolo-8u�m�4 �. Int��national Jou�nal 06 Am��ican Lingui4 tic4 33.1 part 2.~~

~~MATISOFF , J.A. 1969 'Lahu and Proto-Lolo-Burmese'. Occa4ional Publication4 06 th� Wol6�nd�n Soci�ty on Tib�to-8u�man Lingui4tic4 1:117- 221.~~

~~1970a 'Glottal Dissimilation and the Lahu High Rising Tone : A Tonogenetic Case Study' . Jou�nal 06 th� Am��ican O�i�ntal Soci�ty 90.1:13-44.~~

~~1971 'The Tonal Split in Loloish Checked Syllab les '. Occa4ional Publication4 06 th� Wol6�nd�n Soci�ty on Tib�to - 8u�man Lingui4tic4 2 (44pp.).~~

~~1972 Th� Loloi4 h Tonal Split R�vi4it�d . Berkeley .~~

~~1973 Problems and Progress in Lolo-Burmese : Quo Vadimus? Paper delivered at the Sixth International Sino-Tibetan Conference , San Diego.~~

~~NISHI , Y.~~

~~1974 'The PLB and OB Sources of WrB -ac ' . Toyo Gahuko 56.1: 1-43 (June 1974 - in Japanese).~~

~~1975 'About OB ry- ' . Shi�oku 8:1-16 (in Japanese) .~~

~~NISHIDA , T. 1964 'Burmese and the Lo10 Languages: A Comparative Study of Their Tone Systems '. Tonan Ajla K�nkyu IV. 1:13-28 (in Japanese).~~

~~1966b , 'The Lineage of Bisu' . Tonan Ajla K�nkyu IV. 3:42-68; IV.5: 1967 52-68.~~

~~1968 'A Comparative Study of the Lisu Language (Tak Dialect );. Tonan Ajla K�nkyu 6.1:2-35; 6.2:261-89 (in Japanese). AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 49~~

~~1969 'Some Prob lems in Proto-Lolo-Burmese' . Tonan Aj�a Kenkyu 6.4 ( in Japanese) .~~

~~SHAFER, R. 1938 'Phunoi and Akha Tones '. Sino-Tibe�ica 4. Berkeley.~~

~~1952 'Phonetique historique de s langues, 1010' . T'oung Pao 41: 191-229.~~

~~SHORTO , H. , ed. 1963 Ling uih �c Compa�ih on in Sou�h Eah� Ahia and �he Paci 6ic. School of Oriental and African Studies , University of London .~~

~~SPRIGG , R.K. 1963a 'Prosodic Analysis , and Phonological Formulae , in Tibeto Burman Linguistic Comparison '. In : H. Shorto, ed. 1963: 79-108 .~~

~~1963b 'A Comparison of Arakanese and Burmese Based on Phonological Formulae '. In : H. Shorto, ed. 1963:109-32.~~

~~THURGOOD , G. 1974 'Lolo-Burme se Rhymes'. Linguih �ich 06 �he Tibe�0 - 8u�man A�ea 1.1:98-107.~~

~~'Lisu and Proto-Lolo-Burmese' . To appear in Ac�a O�ien�a,Ua . DAV ID BRADLEY~~

~~APPENVIX~~

~~Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 1 2 . b.deer ts( ha *kye 3. s.deer k'avtseh, (k 'a tse) che xe Jts�-j *k-tsatL~~

4. goat ci ,myeh , {ts i me )ch i a Jtsl..J *k-ci tL 2 6. horse rnah v (moeu ang)mllng (moo) mo.J(V) *mral) (area) 2 B. buffalo (a 9 no) nh ) up' �(1 e a Jl).U J BB *l)ya pheu) v v 9. cattle rnaw ne (me he ·) nh i u n� (ni ungnEd 10 . gaur neh,nyov san nhlu 11. elephant ya ma (ia ma ) yarna (n iu tseu) v 12 . bear k'avhm k'lJ (n )hoAg *k-CWam1 2 13. tiger k'a v lav (k 'ala)k'ala(ka la) *k-la 14. leopard k 'a zuiv xa JZ} � *k-zikL v v 16 . leopard cat . a hah a-hang fox 16 *k-rol)l v v 17. cat a mi (a m I) a m ( (a m I ) 17B *mi 1 2 lB. dog avkui v (a k 'ou )a-k '�(akheu) *kwe 1 19 . wolf k'avyehV k ,� 5 I aJkh w J *k-wan 21. pig avza, (a ga )g� (agha) aJy�J *wakL , 22 . wi ld pig za,tev ga the 23. monkey aVmyo, (a mieo)c�-mieu almJ,!!.J *myokL ( 25. gibbon aVmyo,myo,naV ml�u na 23 + 503) v v 1 29. otter ui shm 6- shang w lso l *cyam v 1 30 . porcupine ho pu hu p' i u *?pru H 31. rat ho ca, (ho kou �u )hu ch� *k-rwak 43. squirre l (ho ca,) huxa ml po (* f u1 ) 46. rabbit lahv/tahvla' she 4B. bird (a t' i) (a j i ) 49. chicken ya cl' ha rna (akha)

~~50 AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 51~~

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish v 2 51. dove k'avk 'oe kh8-kho 5lA *k-?k0 52 . crow aWlla", o� *?akL 53. duck hawvguV (ovoi )o-ha(o hal (* bal/gapL ) 55. sparrow k'avjav a ch ( *Nja1 57 . part'l'idge geu. g9'(n ) *rokH v 58. rooster ya poe (ga fo) hap '0' (50+ )*po1 jung"le fow "l ya ny i v � ha sh9 quai "l h� nh � turHe dove k'avkoev luVjuV kh8 khd 18chu v 60 . snake a lawv (a lo) a-Io (h ala) 60B * larl 64. python Ii. Ii -q-rna (* layl) 66 . frog k'avpav (kafa ) kha p'a '� k-?pa2 68. crab aVka a-k 'a 68A *?kra3 70 . fi sh ngav (ngasa) nga sha *l)a2 (Ia sha ) 71. insect aVboev hl�k-c8 72 . f"ly { pUvsa' p'u sa avma,.. 73. ant *p-rwakH v 74. "louse sheh *xan1 75 . "leech yeh. h�-� *k-rwatL 76 . termite a-y ,\ *k-ru2 77. bee bia bjaJ *bya2 78. butterf"ly a-gh flchenht *Clu3 79 . spider avg 'ovlovrna a-chu-I u-ga (n ) 79B *Ngul f"lea avgaw' a-go(n) v 82 . horn uvcoe (tsouo)u ts6 fi sh sca"le g'aw y£i(T ) 84. tai "l dawvmiv doJmi �(V-1) *dal) 1mri2 86 . egg ya u· ha u (kha ou ) *?u3 88. head uvduv (ou tou ) u tu *?u2?du2 (oudou ) v 89 . hair (head) tseh vkah (tsek 'ang)chek k'ang (sekhung) 90. hair (body) ca.hm mo4(V,T) 92 . eye mya'nui ' (mia noeung)mien nil' (mi e mung) 93. nose (na me)na me nalmel *sna1 (kaI)2 ) forehead na-kho nose *sna1kal)2 96. teeth seuv (so) SCI (seu) s¥J 96A *swa2 v 97. tongue mehvla mie I � (meu hal *?I (y )a1 99. cheek bavba ba ba *ba2 52 DAV ID BRADLEY

~~Gloss Burma China *Loloish 100 . chin mehv tah. 100B *?dof)2 101. beard rneh .rnah. (me rnang)rni e-rna (cf.90) v 1 102 . ear na.baw (na pa ) na b6 (na bo) naJbo l *(C)na2?baf)~~

' 2 1 105. throat kaw. lah· (k 0 no ) k' a-I a 105A *?krof) 104*11f) 106 . chest k' ah . k'ang (n) *kof)2 107. shouZder ba.pu (ba fou l ba-p'u (*Crurn2 ) 2 108. arm a.la. (la dou ) la tu (11l+)*?bu 109 . eLbow la.tsui. la tsl!' tS1Jjoint *Cdzik2 111 . hand a.la. (la fu ) la p'6 aJ laJ *lak2 (laga ) 113. finger (la no) la nu� 115. finger nai Z la.sah. (la sang) la sang I�JsoJ 117. back da·tsui. ta (n lts '! (backbone ) 118. back (Zower) jo. dB the *gyaw2 120. nave Z ca'tahV tsa p� 120B *?dof)l 121. thigh shav pya. chap' i a (chapa ) 12lA *CPYOf)2 124. Zeg baw· law rna go (n ) 125. knee paw.tsui. p 'a tsl!' (*du3 ) 127. foot avkui· sha khlY (sekheu ) a.jkhwl *krel 'buttock daw.dah· bia-ga (n ) 12lB *CtOf)l 133. beZZy uyma'" *warn2 134 . skin ba'k 'o' (* rel ) 135. meat shavjiV sha ch r saJ *xa2 136 . bone shavyoev sha gi� * f -ro2 138. breath sa. s�� *CsakL v 140. brain u nm" u-� uJn,2.J(T-l ) *CnokL 141. Zungs shavpaw. P9 P£J 141A *f-papL 142 . heart nu i rna s)k'img *ni3 143. Uver shav tsahv * f -5 if)2 145. stcmach baw rna po rna (* f-wutL) 146 . intestines baw u· bo-u *?ul 147. bZood sh i v (5 ' i ) *se2 148. biLe pehvku i· p'ia k'60 *b-?krel 155. miZk avcoeV (a tio)a ts� 155A *col v 156. person tsaw ha. (tsoha) tsB h� (tso) tshol *tsaf)l v 163. e"lder tsaw rnawv (156+535 ) 164 . friend tsui .yeh· *kyaf)2 \ , 166. widow rniv coe. law·rna rnI tsCf *rni 2co2 widower yo coe. bia t�ng

~~167. headman 1 a.j a. chCt-rna regionaZ b".,.h· "m-p ', headman / 168. priest dzoevrna woang p'a tch� AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 53~~

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 172 . soLdier yehV �Jza J *cmakL v 173. male sUffi x pav /poe pa phyl *?pa2 174. female sUffi x rna (rna)ma *crna3 v 190. Gr F avbaw (a po ) a po, (*?-p02 ) 191. Gr M avpiv (a fi ) a p'l *?_pi1 3 196/7 M B av 9 ' ce a go )� ?-ri 199. MyZ a mil *?-me3 200 . M (a ma ) a rna (a rna) *?-ma3 3 201. F (a da )a ta (a ta) '� ?-dya 202 . eB avyui. (a iCBJ)a yi.! *?-wikL v 203. yB av nyi (a n i) a nh ( *?-l1 i 1 v 204 . eZ dm ma a pa/t6ma 205 *?-snam1 2 206. S av 1 i/zavYo ya hi�u zaJ *?a v 207. D avbu (za mi )ya ml *?a2Cmi2 WZ avtsu aJtshu, 204B *?-tsu3 216. wife zavmi v zav (mi za )ml za *ya2 217. husband (k 'adji)he ch ( (* plal} ) 225. hat (ouko) a kho (la (*?tsi 2 ) heu) 226. turban uvdzahv (outo) u tofu - tsang v 227. shirt peh k'ah v (fe k'ang) p'l� k '3ng (n) (pi hang) 228. pants la.di (la di) la tSd (la gha) 230 . shoes sehvnaw. sen� no 231. skirt pi di la ga (Nu Quay wcman 's pants ) 232 . belt jo.pa. cho-chang v 234 . earring navsaw / (na p6 = ear) navtahV 235 . ring la.beh v la ciSng *?ban2 236 . brace let la.du. (la dou ) la d� (*CgOl)l ) v .l. l. 237. necklace law dah Y len so v 238. button peh taw. p'i�t tSIl (*Cdup2 ) v 239 . cowrie juVma/hu s i v ch6 (n) s 1 *k-rwe1 240 . mortar tahv tsmV th3ng sang khuJ 240A/B *?tOI)2 tsuml 240c * (? )kri 1 242 . pot oev lahv dt(n lts� *02 v v 243. tripod shm kui sung k'� (480+127) 248. chopstick ju daY chu tiS *ju2 (Chinese) 249 . chair k'awvbo'/ kh8 bo (na ga ) *kum2 nU •l v gawv 250. tab le hawvjeh (padopa to) (daukha) 54 DAVID BRADLEY

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 251. dish (h8 Clf)k'8 ma (*?byapH ) basket A A v 253. k'a joA/k'a ka pa th6 (pa thou) 253A *krakH IkaVya v 256. mat gawvpu/hu seu c8 p'u (oua fou l *Ngu2?pu3 257. knife mi cehV mia/mia sh8ng (mi a) 257B *smi (a) 3 260 . a:J;e deuAhav ts) *ci n2 264. bCM *le2 265. crossbCM ka A (ka ) *krakH 266. QI'!'CM kaAmyav (ka mia) 266A *Cmla2 267 . gun mivbeuA mia b� (329+704) 275. banana nga beh A nga be a s 1 275B *sl)akH 276 . bean aVnuiA/aVbehA a b� haricots *snokH 277 . chi lli (area) 278 .. fruit aVsi v (a si) a 51 alsi� *si2 279 . rice (grains) k'aw/cehVpyuV *kaw3 v 1 280 . rice (paddy ) ceh ho ch� (tche) tshe l I *can 281. rice (cooked) hawv ho (ho) ho � 28lB *hal)2 2 282 . cabbage g'awv pa A *ral) 284. taro mahv *?mun1 v v 286 . garlic seh pu (sa i po) *swa n1 287. liquor jiVbav (dj i ba) ch i pa *Nj i 1 knife 290. corn aVdu (a tou ) a tu (* fa1CkokL) 292 . potato a luv siv b1u rna ( oan ) • v • l yav i Slv v 295. bC1l1iJoo za Abaw hab6/ga 295A *wa2 296. b.shoot aVbyeA h� b� *smyetL 301. frCMer aVyeh A (a je) a ye al j�-l *CwatH grass A u 302 . mOA I ja gaA (i a mou ) chI! d�a lya� *cmrokL (T-l ,2 ) 303. tree 303B *bal)l 304. branch aVpyav/av laA a la (*CgakL) v 305. leaf a pa A (a pa ) a p� alpg,� *CpakL 306. root duvC i Vats ( 306A *Nce1 307. thorn aVgah da tsi� (*cu2 ) 308. seed a v yoe. 308A *y02 -l 309 . bark baAk'oA alxQ. (V-2 ) cgukL 312 . mountain gawvjawv (ga da ) c8-ch8 (*ka,)l ) (ga da) 313. valley g'avlawv 18 da (*CkukL) 314. river (10 ma l 18 ma *lal)l 317. sun (no rna ) na (n)ma 317-2 * (? )ne1 (namma ) AKRA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 55

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 3 318. moon ba la (pa la) p' la (pela) *b-la 319. star (a goeu ) a ell a-lgwl *ckrai (agheu ) v 320. doud mvdm *Cti m1 321. sky mv/uv (n 'ou)u (n ) (h un) *mo2 v 323. earth ml tsav (mi sa) m( tsa *?m (r )e1tsa2 (mi tsa) v 1 324. rain uvyeh (oumle· ie') It - y& *ywa 1 326. wind javlehV (cha Ie) chiH& (* le ) lake lah la rna 315 *101)3 2 327. thunder mvjev (oumj I ch i) u eh) *gr0 328. Ughtning mvmyaw. u mi�u *b-1yapL 2 329. fire miv dzav m) eha (mi t I a) miJdzaJ *Cmi 332 . charcoal k'avg 'euv kha go. 332-2 *rutL fog *k02 333. smoke uvk 'oev gi&!<' c, � / mia k'o smoke (area) 334. sand (k 'a s i) *sal 336. water uiYcu" (ou tsou ) u eh� *re1 (outiou) 337. rock k'avl0 (k 'a 10)k 'a 18 (kha 10) 1 338. sunshine c, td-ts'-nh I 338A *tsa 339. waterfa H tsawv � ch� ts8p 'Qo 1 341. house nymV (iong) nh6ng (larheu) *yim 344. door laVg'o' (iu k'e) 18 8 yo-lxeJ 344B *k03 T-1 v 347. roof nym mv m( be' v 3 351. ladder daw dzm g8 (n)ba-c' ch8ng * (N}tsam 352 . granary eehVjiV tsa eh ( *?gyi1 v v 353. fence km eeh k'8ng *kram1 355. vi ZZage pu (p 'ou) p'u 355D *pu3 v 358. country mi k 'ahv mi-k 'ang *smi1 360 . God (* re1sa1)

361 . spirit neh. n� *CnatL v v v 1 362 . soul sa.la /su la s8ng-la *?la v 372 . res thouse sa la pay (Fa 1 i) v v baniJoo star da leh da leng cf . 375. drum tahv thang (n) 626 376 . gourd organ la.jev l�n ch� (*sJ1aI)2 ) v 1. , 377. flute mehv li men pa 377B *p-lwe1 3 (area) 379 . blanke t aVbui/bul taV , (n )bLf *b0 380 . piHow uvg'mv utu-ugung (n ) *NgurrF 56 DAVID BRADLEY

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 382 . needle avg'aw. g9 a�'{2. � *rapL 383. thread sa.kah· sa k'�ng cf. 89 cotton sa.lav sa la 384. fat/oi l tsiV tsl *ts i 1 385. pipe gawV luv g6 (n}tq' (latsou bodo) *?gu1 387. fan baw seu po1. su (*pay2 ) . 389 . (rope) aVca a ch� *?cakH 390. trap (za)/tahV- eu 390B *CtOl)l 390A *wa3 39l. poison do. d.!:!.J * (C ) dokL v v 393. bridge law dzm loldzol V-1 *dzam1 39 5. broom ya' pyaw· ye tche cf. 733 39 8. boat lawv (10) ch 19 lo� (* ?l i 1) 40l . silver pyuV (fiCllU) p'i6 401A *plu1 v 402 . gold shul (SCllU ) mia k'a 402A *hrwe1 403. iron shm· (song) sh8ng '� xam1 v 404. copper gui vne (kou:e) clf gw J *gre2 v 405 . cloth sa.pa sa p'a *pa1 ( area) 3 406. tobacco ya k'awv (i a k '0) (to sou ) 406A *ya ( area )

407. tea lawVbawv 18 b8 laJpe -\ *la1 ( area) 408. satt sa.deu. chi! dq' (sa deu) tshaJ dyJ 1 -1 *tsa2 409 . sugar savdeu.coe· p'c cha-ch� pa (po tcheu) 414. dry fi eld yaY (ia) h ia *hya1 3 415. wet fi eld deh ma (de ma ) te rna (he de) *?dan 416. path gaVrna (ga ma l ga ma *?ga (l) l 418. language dawv do J 418A *dal)2 419. name tsaw�myahV s�-l *?myil)l 42l. price aVpoev phy� *p02 424. thing myawv c� 424A *cm (y )u2 426. work myawv mia 426A *mi a(w)2 430. who? av5uY aJ solV *?asu1 432 . when? aVmyah hi! mieng (*?atak H)

433. where ? avgaV ha ca cho ong (*?a + 416 ) a 435 . hew many ? aVmya· h mi�-u (n ) (*?a + 752 ) 438. I ngaV nga (n) I)al *Cl)a1 v 439 . you naw no nol *nal)l 440 . he avyaw. ay Y9 *?aI)2 v 44l. someone else su sh6- *su1 445. right la.rna" a ma v 446. left la.ca a tsa 445 *?ya1 AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOL01SH 57

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 447. in front meh"shi ml s i aJqeJ 447-2 *hre3 T-2 448. behind meh "nah n� kha " 459. here heu ga l hi d hah-ah" 460 . sidE paw p le;>/pl o *parl " 461. day a nah (no)nli(n) * (? )ne3 462 . night u.,ci,. ltch I ::>JtQ I..J V-I, (*?rakL) T-l - 463. early na. -eu *CnakL , 464. morning u"shaw" a cU' *Iaw2 465 . dusk u"cl.taw ch 1 the;> (*CputL) 466 . today I "nah u.na(n) " 470 . yesterday mi nah m( na (n) *?-mi 1 472 . day before yesterday hu"nah fu na (n) (* ?IikH) 473. tomorrow nul shaw" nU'sh8 (* ?prarl ) 474. day after " tomorrow sa pehy 475 *pln2 476. mouth ba la (cf.318) " 477. year a k'o. gl} 477B *CkokL 478. one tl"/tl . (t 'I)t!/tl (tl ) *t12

~~479 . two nyl "/nyl • (n I ) nh ! (nh I ) I).IJ *snl2 480. three sm"/sm" (song )s6ng (sung ) s::>l *Csum2~~

481. four oe" (hcs.r ) & (e u) *bll2 482 . five nga" (nga )nga (n ) (nga ) I)�J T *l)a2 483. six k'O. (kou ) c8 (ko) k.!!..J *CkrokL seven *CIlkL 484. shl. (s I I) tch ! (ch I ) slJ 485. eight ye h. ( I ch ) h I � (h Ie) Q�J *CyetL 2 486. nine g'oe" (g 'ceU ) get (houeu ) yy J *g0 " 487. ten tse (tse lts� (che ) tshe J V *tsayl " l 488. 100 ya (Ia)h l�(tlha) *Cra " " l 489 . 1000 he /tah (ba )th�ng (tl tang) *?tor " " (Dai loan ) 490. 10,000 mu l /myeh m(a 494. clf. general hm" *mal 496. clf. people g'a" ya J *ra2 498. df. round objects si., sl 499 . half pa' pa-l cave 10 byoe bY 1 ( I )

~~latch 9 '0' dah" QO..! mugwort be" chestnut tsul. sl" tsr..J s IJ 58 DAVID BRADLEY~~

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish cardamon d¥J x¥� top of la, ta' � t!.1 *?dakH , drop dza dz!.-4 *dzakH pen ku' k!:!.1 ear of grain cehv nmv nol (1 ) *n m1 1u bug boevhav/ byJza J I-2 boevk 'av v 502 . red (yaw)ne (i one ) yo n� �i 1 *?ni1 , 503. bZack (yaw)na (io na ) yo niil n!.1 *CnakH 1 506. yeUav (yaw) shuI' (i 0 5 I ce u) yotchu 511 *hrwe 507. white (yaw )pyuV (10 pa l yo pa phju1 *plu1 508. green (yaw )nyoe v (io ho ) yo nhJ *?/"I01

509 · grey (yaw)puiY (i 0 pI ou ) yc1p I U *pe1 (bZue) 512 . smeU good yaw saw yO' tso 513. sme U bad yaw shaY beh,la,-eu no1 *?nam1 514. cold ga '-eu 9�1 * grakH 515. cooZ yaw tseh. ts!:.J (*Ngaw1 ) v 516. warm yaw lm lol *lum1 517. hot tsaY-eu ts� (t l a) (cf.338) 520. ashamed sha,dawY -eu chiil t6 *5 rakL?darl 523. tired 9 la doeVdoeY-eu tQha� v 524. angry nul rna peh myma p l� (*? (d >ZupH) 526. narrow na,-eu yO'the n�J *?nakL 527. wide yaw jeV yO'k�(g) *glayl soft 528. nahy-eu yO'b� no J *Cnu2 529· hard 9 'ahY -eu/ yO'-ggng (n) x�-i (Dai ) k l a' -e u 530. fiat/thin bav-eu yO'ba ba � *?bra2 53l . thick tuY -eu yO' thu *tu1 v 532 . fat (V) tsu -eu YO' tsu tshu 1 *tsu1 533. thin (person) yaw Jeh yO'h iiii 533B *CjokL ,. 535. old (person) mawv-eu me me� *rna!)2 536 . new yaw shul. sJ J *CIikL 538. straight daw'coe yO' to dol 538A * (C)dwa!)l 539 . arooked glo,-eu *gok ch i Y!:!.� L " { 540. wet nyi.le -eu/ k I ia P,:! get wet d�el 540A * (C ) na tL/H a,,-eu 54l . dry gui -eu/koA-eu gw-i 54lB *gwe3 AKHA A.� D SOUTHERN LOLO ISH 59

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 543. sharp taA-eu t.!!.:1 *takH (1 dry in sun lawA -eu 12,J ) *lapL 547. fu ll byah-eu bj:>-1 *Nblil)3 v 548. spiC!!! pi -eu tshi l ( loan ) v astringent yaw peh phel 550. bitter k'av-eu yO'k'J xaJ *ka2

v 55l. sweet ere -eu yO' ts& tQhul v *kyol 552 . rotten bu.-eu (d ze-1' rot) 552A *NbupL 553. alive dehA -eu d!:.J *datL 554. beautifuZ haw mu i v-eu yO'eha z 556. bright bya-e u yd e(f *ba3 557. crazy Uv (iV)-eu eh8 thang 557A *ru2 558. dirty eiVjaw.-eu ma sh6 558A *kre2 v dean yaw shaw yO'she' v 559. drunk (j i bav )yehA- eh( pa Yi�n *yetL eu 560 . enough loA -eu 19 I�J *lokL . 561 - expensive yaw k'a p '0.nhi 561A *kakH v 562 . fas t gah -eu/ 6-k'8 562A *Ngi l yaw kawV 563. good yaw mu i v yO'mung ydsa (meu) IruIJ 563A *?mwan2 564. heavy yaw kah ya k' i ang (*Cle2 ) light yaw pyaV yo p' i� v 566 . Zasy bya -eu/doev -eu nh�-gd a *Nbyal)2 567. round g'awV-eu ya ll!ng (n) *wo1)2 (area) 569 . strong deuv -eu/ ng� dn )kha (n )p8 g'avk 'aA -eu 57l . blind myaAbeh.beh.- mia bi� (*Cju (k » eu 2 572 . dunVJ avbyahv/ a eh8 (*a ) avdzawv 573. Maf (navbawv) na b� *bal)2 bawv-eu 576 . cough tsoev-eu O'sasa tshy J 576A *tso2 577. vomit peh.-eu u pe � P!:.J *Cpa tL 583. hear gav-eu (h� ha) ga J *gra2 584. itch dzu i A -eu dzri 584B *Nts ikH 585. scratch pya'eu pia prakH rake ka'-eu k!!.1 NkrakH 586. dre am yu.maAma A -eu J!!.J 1l1,!!:i *CmakH 587. think noev-eu duv-eu (*NdaI)2 ) v 589. remember ju i -eu/noev noe). tha (*Ndall) tav-eu 60 DAV ID BRADLEY

Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish \ 2 590. know s i y-eu Sl nha sl � *si 591. fo rge t ngehY-eu nghe (*me3 ) 593. understand s i ynya-eu (s 1 nh1i ) (* 1 i rJl ) 594. look at haw-eu h8 XU 1 594B *harJ3 ? 1 595. look for shaY-eu tsoA 0 *k-ra l 1 596. see mawY-eu mo xu-lmo l *?mrarJ 597· be born baw-eu p'li *baw3 598. live jawY-e u cho *jya2 599 . die shi Y-eu (s 'i)sh (-9' * Je1 60l . borrow (money) paY-eu p'� *kye2 1 602 . exchange pa Y -eu p'� phal *?pa 60 3. buy zeu Y -eu gd *way1 604. sell ahy-eu a *?rorJ2 2 605 . give b i A -eu b) bl� *be 606 . take yuY-eu yu, *yu1 609. get za-eu y� *ra3 610. have/exist jawY -eu/ chat (t i a) d,2.-l (* jarJ1 ) jaA-eu (ga 1 a marry ) 61 . marry sheuydaA-eu 2 (sha ma marriage ) 614. return g'o -eu g9 (g ) *CkokL A , 615 . steal k'oey-eu k'8 xy J *ko2 616 . destroy pyaA -eu pia *pyakH 617. clear fi eld ji-eu/ hi� me? myay-iY-eu 618. chop k 'eh A -eu/ x�J A/B *Nci kH/?byakH byeh A-eu 619 . dig duy-eu/ tu du� *Ndu2 k'ahy-eu 620. plant ka-eu k'ia (*Cmi 1 ) 621. weed mOy-eu m.!!.� (cf.302 ) 622 . reap yeh y-eu Y .).len je � *ri tL 623. cut deuA -eu/ d9' ts�-l *?dokH tseh A-eu 624. pick fruit pyaA -eu chg' (*CxakL) 626. pound tahy-eu thang th:l� 626B *?torJ 627. pile up bymY -eu b:l1l,T 627A *byum1 629. eat dzay-eu (tza) cha (tsa) dzaJ *dza2 630. lick myeuA-eu *m-lyakL 1 63l . drink dawY -eu (do}t� (to) dol *NdarJ 632 . smoke dawY-eu/ (do) (to) * JukL shuA-eu 633. suck CUA -eu ts!:!.-1T, l *CcutL AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOlSH 61

~~Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 634. bite tseh. -eu/ k£� 634B *CkukL kaw.-eu 635 . chew g'ov-eu 98-0 635A *gwa2 636. swaUru myo. -ah v -eu *mlokL 637. hungry hawvmeh.-eu *Cmwa tL~~

638. thirsty iVeu.meh .-eu � ehu � 0 (*Cs ipL) 6 boi l ea .-eu/ yabi a/b& tQ�J 639A *CdzakL 39 . v bui -eu 639B * btl v 640. fry 1 u -eu br-l/1u1 (* g-rawl) v 641. roas t/scorch ku -eu khul *?gal)l 643. smoke/dry law.gu i -eu 644. steam sa.-eu sa� (cf.138) *CsakL 646 . pour sheh ·-eu/ k'.ing *xwan2/xwa tR shehv-eu 647. go i v-eu/le-eu y-CY/i *?ayl 648. walk eah-eu/zov-eu y-d /ga 1� zu J 648A *NjO(I) 2 v 649 . come la -eu/oe-eu l.i lal *la1

650 . run eoev (eeh· k� (*p-re2 ) 651. ridE dzi v -eu *dzi2 652 . go up da·-eu d.i 1� *CdakH 653. go down za.-eu ya 1� *?akL 654. arrive keu·-eu khd (*Nga1 ) 656. come out do·-eu dui d.!:!.' *?dwakH 657. jwrrp tsho J (*?bokH) 658. dance 1 a .jev tsaw.-eu nh i -an (*ga3 ) 659. fly zaw-eu bjol l,T (* b-yam1 ) 660 . flee paw v -eu khuy ke *paw1 661 . carry ba.-eu/daw.-eu d/ba (g)/b� *b02 perch v 662 . say eh -eu/ ja-eu eha dawvja v 664 . ask na hav-eu n.i ha sal dEmand 665. caU kuv -eu kh6 *ku1 666. sing eav -eu a ts( k'� (*mi1 ) v 667 . lis ten na hav-eu na ha obey *?na1 668. laugh *rayl 670 . cry ngreV-eu yo' thu I)yl *1)01 671. count gui-eu ell *g-rawl 674. bark tseh. -eu (* (h ) 101)1) 676. answer ja mehv-eu e c� 1� 676B *tu1 677 . wash (person) dzui .-eu thu 678 *gy0 2 678. wash ts i v-eu ts)/k� eh� tshj� 677 *tse2 679 . comb ka·-eu k�-I cf.585 (* pj2 ) 62 DAVID BRADLEY

~~Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish 680. sew g.!!.� 680A *gyupL 684. wear dm-eu tong do-l *Ndum3~~

685. sit nu i y -eu ch6 *Cni1l?mi 1 686. standing tu Y -eu c8 y8 th6 *?to (l) )l ). 687. stand up yawA -eu yo *?ryapL 688. fre e law-eu *k-lwatH 689 . fe ar gu A-e u gu (g ) nh i *CgrokH 690. blru baw-eu (po) *smutH

~~691. break paA -eu! t i mmu' !pa *ci tH tsehA-eu 692 . fa U coy-eu!ga-eu tchu 692A *gla3 693. Uft ciy-eu! b� tr *kyi2 div -eu 695. fo ld toe'-eu! bia tang taw'-eu~~

~~697. hit d d i � 697B *Ndi 2 v 698. be the aase ngeu (h u) I)w l V (* h utH) 699. join tsa,-eu ts�J *?tsakL~~

700 . separate b i Y -eu!ka bi d divide b i l 700A *bayl interval tik cay tik hung (n) kha� 700B *Cklay2 701 . aatah miV-eu! n!:.� *smi1 nyeh,-eu 702 . ahase teh-eu the ('�NgakL) 703. hang (c iv)ceuv -e u pa t9 (* Cgyi tL ) 704. shoot beuA -eu *NpokH 705. stab tsaw'-eu cho 705A *?dzapH 706. ki U seh,-eu s� *CsatL 707 . pierae geu,-eu!cawA- bd *NkyapH eu !tsawA-eu insert tso'-eu ts.!!.-1 708. tie pa , taw, -eu tsh1l (*pay1 ) 709 . untie pui v -eu phwl!pheJ *pre1 712 . weave saynmV za,,-eu (sa n6 (n ) )g� *rakL 713. weigh sa'-eu yO'p' i � (* kyi n1 ) 714. open pah-eu p'ang pho-l *pwal)3 715. dose pi v (lehv )-eu p o ) 715B *pi2 3 720. send (person) bi V la y 0 (*cpo ) v (thing) daw'ah -eu b 1 0' I , 721. teaah mehv-eu eme me � *sma2 722. study dzaw-eu dzol T 722B *Ndzal)l herd (vt. ) lo,-eu l.!!.J 725. raise animals cu-eu (ga ) pia pigs! tchu fe ed AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLO ISH 63

~~Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish~~

~~726 . pZay niVg 'a-eu ga (g ) eI 726B *?ga3 push deh v-eu de J~~

728. puZZ g'euv-eu/ gel XY -l I 728A *Nga,l g'awv-eu 729. spin gah-eu pu p 'a o ro ZZ *g-wal)l move j i A-eu pe, d:;1..-l 73l. throo biv-eu/ 8 che (*Nba1 ) bui v -eu 732. rot peuv-eu (*NbupL) . A 733. rub/sweep Sl -eu/ k� che zu � IVT *sutH saw"-eu (s�-i wipe s1.. -i scrape) 734 . sharpen s i v-eu bo-i scrape/ *si 2 shave 735. sZeep L YUA -eu Y'!-c:f/y1 u miYng ju J *y i p 736. shake yaw dzuv k� 736B *kyway2 press d(Jl,)n deh,,-eu dd 739 . stop g'a"na.na,,-eu na J (* ts02 ) 740. swe ZZ up pUv-eu phu 4 740B *Cpwam2 742. twis t yeuA -eu J!.J *hret 743. do m" -eu �ng Il.i l *ml 745 . Zove (g 're·-e u) m9 mla ga,,-eu 746. mee t tah"puv-eu thang p'u d *CtOI)2 749 . fi nish jiV-eu zchi bia *bran1 v 750 . far yaw mah ca ma (*we2 )

75l. near dawvpeh to p'e I).i J *Cni2 752. many mya.-eu Ydmia mja J *Cmya2 753. few ma"mya" ma mia no � *nay2 754 . Zong yaw mahv ydma *m-ri 1)1 755. short yaw awl yd nhung *sn-yum1 yaw nym· 756 . big hui .-eu ydhu>(g ) (ngou) xw J *k-ri2 " 757. smaZZ ny i -eu yd nh ( (I n i ung) *n-yayl 758. high yaw go· Ydc8 (*?mroI)3 ) 759 . Zoo yaw jev ydd (g ) (* ?n-ylm3 ) 76l . put/p Zace ta,,-eu tha 761A *?ta2 763S.iZZ na·-eu na d al nal *Cna1 763C.cure laA ta,,-eu mltng la 764B.ripe myah-eu ydmiang mjo-1 *smil)3 766 . fe ed bi dza.-eu tchu (* s-dza2 ) 767S.wake up noe.-eu neu). l� *Cn02 C.waken laAnoev-eu (*S-Cn02 ) 64 DAVID BRADLEY

~~Gloss Laos China *Lo1oish~~

768. bury ts6 ha tu (*S-Ndu2 ) 771. hide (vi ) za,-eu g8 (g )g� (g) *wakL 772S.burn do,-eu/pui'-eu t� -nga P!!!1 *?dukL 772C .set on fi re keuy (do, )-eu ng8-y i � *S-?dukL 786 . able to (we U) V ci, tolJ (*?putL) 1 787. ab le to (can) V nya ya-l 787A *Nga 790 . very d!?-l 1VT (*Ndza2 ) l 796. nou nhitng (n) 461+796B *?_may 797. formerly du hu 801. not may V ma (ma ) maJ *ma2 802 . don 't tay V tha J *ta2 806. a little ui cu i' mi ch i *?a?cikL 827. want to V maw, Ill£-l 827B *mapL 828. excessive ly aYdzehy dzeJ *kayl 833. stiU siy s i J *se2 overflou bya k'aY-eu b i J y wrap around 1 ah -eu lw-i ro U up lui '-eu/yo'-eu lJ!!-i weave-2 dzeu,-eu dZ1J level deh-eu de.., lose dzeh-eu dze., miscarriage

comp lete yaw ku, gu J fo Uou lehynah leJ/ne-l soak dui '-eu l�J dJ!!-i wink mi '-eu ml-i oppress/mass Z1-i cry out (rats ) dehY-eu de l leaf through po'-eu look Po!! -1 through wear brace let du,-eu rou (boat) heu-eu pick (teeth) k'eu,-eu/ kaw A-eu pluck (fiaver) tseu·-eu chg' ts1.-i

~~turn over poA-eu Po!! ., scatter seh y-eu se J poor shay-eu sa J spend money zmy-eu zo J~~

~~receive tsa.-eu/sa-eu ts!!.J AKHA AND SOUTHERN LOLOISH 65~~

~~Gloss Burma Laos China *Loloish point eeh tCjlhe-l / bjol hear- 2 nol fconi Uar aymyah every, an mjo-l reduae swe n- ing shu.-eu su � gargle law haw-eu lo� trial by ordeal~~

~~serve kuy-eu khu �~~

arisp yaw ko' y£.� bla,} nose w. fi ngers eu dzeh-eu kho -l alive, raw yaw dzmy starving dzo � aoHeat g'o'-eu y� -1 Bradley, D. "Akha and Southern Loloish". In Bradley, D. editor, Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 5. A-49:23-66. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A49.23 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. PHUNOI OR CGGNGI

~~DAVID BRADLEY~~

~~ABSTRACT~~

A sub stantial vocabulary of this Loloish Tibeto-Burman language fol lows some phonetic , phonological , and comparat ive observations . Phunoi usually has final Ip/, It/, Im/, or Inl in re flexes of Proto-Loloish roots reconstructed with *-p, *-t, *-m, or *-n respectively. Phunoi is also conservative in preserving the three-tone system reconstructed for Proto-Loloish non-stopped syllables ; in stopped syllables, the two-way tonal distinction has its southern Loloish phonetic reflex . Phunoi, like other Bisoid languages, has undergone a chain shift in manners of initials : *voiced stops have voiceless unaspirated reflexes , wh ile *stop-prefixed nasals have voiced 6�Op reflexes.

~~PREVIOUS WORK~~

The first vocabulary of this language appears in Lefevre-Pontalis 1892 , under the name 'Khong '. An excellent vocabulary , with tones in dicated, is in Roux 1924; there is also ethnographic and historical information in this source . Several linguists, including Shafer and Nishida, have used the Roux material in comp"ar ison . Nishida 1966-7 shows that Phunoi is closel y related within Southern Loloish to Bisu, a language of northern Thailand , and to Pyen in Burma , reported in Scott/Hardiman 1900; Matisoff 1972 uses the term 'Bisoid' for this sub group . Harris has more recent ly worked with several informant s, in cluding mine . Ferlus has also done work on the language , and some ethnographic informat ion on the Coong in Vietnam is found in Vuong 1973.

Bradley, D. "Phunoi Or Côông". In Bradley, D. editor, Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 5. A-49:67-102. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1977. DOI:10.15144/PL-A49.67 ©1977 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 68 DAVID BRADLEY

~~PHUNOI AN D THEIR SET TING~~

The Phunoi live in Phongsaly Province , northe astern Laos ; the North west Autonomous Region of Vietnam; and probab ly in China as well. In Vietnam, the Phunoi are called Coong , and speak a slight ly different dialect ; according to the 1960 census , there are about 6,500 in all. In Laos , the Phunoi live in a concentrated area around Phongsaly town; Roux reports a population of 10,000 in 1923, which is now probab ly far too low. There are , according to informants, five maj or clans , each with a dialect; Roux reports one , Ferlus another, and Harris and my self a third. Some Phunoi also now live in Luang Phrabang and Vient iane Provinces, as they were unab le to return home after serving in the Royal Lao forces. 'Phunoi ' means �i tt �e man in various Dai languages including Ly , and is probably not the original name for this group ; Coong [kho:8J is more likely to be the original name . The relat ively small areas inhabited by the Phunoi , and the large populat ion concen trated in these areas , are both unusual among Loloish groups - which tend to be geographically scattered, and intermingled with other groups. According to Phunoi tradition , they were under Burmese rule in the Muong Sing area of northwestern Laos until five generat ions before 1923. This location is much closer to the modern Bisu and Pyen , so genetic comp arison supports the tradition . Then , after a Chinese in vasion , they fled to their present area ; perhaps this invasion can be associated with Yung Li , the last Ming emperor , and his Manchu pursu ers ; or with the later upheavals associated with the Mohammedan rebel lion in Yunnan . 2 They were then involved, always on the losing side , in wars between the Burme se and the Vietname se. The resettlement of populat ions after wars , in the territory of the victors , may account for the presence of Phunoi in Vietnam. The main concentrat ion of Phunoi was in Muong U, a part of the Ly Federation [sip 538 phAn na :J, twe �ve thousand wet-rice fi e�ds , when the French entered the area;3 there are strong Ly cultural and lexical influences on the Phunoi in the area. For example , the Phunoi adopted Ly Buddhism. The history of Muong U has been extremely turbulent in the last century . Various armies of Chinese bandits caused chaos for more than thirty years at the end of the nineteenth century . These Chinese , called [hoJ in mo st Dai languages of the area, are called Ih�o bal in Phunoi; several other Loloish languages have related forms , derived from *hekL . These Chinese were eventually subdued by the Ly , who were in turn conquered by the French - who then received cession of the area from China, the nominal ruler , in 1895.4 There were maj or Ly revolts in 1908-10 and 1914-6; 5 the French suspected the Phunoi of involvement PRUNor or CMNG 69

in at least the second of these . 6 Between 1917 and 1924 , the French built many roads in the area to consolidate their rule - using mainly Phunoi corvee labour . 7 Most of the non-Phunoi populat ion of the area went to China to avoid this work ; thus , in 1921 the French moved their administrat ive centre to Phongsaly , in the Phunoi area of the province . There were constant bandit raids from China - one source lists ten be tween 1917 and 1930 . 8 The Phunoi began to serve in the French armies, and later benefitted from high opium prices, and Vichy government sup port of opium cultivat ion , during World War II . Anti-Japanese , Viet Minh , Pathet Lao , and CIA guerillas were active in the area at various times; the Royal Lao government also used the Phunoi in its forces. During a brief truce in 1958-9 , the Royal Lao government tried to ex terminate the Pathet Lao and Neutralist forces in the area.9 From 1959, Phongsaly Province became a Neutralist stronghold under Colonel Khammouane ; he was supplied from China, and roads were built connect ing northern Laos with adj acent areas of China . For about ten years , the area was subject to intensive US bombing. Now, at last , Laos has achieved peace; the Phunoi are certain to benefit .

~~TRANSCRIPTION: PHONETICS , PHONOLOG ICAL INVENTORY~~

~~Items in brackets do not occur in the primary system, but only in the secondary syst em of loans . There are very many loans in Phunoi.~~

~~1. Minor Syllables (schwa vowel, pitch same as following syllable , with these initials)~~

~~(t) c k Xh are voiceless aspirated ch kh stops . / t/ , /d/ are den- b d ; 9 tal ; /f! is a bilabial or f s labiodental fricative . /;/~~

~~w j here is [d'5J.~~

~~2. Initial Consonants (followed by full , tonal vowel)~~

p p i t c (k !:! ) (kl ) k ? As ab ove , but /;/ is a pala talized dental , weakly af ph ph 1 th ch (k h!:!) kh fricated. fbi, /bi/, /d/ b b l d j 9 are somet ime s implosive . /mi / and /p/ occur only in m ml n p juncture in my data. /j/ hm hml hn hp is a palatal continuant ; /hj/ and /h l/ are strongly (f) s (J) (x) h art iculated, voiceless-onset w j (y ) fi palatal and lateral continu ants. /sh/ is an aspirated hI h j dental spirant . hN are sh voiceless nasals . 70 DAVID BRADLEY

~~3. Vowe ls~~

~~+ u i CO (Ii ) All but two native vowels are e a 0 e (a) 0 non-diphthongal . The nonnative (e ) a. (0 ) 0. diphthongs are listed later.~~

~~4. Final Consonants~~

~~p t (k ) [1 J Occurring combinations of Vowel and Final Consonants are stated m n " ( I) ) below . [1J is a juncture phen !:! i omenon in primary system. 5. Tones~~

~~PHONOLOGY~~

The phonological oppositions are subsumed in the charts above . Minor Syllable Consonants have a two-way opposition, stop (S) or con tinuant (C); Initial Consonants have a three-way oPPosit ion , with nasal (N) in addition to S and C. Vowels are oral (0) or nasalized (N). The S and C group consonants are contrastively voiced (V) , strongly art iculated (H) , or weakly art iculated (W) , the last non-voiced and non-aspirated. The N group are either strongly art iculated (H) or voiced, weakly art iculated (V) ; the values of H and V are different with N than with S or C. Borrowings have added a numb er of additional CW elements, and introduced one which formerly occurred only in Minor Syllables to Initial Consonant position (f) . The following chart re fers to Initial Consonants; Minor Syllables have several fewer possi bilities , thus the opposition is more restricted; this reduction can sometimes be shown to be recent (either by comparisons with Roux ma terials , or with other languages). The positions of articulation which are contrastive in primary phonological system (nat ive words) are labial (L) , dental ( D) , palatal (P) , velar (X) , and laryngeal (b) . Labials also occur palatalized (LY), and velars occur labialized in secondary system (XL) . PHUNOI or CMNG 71

~~L D P X :Eo LY XL~~

~~S W P t c k ? p i (k �) S H ph th ch kh ph i (kh l:!) s V b d 1 9 b i~~

~~C W (f ) 5 (J ) h~~

~~C H sh h j • hi (palatal continuants are~~

~~C V w j , 1 fi lateral or nonlateral ) N H hm hn h fl hmi N V m n (fl ) (mi l~~

0 + u N i e a 0 e a. a. The final consonants have the same basic three-way manner opposition as initial consonant s, S, C, or N; but there is no additional V/H/W opposition. Also, the position opposition in native syl lables is two- or three-way , L/D for S, L/P for C, and L/D/P for N. There are voiced fricative realizations of Ibl, Id/, Ig/, Iw/, and Ij/; they occur mainly in close-juncture ; although Iwl sometimes has a [vJ realization initially . As in Vietnamese and most Dai languages , but in few other Loloish languages , the voiced stops Ibl and Idl tend to be implosive . Also like Vietnamese, final Iml tends to have a sim ultaneous velar closure : [QmJ. The Dai loanword element in Phunoi can hardly be overemphasized; several consonants, e.g. IfI and IJI, occur only in loanwords ; the vowels lei and 101 appear to be distinct from lei and 101 only in loanwords - although there is allophonic variat ion between [eJ and [eJ for native lei, and [oJ and [oJ for native 101 . In native words , and in assimilated or fortuitously canonical loan words , the following combinations of vowel, and final occur - some are much more frequent than others .

~~-a.p , -up, -op, -a.t , -ot, -i t, -at, -e t~~

-a.m , -urn , -m -a.n, -on, - in, -an, -ifl I ' -a.� -a.i In addition to the two diphthongs shown , various possibilities occur across morpheme boundaries , and a very large numb er of possibilities occur in borrowed words , along with nearly every possible comb ination of O-vowel + final stop and N-vowel + final Iml , Inl or IQ/. Many diphthongs , including [-a i , -oi , -oi , -e� , -ex , -+�, -ul] all appear to be secondary . Examples of Vowe l plus Final Consonant comb inat ions that are secondary include [-ip , -ep, -em, -enJ and several others of which there are fewer examples . There are several vowels which do not 72 DAVID BRADLEY

occur nasalized in native words , but which do in loanwords . All of these changes involve ut ilizing sounds which occur in the language in combinations that did not previously, but which may well have at some previous stage in the language . A case in point are the ve lar finals . These must be reconstructed for *Loloish , and are in fact attested in Roux and in Bisu in the case of the velar nasal final ; but sound change has eliminated them from Phunoi. The possibility of a ve lar final is then reintroduced by loanwords . Several further juncture phenomena can also be tentatively stated on the basis of my data. Within a word (for this purpose defined as coextensive with the noun phrase or verb phrase, including particles if any ) there are various kinds of assimilat ion which affect the nasal initials. Specifically , a nasalized vowel , or a vowel with following

~~n, or the glide -n� , all are realized with [m] when followed by a la bial; in the case of the vowel with following n, there is no longer an~~

n, but only an m; cf. mouth below . Word finally , and particularly in utterance-final or citation form , there is a possible final glottal stop ; when the Tone is low or mid in pitch , there may also or instead be a constriction and laryngealization of the vowel (not , however, corresponding to instances where comparat ive data would indicate a final *-k for Loloish). In closer juncture than word juncture , the H (voiceless, strongly articulated) nasals often become V (voiced ), but the conditions are difficult to state. Many minor syllables in primary system words show a reduced form of the first element in a compound : Il�-I from Ilal hand , among others . In such cases , the rhyme correspondence of the reduced syllable is, of course, irregular . In cases of juncture or reduction differences , the form which actually occurs is given in the vocabulary .

~~DIALECT DIFFERENCES~~

At least six dialects of Phunoi exist : five in Laos and one in Vietnam . The transcription used by Lefevre-Pontalis is not accurate enough to show dialect characteristics, and Vuong does not give enough forms , so much more data is needed on the Vietnam dialect . As noted, Roux records one Laos dialect , Ferlus another, and herein a third is presented. When they differ from my data, forms from Roux are includ ed in the vocabulary , in parentheses ( ). One striking difference is the presence of -n9 , presumably repres enting final [Q], in Roux ; while such forms simp ly have nasalized vowels in my data. Perhaps the loss of final [-Q] has occurred in the last fifty years . Another difference concerns reduced minor syllables where Inl initial would be expected etymologically, such as bean or PHUNOI or COONG 73

~~nose. The Roux data shows an In/, but my data shows a change to 11�1~~

- as there are no nasal-initial minor syllables. Another implied change parallels Lao : palatal affricates seem to have become aspirated dental spirant s tcha la tiger , my data Ish�lal. Further differences include a possible retention of initial I�I in the Roux dialect , unlike its rather heterogeneous reflexes in my data. Further study of Phunoi dialects is needed .

~~COMPARISON WITH *LOLOISH~~

As noted in the abstract above , Phunoi is similar to Bisu in many respects; in fact it is Bisoid in the sense of Mat isoff 1972. *Lolo ish reconstructions have been the subj ect of much work lately, espec ially by Mat isoff . I have adopted the labels used by Matisoff for various reconstructed categories; in some cases Phunoi does not supply data to different iate them all. Following Matisoff 1971, I use the labial to represent all positions of art iculation in correspondence charts when discussing *Manner of articulat ion ; and the voiceless un aspirate to repre sent all manners when discussing *Posit ion of art icu lation.

~~Prefi xes~~

Some of the Minor Syllables in Phunoi are from *Southern Loloish prefixes. One example is moon If�lal, Akha Ibalal, Lisu Ihabal, Lahu Ihapal , the latter two with the order reversed (forms from data ob tained in Thailand ). In many other Loloish languages , this word has a voiceless lateral initial reflecting this prefix . In arrow Ib�lal, Akha Imj�1 Akha has fused the prefix to the initial as a nasal; other southern Loloish languages reflect this prefix in initial and/or tonal differences . An example that shows how these prefixes may have arisen is te ar (n) Ib�la/, from a reduced form of eye Ibial plus water 11a/. The *Lolo-Burme se prefixes *? causat ive , *k anima l, and * I body part have fused with the initial and been treat ed as a unit . With some *Resonant initials , there is a different deve lopment , resulting in a different correspondence, when the animal pre fix is involved. The causative prefix, because of regular sound change , would not be ob serv ab le with stop initials; with nasal initials , one might expect caus at ive pairs of verbs one of which was a voiced stop and the other of which was a voiced or voiceless nasal. For further on these three pre fixes elsewhere , see Bradley 1971 and 1975. 74 DAVID BRADLEY

~~In; t; al s A. Manner~~

*Plain ( formerly *Aspj.rated , and usually realized as such) and *Stop-pre fixed stops are realized as voiceless aspirated stops in Phunoi. *Voiced and *Nasal-prefixed stops have reflexes with voice less unaspirated stops . *Stop-prefixed nasals have re flexes with voiced stops ; *Plain nasals have re flexes with voiced nasals ; and *S or *?-prefixed nasals have re flexes with voiceless nasals . This could be seen as an examp le of a drag type of chain shift : a merger among voiceless stops ( to a phonetically aspirated stop ) leaving room for voiced stops to become voiceless ( phonetically unaspirated) stops ; leaving room for some nasals ( in fact , the *Stop-prefixed nasals ) to become voiced stops, while other nasals remain nasal . IO

Initial Manner Chart Stops *Loloish Phunoi Bisu examples ( in Phunoi ; sometimes the Bisu is not available) *Plain ph p h above, bitter, dog, day after tomorrow, fe ar, goat, grey, horn, Leaf, person, deer, pa ddy , siLver, six, fo ot, thorn , tie, vomi t, wash (person), sweet, spit, smoke, s te a L, ( loans ) pepper, Shan *Stop- p h p h change, dove, drum, frog, grandmo ther, prefixed grind, hawk, ma Le suffix, sour, teeth, ( possible causatives) fear, steaL *Voiced p p aLive, bee, branch, bark, caLadium, give, head, 2 have, poison, pi Le up , pound, drink, wing, vuLva *Nasal- p p book/read, cowrie, dig, shoot prefixed Nasals *Plain m m horse, sky, you, oLd, cat, powder, hea rt m b father, husband, sit ( proto-variat ion : *Plain vs . *Stop-pre fixed) b m eye, face, grass, wind ( proto-variation: *Stop-prefixed vs . *Plain) *Stop- b b fi re, hungry , Lightning, round, mother, prefixed eLephant, 2 heart, 2 thumb , son-in- Law, dream, girL, monkey, iLL, morning, near, black, spiri t, gun, brain *S- or *?- hm hm blow, cow, mushroom, knife, hair, red, pre fixed Listen, name , see, ripe , snot, earth, forget, potato, �ungs, taiL, bamboo shoot, ear Spirants *Plain, s s round thing, ki LL, Louse, meat, pour, *Prefixed steam, (ir on) , tomorrow, die, bLood, who, three, Liver, rub/s harpen *Voiced chi Ld, he, go down PHUNOI or CMNG 75

~~Resonants~~

*w w w hide , frower, parm, pig

*S-wa t hI wear, arothe8 *C-w 7 7 bear, erde r 8ib ring

*r j 9 bone , ahe8t, ge t pheasant, weave *S-r hj aount, 8err, arf. peop re, ashamed * 7 -r hi ahiaken, 8tand up *k-ro.(t} } *k-wo. h ant, ba mboo, reeah * p - , k-r h h big, in fron t, ra t, termi te 2 * C-r 7 ashes, raugh, MeB

*y j j fi erd, hor8e, mediaine, opium, 8reep "S-y hJ an te rope, itah, raise animar, tobaaao "C-y h berrow8, drunk, rain * 1 aome, enough, hand, neak, warm etc . *S-1 hI hI tongue, pants, peni8 l *7-1 a8he8, boat h bark, beg, wind *C-l 7 grandahird Fused *pre fix becomes initial : free, hU8band, riak, rightning Laryngeals l *7 7 7 berow, arow, egg, go, intestines, noun/

~~verb prefix~~

*h h, n be the aa8e, berah, that, ri ae

The chart ab ove summarizes deve lopment s of *Loloish initials of all *Manners , including *Spirant s and all *Posit ions of *Resonants, in Bisoid. In some cases , the Bisu form is not available ; perhaps Nishida can supply the se forms from his notes. Some scarce *Resonants, e.g. *7-w, have been omitted since Bisoid data is not available. *Resonants have fairly regular developments reflected by their Phunoi reflex es. *r-type resonants and *Voiced spirants have merged with *y-type resonant s with the same *prefixes in Phunoi (but not in Bisu) . *S-w apparently (one example) merges with *S-I . *Resonant *Manners are reflected quite well by Phunoi phonetics : *Plain are realized as Phunoi voiced co ntinuants ; *S-prefixed, strongly art iculat ed continuants ; *C-pre fixed, Phunoi glottal stop initial ; *?-prefixed *r/*y type resonant s are realized as Phunoi voiceless, weakly art icu lated cont inuants (voiceless spirants) , but *7-1 has initial III among its Phunoi reflexes . A couple of the *k-prefixed *r and one *k-prefixed *w are not realized as 171 in Phunoi , but Ihl or Inl depending on exact 76 DAVID BRADLEY

environment . The *Laryngeal system is approximat ely as reconstructed elsewhere (Bradley 1971) , but some *Nasals , particularly *pre fixed velar nasals, and some *Resonants as just noted, also have become phonetic laryngeals in Phu�oi. More on the *Sp irants below.

~~Ini t ials B. Position~~

~~The following chart is similar to several in Burling's and Matisoff's works.~~

*Loloish P PY T TS C KY KR K

Bisu p p j t ts ts kj kI Phunoi (unasp .) p p i t c I k (asp.) ph phi th sh ch I k h Examples for Phunoi follow . *p (unasp .) potato. chin. carry (shou lder). de af. cheek. give. rot. roas t. shoot. vu lva (asp.) frog. grandmother. open vomit. leaf. grey *py (unasp .) bee (asp.) silver *T (unasp .) alive. dig. drink. hit. poison. think. wing ab ove. knot. sharp. thick S 2 : (unasp .) fo od. have. sparrow. suck. waist. hawk *K�Y l *TS (asp.) deer. salt. person. cough *C lift. thorn. paddy . Shan/Dai *KY (asp.) sweet *KR (unasp .) hear. cowrie Ichl sour. garden (asp ) { ' /khl fo ot. hair. dove 2 *K bark. branch. ne ck . bitter. behind. dog. steal. smoke

The *Positions of articulat ion are from Matisoff. It is interest ing to note that Bisu has almost the same number of positions as the re constructed *Loloish system, and that their phonetic realization in Bisu support s the reconstruction . Phunoi is less conservative . De velopments of *voiced stop-initials, which become phonetically unaspir ated in Phunoi differ somewhat from deve lopments of *voiceless stop initials , which become aspirated. *p initials are realized as phonetic labials in Phunoi; *PY as pala talized labials. *T initials are dental, and *K initials are velar stops (*Velar nasals have different kinds of reflexes , mostly laryngeal). PHUNOI COONG or 77

When *voiceless, *TS initials have reflexes with Ish/, *C and *KY with leh/, and *KR with lehl or Ikhl depending on the *rhyme . When *voiced , *TS , *C , *KY and *KR initials all have reflexes with lei. *Nasals develop as *stops in some positions : *Labial , *Palatalized Labial , and *Dental as noted above . *Palatal nasals, of which there are comparatively few , are seen in green and fi nger; in Phunoi, these words have Ihjl initial and an irregular rhyme development with a na salized vowel - perhaps part ly involving metathesis. *Velar nasals sometimes follow the patterns seen elsewhere , but more often do not .

I has a voiced velar stop initial in Phunoi; this is regular, par allel to fire . Fi ve has a glottal stop initial and vowel nasalizat ion (metathesis again?). Fish has initial Ij/, which is a reconstructable ·medial in this root , and also has an unusual rhyme development and vowel nasalization. Banana has a voiced laryngeal Inl initial , from *Loloish *S-Q , ra ther than [hQ] which does not occur in Phunoi, but would parallel the other voiceless nasals . *Spirants , listed in the Initial Manner Chart above , are voiceless dental continuants in cognates of *Plain and *Prefixed spirants; and voiced palat al continuants in cognates of *Voiced spirant s. Thus , the two *Positions of art iculation for *Spirants have merged in Phunoi; in fact , the *Voiced have merged with the (* r- and ) ny-type *Resonant s. In Bisu , there is still a distinction between dental and palatal spir ants, which corresponds to the *Loloish distinction . Unlike the *Voiced Spirant s, *?-prefixed *r-type and ny-type *Resonants are usual ly voiceless spirant s in their Phunoi (and indeed all their southern Loloish ) cognates.

*Tones

Phunoi tones (high , low and mid level pitches) correspond regularly with *Loloish *Tones I, II, and III respectively. *Loloish *High Stopped syllables have cognates in Phunoi with mid level pitch; *Low Stopped , low level pitch. In other words , Phunoi has merged *Tone III with *High Stopped , and *Tone II with *Low Stopped . Phunoi is thus similar to other southern Loloish languages in having a re flex of *Loloish *High Stopped which is phonetically higher in pitch than the reflex of *Loloish *Low Stopped. However, there is unfortunately no relat ion between presence of final glottal stop or of vowel laryngeal ization and the former presence of a final stop (*-k ) which has been lost in Phunoi. In native words , syllables with final stops have only 78 DAV ID BRADLEY

two pitch possibilities , and syllables which one would wish to recon struct (on the basis , for example, of orthographic Burmese forms , or forms in other Loloish languages ) with final *-k also have only two pitch possibilities; but the *-k is not regularly re flected in Phunoi by a final construction or glottal stop . ll

~~Rhyme s~~

In Lolo-Burmese in general, the rhyme , or combinat ion of vowel and possible final , can profitab ly be treated as a un it - as in fact is usually done in many Sino-Tibetan languages. Phunoi often support s previously postulated reconstructions of *Rhymes in *Loloish and Lolo Burmese with reflexes that are phonetically very similar to what one might postulate for *Loloish. For this reason , the vocabulary follow ing has been arranged according to rhymes. One could make a chart similar to the following to represent schem atically the possible developme nts from the *Rhyme system to the rhymes in any language . Arrows are used to show changes - a dotted arrow , a partial, conditioned change ; a solid arrow , an unconditioned or 'other wise' change . Where changes must be ordered, numb ers are associated with the arrows that show those changes. When no arrows , or only dot ted arrows , lead from a *Rhyme , then that *Rhyme is phonet ically re alized approximately as reconstructed. Thus , in Phunoi :

~~� �~~

� *i t l .• *u *uk , *ut *we �.�� , ,,+ *01< i 2 'A at I _ *et �t : : '"__ /- - a - - ____- *.e >; � * *ak '" - ",' ---- -:: _---.*at •. , - - I ,,<-<" , �22 wak- - ' 1 Ie.... , * awi * a'I' ', *a , *way '*wa

*im -+ *um *In *un ip __*il) an *01) -0 *am *al) i!! tl y - *ip ----.*up *an on / *wal) - §a *ap *wan

In summary : *Open-syllable rhyme s remain open ; *Nasal-final rhymes keep nasal finals, except for some *-1) finals, which show nasalized vowels but no nasal stop . *Stop-final rhymes with *-p or *-t retain the *stop , and some *-k have reflexes with It/, but most *-k have been lost , leading to mergers with *open-syllable rhymes . PRUNor or COONG 79

The developments of *front open-syllable rhymes are very heteroge neous ; the conditioning factors are the *initial-consonant positions of articulation . The development s of *back open-syllab le rhymes re quire ordered rules , as do the developments of *dental-final closed syllable rhymes. It can be noted that the developments of *lab ial final *stop and *nasal are parallel, but *-t rhymes develop different ly from *-n rhymes. However , the resulting systemic possibilities for final ItI and Inl are similar : both occur after Iii, lal , lal and 101 in primary-system words . There are some subregularities of *Rhyme development additional to those shown in the diagram above , which are listed in the following table .

*Loloish Phunoi Examples

*?l/?p+i boat, wind, yB (allophonic nasalization become s contrastive after * -� loss)

~~in name, taiL, forge t~~

~~a MeB, know * i fa t/oi L, fi re , frui t, daughter, grandmother, hit, Lift, LittLe, near, pound, sit~~

*p , KY+e e,i excrement, give (al lophonic nasalizat ion becomes contrastive after *-� loss) *e a grey, My Z, bLood, die, Liquor, what, leg, bite, snake *e earth, thatch, sun, day, cowri e, borrow * i ,e e go, penis, red

*ai now, star, Laugh , puLL sand

*a a. (many examples) eat, come, I, etc . *wa teeth cattLe, rain

~~2 *u u dig, egg, head, intestine, rooster, silver, take, thick, thorn etc.~~

*Po u mushroom, price, (sky 101)

*?po a finger, green *0 a.� bone, count, cough, dove, horn, smoke, sweet, steal, wash

*aw a.� caH 80 DAVID BRADLEY

*Loloish Phunoi Examples

*ip,up L+op book, rot up sLeep

*ap a.p duck, Lightning, Lungs , snot

~~" i t at goat, grind~~

~~"e t e tl i t drunk, bamb oo shoot~~

*ut ot bLow, body hair

*at a.t aLive, cLothes, b.deer, fe ar, fLower, free, hungry , ki Ll, Leech, spiri t, vomit *ik angry , joint, root, year

~~a kick, new~~

*ek/ok a cut, shoot

*uk/ok ot born, crooked, (fear latl) 0 back , bark, be Low, brain, enough, poison, waist

*ak a.t ant, day after tomorrow, hide 2 a. ab ove, ashamed, ashes, banana, bird, bLack, chicken, crow, dream, eye, hand, Leaf, morning, pig, etc .

*wak 0 grass, rat

*im/um um drum, house, pHe up , warm m ca Ladium, three, thread

*am a.m bear, cLoud, fe nce/garden, hair (head) , iron, sheep, eZ

*in in good, name, sour

*un on stomach/beLLy, breast

*an an Louse, paddy a.n fi eld (wet)

*wan a.n hawk, face, spitt Le

*il) i fl fi ngernai L, fu L L, neck in liver, tree

*01) 0 wing PHUNOI or CMNG 81

*Loloish Phunoi Examples

* a l) horse, husband a. cooked rice , deaf, drink, old, friend, he, light, nose, open, pers on, sell, water, you

~~Vocabulary~~

The following vocabulary includes Roux , with no modification in transcription, within brackets (when the Roux form differs appreciab ly from the one I elicited) . It also includes items from Harris ' tapes, when those differed from the form (in this case mostly reflecting lexi cal differences) that I obtained. These are not bracketed, since the transcription is mine . Forms cited include all juncture and other morphophonemic processes.

~~-0. above tho. a? brace tet hno. to.n divorce ch6 hno. p C?~~

(add co. 100u) branch ?a 90.1 (go) down yo. 1I� 0 2 adu U sa pup bo. brave ?& no. yo. dream j up bo. bo. ce Akha kho. ko bo. bread hma. ph�u dry (vt) wlkho. j6t animal sa. ka yo. break pho. 0 v( ce dust bLikh lo. ant fio.t tso. black ?& do. ear ante lope hJo. burp khon bo. k�n ce easy 2 , anvil CQJ1l bo. Wo.? button hna tOm 5 I eat co. ce arrow bala carry (back) so. ce (elder jo. khoa.) ascend phlo. hnu (shoulder) pO. ce elephant jabo. ashamed 15. hjOlso. (bring ho. 1 au ) electricity fo.i fo. T 2 ashes kh�lo. change pho. ce empty m th i co. ask hno. ph cheek bo po. { enemy t8 so. cho. 111n) 2 C/lJJake nO.nO. chicken h lo. enough 10.jo. baby j�ko. jo. Chinese h�o bo. evening rna do. eve ch i c) n bache lor jakho. child ?5. jo. eye ?& blo. banana F.a. 5) cloudy jo. � pe hnlS face bako.? bank jo. tho. comb tacho. fa ll to. ce bat pe fo. come 10. (farmer yo. ChLf bo.) (beard tu so. rnut) cotton chl1po.t fast ?& te wo. jo. (bo.n hmut) coolie po. so. fa t blSp�o.n b ia. j o.� beautiful ?[ hma.? clf. gen. m6. FyB wo. be ll lakho. 51 crab wlkho. fe mate bo. bete l h no. hma.e crC/lJJl 10. to fe rn k� t ko. bitter ?a kho. crow ?Uo.? few je ko. jo. bird hlo. dark m5 blo.? (field yo.) blind deep ?a h nO. fi nd so. hrn!o. 82 DAVID BRADLEY

(continued) - 0. (forest fire chap�t/ l.ake nun kha.m bo. pour la sa no. no b1 lengpio.) ! l.arynx khon b6. s 1 priest T ph 6.7 \ fi rep l.ace b hmot o. 2 I j l.ate fo. n57 put ko. no. n5 (fix hair yo.) l.eaf 75. pho. rake (v ) 10. fl.oat 15. thO. fo.i ce Like go. ho a7 refuse m kh� fl.y fo./h�o. Liquor dllkho. remain ?5. co. (fl.y bo.) 2 rna Littl.e 56. rhyme to. Jl(? fo od 75. c6. Light (v) 70. ji1 jo.7 river 111 bo. forget hmin 10. ce Live 75. co. road cllbo. frog pho. l.ook for so. ce rooster hio. phu (foot p'o.voo.) l.ove T ?a ho.? run pio. hmo. hn� (Illkha) be l.oved 10m bo.? (rocky out- garLic ph 0. th i em 51 crop yd. thO. b1!.) man kllpio. get jo.ce satt sho. mal.e pho. girl. jo. b 1 satisfied ?5. to. bo j6. marrow ?a kho.t mio. go phio. scal.e d6. c5. up marry kh�bo. 10.r f? good sme H- scorpion wllcho. dot mattress pho. sa ing ca 5 t� co. scratch cho. ce meat so. god th� wo. dO. T send 56. n5? medicine jo. government 10.th 0. bo.n T T separate ?o? hno. bio 2 (merchant co.m cho. bo.) granary dllkho. sharpen 51 jo tho. ce 2 monkey dO. bo. (grass U ts( ch�) (cf. Roux ) shel.f tho. thO. hang go. shoul.der moon flllo. happy 75. to. hmu bag fo. (moon I 0.) (hardworking ts&ng k 'ho.) U short (per- 2 morning Illsa dO. son) ?5. b� b 0. �i hate ?5. 1 0 00 I mother bo. ( t h ing) ?o.' hnl mio. hear co. ce navel. mllcho.? sick dO. ce heart Illbo. 51 never m ch� six kho. (heart ni mo.) (new o. su) sky mO thO. hen hio. bo. y ! no bo a. skirt diJlko. he l.p ?5. b 10. 51 Jlf? T onion pho. k�6 51 sl.ash bio. ce (cf. knife ) hi H sllpup bio. . . , opium Jo. J+en sl.ave hmio. c� mo. honey pio. cho.� 15. 10. ox Jl smaH ?a Jlio. hornbiH bllsa. (l g6. nom pal.m Illw2a sme n I (good) ca sta. co. parrot kio. (immediatel.y ch ( a cho.) ( (bad) n6. �) (pheasant yo. nh� itch ?5. hio. , y soft ?o. p+n o. ! pig w� j join ko no. Jlf? sote po woo. Illkha pl.ant (v) k6 nO. Jlf? jump go. � me spider p5 bo. pumpkin 51 hand 10.- T rna. po (spider co. co. be 6.m) poor knife hmio. jo.?e ja pants hl�6. hm� porch Illkl:!o b� ( l.ac kho. tu) PRUNO! or COONG

0.- (cont inued) spi t ph 1 t do. J'lh - i ( little ghi €) spUt thn ( angry ts 1 ) Uft ch 1 jo rna. wlo \ , , ( spUt p 'a.) beat tl near 111 d i 0. spring Iiijo. black magic c( a sa ce needle ci ke ca.p spinach 5 i J'l pho. bUster cf j 0 be ce ( owe o.ts1 ach8) steam sO. J'lf? bury hn I ton 0. te (palm leaf dln nl ) ce step T th i j0.1 ( pardon ts( 10.nh� ) buttocks strcnu 10.ch i peppers l�ph( sl cat m ,l sunrise ma ni 51 khan pigeon do ko kl ke 10. ce ( charcoa l bl ch i) pound ti sunset mo ni 51 to. chin, heel pi t�n (prevent m kho. bi ) weo. v color T 51 1 put ci ce swallow (v) hno. ce cowrie c ( ka.p Hi rain mo h6 11 ve sweat mo hut no. curry k�l ( T ride to. i 11. 0 tea In daughter jabl root 15. h Ii thin 10. h 10.jo. day hi ni round thing s 1 this one hni1 dye hn1 J'lf? sand T kh l sQ.i ( threaten kho. kho.t ch� u) earth hm( to. ( scrawny hi8ng �) thumb 1 �bo. 2 \ eat CI ce set (sun) J'li u tiger sho. 10. elbow l�sh i ton sharpen sl jo tho. ce tob acco hjo. kon empty m th co. I sit ni J'lh tongue 10. h In fa t (n) 15. sh( short tone so.men fight (length) 1[ hnf mlo. town khon bn fi re ( skirt teng pl ) trap hno. tnn (formerly n1 chang) ( sparrow chi chc,) ( tlka) truck l:h t6 bo. T four (cit) s 1 ( square s r che ) understand co. kat (2nd T) ( foy er bi giap) (strcnu 10.chi ) /I chg. yip 10.) ( gibbon nO. 11 ) stretch <1!:! hm6. pi ce vegetable ka.u (m)bo. , . \ go jo. 1 i ce sun mo nl SI � down phn 2 (granary co ch i) there hjok n i wai t go. hno. ce 2 (graBs � ts( ch�) today hJ'la ni (walk qua' o.u ) mi. grandmother ph i vulture cnn ban hn( k6n (waterfall y� thO. ldng ) ( heart ni " ba) ( labo.) wide 1&' tf wife kh�ba ( here nhu chl che ) win kn ci ce wind hn bo.n (lOOn ) ( indigo ml ) (win ml ch11.p) what 10. c11. (jewe lry chi nhu sl) year hi pi (white 0. pal jungle 10 du dl we yesterday h� nl woman kh�blo. ( irrrnediate- verb part . J'lf? ( (fire)wood bl xo. thum) ly ch ( a cho.) verb part . 11 son-in-lcnu j�bo. 84 DAV ID BRADLEY

~~-e I MyB che powder mt adverb , particle e needle ci ke cup {remember chlt khLl' d�)~~

~~, th� l�n • aZlPays nt.ne te {run hlt (n ) nul~~

hpo. te • appear pent.s hIe {sis ter-in- , ka kt Ie • lOJ;} tSlt l amrpit {pheasant yo. nhe p' i u) , • khlt du) arrow2 she no. 51 do ko ki {shake pt.geon ke I I kh! l6. t smile ?+ pi? ashes l pine tree te" Jun cln peI f'0. star b�ka +t 51 , bat red ?5. hne , , , 1 �khua hno e I • {thank to.u b?U' ub I 0. ) behind roas t ?o. she the ce (try chU' ne cC! be ) bite {square 5 f che)

, I w! tho. • .t. turt le to. kh � boar swun T 10. lue pi hne ce buy { talkative ch� e 1�) she ce I -a choose teeth she phe phe p ( above tho. a? close {ten tse) cloudy jo. e pe h no , I ani/pit ka kt Ie thunder mo ce ce ce copper T to. hne bark2 (v) non ca ce Ie today hpo. me n i cord2 hnin hne basket kh6n ko. wa ko.n ce top (moun {crest cu.ng the ) tain) khan the go back kha hno.

cross (v) tu Ie ce (try beam (hor. ) kha , verb 1 akh ua hno e {cut2 te ) behind � particle ce dish T kho phe big , {verb {dryness mu nl\ te).) ). bile particle ye ) , s fas t ?5. te wo. jo. {verb blood a few 2 je ko. jo. particle calf (leg) b�tha

~~'- fi sh Jo. te chaff~~

•

~~forehead b�ta se - + {cut ta l~~

~~• go ?e - Ie annpit ka k+ 1 e dance Jan ce~~

~~god T the wo. dO. {attach p'ltu ) die sa ce hOJ;}k co.n te a {big hZt �) dog kha~~

~~• t.ron T hIe? {bring su a. nO ) easy ?o. ba (cf. big )~~

• Jump go. e me chaff ka t+ FeB. FeS ?a (jungle {cure bU.) FyS ma fow l k 'h i 0. nh� ) dry ?a d fe nce mu ka 10 language ce {fanner yo. chLl' bo.) (finish pC! (n)) lazy be ce few 2 s� fog cha? be ce lick {give p'3ru ) fo ot l�kha light (fire) bl h16n W! a. good good I y v ?o. be bio. smeUing2 ca Sto.co. sme lling ca 5 to. co. low � I many2 be hn6 laugh ?t p f? gray ?o. pha , {measure t� u) (look at CLl'u ) grow ba ce (big) , middle gu hnie new moon kha.m nt gums . bo.n kha

~~2 a ha? ce (monkey mleu. ). ) otterl ?t bo hiccup PHUNOI or COONG 85~~

-a (continued) hoe T ka e6? tie harvest rice ko eu ee (how long o.so nh6.m mo) tomorrow head ?[ tu (a.tu) how much T tha da day after tomorrow pho.t sa ( heart m) tehu sl )(l�bo.) hornbi ll b� sa top (toy) 2 T hma khCl.f) (here nhu eh i eh�) in fr ont g�huei sa intestines ?[?u (hu Slt) use vulva pa to (jewe lry chi nhu s1) inside th5. a? (when o.sanhaJn � ) jung le 10 dU di we kick b�tha? where sa da? knee b�tu knee b�tu (a. sa) ( lac kha tu) leak ?a ee who sa ladle 1(ikh u sa locative �a? yes ?a mat t�pu look at ka ee 2 thWlder mo ee ka e(n many be hnu? man ki:lpla make waves I[ eu ee mat t�pu -u middle gu hn ie? mattress pho. sa 2 ( abandon ts i u) (milk nu (n ) lang) meat tla kan I�pu (molasses p8 tehau p'u) moan hal ee arm 1 blWlt ?5. pu (moon u la) Fe B, Fe Z ?a 2 blWlt bu eho. (mosquito hd.ng pin bd cu ) FyZ ma e B hu ja mushroom hmu mountain sa pup ba y B hnu ja (new yo. su) mule me la 10 (boil tsu Iii y� ) outside hnua night kha th5. catch hlo.p bo su bo (panther teha la p6.m pong now hno. ma? thu) chair to. ku noodle pi llow t�ku cheap ?[ thu ja pleasant ?o. di.n hma pair thi:lkhu chopsticks kh do.n tha.n plew ttl sa ee IoIU I[ sll PhWloi phu n61 pour sa ee ( close p'fu) (pot U 18ng) question sa to. hnit sa? cross tu Ie ee sweet (rain h6) potato eha ku hm� rna daughter- ro ZZ hte bo nan ea e? in- law ju price ?5. hu? roof ja mu dig tu ee raise hi u (separate tsc, (n) Io.u) dust bukh lo. roof 1amu shoot pa p(? egg ha ?u? roos ter hlo. pu soybeans wan ta ra every su - su sad In ta hmu sparrow ta ea ja? father mu set (SWl) pi u straight ?o. da fence mu kalo (shake khu du) sweet hu? short potato eha ku hm� (person) shit th i phu ja? 2 ten Via shelf tu? grandchild j i:I ?u thing ?a.kal) kha ea silk eil)ku (grass u ts ( eh6.) ' { l sa silver phiu Sa, happy ?[ ta hmu 86 DAVID BRADLEY

-u (continued) si�ver coin phiu 51 butter�y ha.m pi n ta10 harvest ko cu ce skin ?a h1u? buy bo ce hate 1 ?5. 10 nO. 2 skuU ?a tu jo.� cabbage ka.n bo hate 1 (, e ja. (sister a. tsu) catch hla.p be su be high ?a mu6 e ja.u (stoo� tang khu) catt�e je hmiii hoe hmo e (student khu nhum) chain sha.l sho (hCM much a tso do) l (straight a. chu) change of join ko kha.t p f state 2 son 's wife ju join ko nO. p( , ' cheek bo po. suck Iiicu , pi? jung w 10 du di we chew ke ce take 2 bu ce kapok tree ba. 10 c(n Chinese h�o bo. taU ?5. mu e ja. kidney kho 51 cloud tha.m tendon mO (knee � p'a.t tho kha.u ) coU ?[ cho termite (Less 0) (come out do) testicles hI a?u/shE:?u life T ?[ jo? cook ko ce thick ?a thu lift chi jo m1i b i e craJJ) � 10. to thorn ?[ chu sow (foot) pewa. 1 akha cucumber T sakh!:!6 5 i twist T bft du spread out ko p( rhino sha.t no vaZ Zey mu phap bio. squirre � ho to rice p�ant ko vein 15. ku sa stomach po pon right 1[ d�n hno ja. Guhis He tu tsui ) stone lapho I " , ro ZZ h +� bo na.nca e yesterday hu ni sweat mo hut na. satisfied ?5. tii bo jo. (take co) sent sa. no -0 (light bi th8) separate ?o hno. bio (adultery c8 15,ng p 'ie p lightning mo bio.p 16.ng) (b. deer h8 p8ng) lips ba.n kho Akha kho. ko bo. diffi cuU hpa.k be litHe 5:>- sa. ashes ko dish kho phe 3 �ose to ce (aunt ak 'o) di vorce ch6 hna. p( married axe T kh�a.m b:>? door lak (�)o woman kho bla. (back no kho) earring hno medicine ja. mo a. bark (n) ?o. ko enough 10 mosquito be khu bark (v) hm6 ce fe ed hn6 p( mu�e C mO la 16 behind kh�a hno finished be hno ja. no T b:>a. beZZy po pon forearm 1akho noisy so ce be �CM ?cf ?o fo rehead bo k6n onion T pha. k�6 51 blind ?5. bia. po fo rk kho ta.m (open p'O u) l (blind bJ ch8) free ph6 kho.t p ( otter ?i bo 2 blister c( jo be ce go out ko no otter T c6 n6.m brain ?5. do (granary co ch i) (owe a ts' a cho) w. buffa �o jo grass be pen so d6.m build so, pi! hai l 10 k6 51 g. pepper T far[ sak�6 51 PHUNOI or COONG 87

-0 (continued) df. person hjo window wash laJ. tha!:! , ce pickle ?[ chen hpo widow bacha!:! pigeon do ko k1 ke work mla!:! wan (2nd T) pipe k6? 51 hja.!:! sa Yao ja!:! J (n ba plant (v) k6 nO.pr answer ta!:! bo house post j urn ? (n sol!:! poison ?a to beg j6n ha!:! porch l�ko bit bone ?[ jau - al . , priest2 to p ( (break tau ) ascend ta.,!., e 0 I pumpkin T rna. p::> 51 caZZ h� ce (bad a ha.y ) put in fi!:!o no coconut T rna. phcl� sl belt 56.1 hla put up tho ce coffin da!:! kham be born sal tal? rain mO h6 1) ce cord hne ja.!:!? chain sha.l sho rat ho tilm cough sha!:! ce cord (e Zec) 56.1 fa fI(? T read bo bo (fI count hja.!:! ce change (loc) gi6.y a rib ?[ cO ja!:! (cover k 'hiau) electricity fa.i " fa T upper side 1 hmia ?T tho ?T de licious ?a ch� (king a.(Q )da.y a. sinh) tho sa (dirty tsao k 'hung . . .) (plow (v) thay ) toe p'a ne ) (unhappy dove kh6n kh� (mark (v) rna.i ) verb (dress (v) cha.u ) rabbit kata.l particle hno T (happy �) sand i T verb too bu kh 50.1 particle b10 horn ?a cha.!:! (silk rna.y) vulva pato (lift th1iu) (hands ome rna a.i ) wag (v) ko e ce (nine cau)(te) (spend cha.i ) waist ?5. cO (please tau bu �) step on nal wan ce shadow ?6. ho (question nao ) striped ?a. plai sharpen 51 jo tha ce rib ?5. cO ja!:! (suffe r da.i ) shiver cho ja san ce (rice T khau tsJ) (thin a pai a) shoulder blSfium shout h6.!:! ce Thai tha.l ba sky mO thO. (cf. caZZ upperside tha.1 beka. set sloping ?5. ph lan bo smoke bakha!:! (there yo) steal kh� ce - a i (secondary ) throat 2 ?5. ko stretch a.!:! hma. pi ce be born sal tal thunder2 mO ce ce ce sugarcane pon ch� saw 1a1 truck T l:,t to ba (cf. sweet) dear 1::>al (turn over kho) sweet ?5.ch� moan upper back lakho thank tau b� u

(weak pon) they T kha.!:! che ha: -::>i . -01 (secondary ) weed (v) bo bo fI( think ta!:! ce but ?a k::>i wheat bo 51 twenty T 5 a.!:! hundred hoi white ant ho b)n vegetabZe ka!:!(m ) ba. (sink poi ) why walk q ua au 88 DAV ID BRADLEY

-e�, -e:;! (secondary ) (agile t�u ti e) (win ml ch1l.p bla.) clear fi eldE be ca.t ce (choose ts�u) clothing h Ia.t 53 c:up kBkl;! -up (-op) cotton chl1pa.t (destroy p 'WI) adu lt sapup bQ. (cultivate k'ha.t bU) fat ?[ te� (answer t6p) day after tomorrow pho.t sa [Zane pe:x bl bedroom jup phl6. b. deer sho.t go down jo. le� book pop dry po.t (cf. bean ) (irrunediateZy �t teu eu) dream jup bo. ba. ce fe ar kho.t ce (pants T teo) ( cook tsup) (fight po.t Ill.ng) rattan fi st lasup (fire cho. pll.t } wither T (greet d8p u) flower hT wo.t hold sup ce free ph6 kho.t ph -u I, -e i, -uS!- (secondary) (mountain tu p'up) gun Sin do.t able T kho.t juo.� pen sleep jup ce hide wo.t ce (faded pel.'i) (prepare up) hungry fl5. bo.t (fat lui �) rot pOp (jwnp2 yq.t o.n-nu ) (stop tsup) ki H so.t ce -a.p wet ?[ cup (knee l p'o.t th8 kho.u) arrive 1o.p 10. yawn jup so. ka ce leech fio.t basket (thighs li p 'up) (fish) khan ko.p marke t T talo.t catch marra.J ?5. kho.t mio. hl6.p be su be - i p (secondary ) cowrie c f Ion ko.p (mix pio.t Ill.ng) (adu ltery c8 l�ng p'iep duck ko.p l �ng) narra.J kho.t fo ld pho.p box ?[ h(p (area) (paper T ka.lo.t) ( foy er bl gio.p) (understand chq. yl p 10.) peanut po.t them goose ka.p 1fl') cen rhino sho.t nlS harruner bacho.p -ep, -ap (secondary) shirt h Io.t hat/turban 1 apa.p clever ?a te p shrimp Ion tha.t {healthy cho.p bu nf bu �) (house (on spirit da.t ground) t�ng b�p) lid ?[ ko.p sweep T k!!a.t vaHey mu phap bio. lightning me b io.p temple T wa.t lungs ?5. hma.p thirs ty 111bo.t de -o.t (pierce tso.p u) undress h lo.p h lo.t ce alive shoes bakha.p vomit pho.t ce ant fia.t sa. snot hna.p wash (approach yq.t lll.u) (clothes) hlo.p co.t p(? ( stab tsa.p plfod baht T bo.t waterfall 1[ tho.t (stand up hio.p) beans I apo.t (wipe p t tongs cho.p o. ti) (beans no. po.t) (cf. harrmer ) breast NTai ma (m ) ba.p pendant 1 apa.t PHUNOI or CMNG 89

-ut (--ot) belI!'d bo.n hmot {rhino hh)( shnt no ) doth hn6.m benOJJS pia.l) hut (eight T pet) c�oud me tha.m bend khot ce {seven T ch&t) coffin dn!:! kha.m b�ow hmot ce cross T kh6.m Ie 0 body hair ?5. hmot -at eight Vse . t6.m born tot ph (at night kh'!t tho.ng) (fee � na.m mtl ) (divide put Ill.ng) (dirty chLtt ) fence ch6.m fe rn T ka.t ko. be born kat few m Inm set on fi re hmot ce ewe chat jo. f�oor Ju. , ms\ l fi rep �ace b1 hmot jo. goat chat fork kho tnm mosquito grind khat garden chnm (cf. fe nce ) net Jut rake (n) ?[ chat go�d kha.m (soft n pot) (repair ICtt leu) hair shnm kh� smoke (v) w�cha. jut sheep chat ?nm iron s6.m stump ?5.hlut termite {keep cu u ch i lam �) h6 t nn sweat rOO (toad n pUot ) �ake n6n kha.m bo. (suffocate mtlt) understand ?a cn kat Lao w�cha.m throw ?ut ce �eft side 10.knm p�uck chut ph -nk . -ok . ak (secondary ) litHe s6.m (hot m& hut d� ) (change (merchant cnm chn bo.) c�othes tsong pl�) mouth bnm fan diffiauUT -:Hlt hpak bo much ?a la.m kave T crazy ?[ poat cQ.k po.i middk n6.m kon kon hnla. coffin il) k�16k won liquid mud T (? ) , ? moon khnm n� (?I�) poa t ce new (otter Io.ng snm) spin I it koat ce �ocm (n) T ?[ hok tcho.lo. (say T b6c) (panther p6.m p8ng thu) (secondary ) there hjok n' -0 t pen so d6.m CII!' T I:,t cabbage rat ho tllin (bok choy ) phak 16.m train T I:,tfni remeniber ca.m ce yeast b:,t Shan b�cha.m -nm sheep chat ?nm anvi � cnm bn wo.? - it eS hn6.m bn axe T kh!:!nm bo? bamboo stairs ch6.m shoots n5. hmi t bad sme H ing ?a hna.m suglI!' T na.m to.n spit phl t dO. ph bok choy knm bo {swamp p'um p 'r/1m) twist bft du butter�y hnm pin talo three (cit ) sam T cabbage phak 16.m tripod sham k!:!i n 51 -e t ClI!'ry waH ch6.m pia. chest of (hand) hpam ce drClhJers b�chet Eng. (when nso nh/1m �) hnm drunk het ce (yelI!' ni . ne )(hi pi ) 90 DAV ID BRADLEY

-um can te, a, ashes 1 gllthGm (rice field lang b8m m) hawk (awaken jup num bl�) Bay 1 0m ce heavy 7[ han w. basket gadum sew T hom ph hole2 T phan tu borrow T j um ce swing ch6m plen hlen (hemp kh iang kh&.n) ce bury thum ce (jump yg.tan-nu) ( 7u tl tired 7[ hl6m beat (dPwn) thum t 1 ce late 75. fan untie thom ce d1'W7! thum 51 leggings lapa.n (fiance IGm pia) Ups ban khe -m, -em (fiancee lum ba) mix pEa.n hnan ce caladi um pm 51 (flood Io.ng thum) more can lau elderl pm rna. house jum ( - y6.m) near2 7[ kan (cf. far2 ) (dumb a th�m p�n) (idiot tsum £) old (thing) 75. 7a.n roof2 pm (low, short nhum) m5. play tn.n ce tick nm 51\ pus 75. 7um pleasant 7[ ca.n hma garUc pha thiem 51 pick frui t chum ce proud ?[ hja ca.n NTai mam bap pile up pum ph put ca.n nu three sin ( - sha.m) shoulder bof'oum read 7n.n ce thread da.i khem (student khu nhum) ron htE be nan ca e7

(swamp p'um plr&.m) saddle T mo 7an -an urinate 7f chum ce sharp2 7a pa.n as hamed 7a hja ca.n (unripe a. chum) shiver cho jllsan ce (go) back house post jum 7(n sa� sloping 7a ph ia.n basket khon ka. wa k6.n warm ?5. lum ce sz.ow(ly) fan fan (wood b xa. thum) spittle kha.n 1 (soy) beans wOn ta so ?die tha. ha.n beard bo.n hmot l' step on board l T ka.dan b� head g:>m ce st01'l1l hM fun brace let hna. ta.n study hen ha.n ce burp khon ba. ka." ce -om sugar na.m to.n (burn b 1 ChM) breath swe n jan ce 10m (carry away hM na. nu ) burn 2 hnom bl a. thousand phan cave T 76.n than button h na. tom toad kha.n kh5. T 51 (chase din nu l conver- ( tobacco ya. khokn) errUJrace 7an ce sation 10m hna ph trap hna ta.n (enemy to sa. cha. 1M corn h n6.m p 10m ye).) use ka. nan ce (good far2 75. ka.n vulture ca.n ban h n f k6n sme l ling a. hom) field Illtan (wait ta.ng gi b&.n) I ga.nom f ea to. foQ.n work mla� wa.n be loved 10m ba 7. T government Ia.tha ba.n yenow ?5. 7a.n meet T phom hml5. ce grandchildl ?5. 7a.n peanut pa.t thom gums ban kha PHUNOl or CMNG 91

-in bed tfn can (wet l a.ng ch�n y� ) sprinkw 1[ sun ce ch ain2 j in je hn� stir2 kun ce cord2 hnin hne - en, - ea.n (secondary ) (storm T hlin fun) evening me da. � ve ch i board2T pen cln\ scune T 1 En -on forget hmin 10.ce seed2 T 15. ken bark2 (v) n6n dice Ie ph gtutinous hard T 75. ken basket khon ka. waka.n ce rice na hmi n mix pea.n hna.n ce beg j6n h� ce good 7[ hmi n be Uy po pon hope hmin ca me a. -an boit ton ce house post jum ?(n sa.� bed btoom phon ce (tamp p'ling mltn) dance jan ce bteM hon ce wan ( v ) hni n ce (finish pan bla.) (btue a. Ion} tiver ?5. 51n hundred burp khon be.kll.n ce ncune 75. hm( n thousand man T bury h n i to n a. te ce (palm 'leaf dl n nl } 'louse san cave T 7e.n th6n socks T thon tIn (ptate ho.(n)p'un} (centipede son} sour 75.ch (n u poisoned ton san coffi n 7iQ k�16k WOn ce spin pin p(7 paddy g�chan dove kh6n kho.!:! tai t to. hmin sunrise mOni s1 khan e tbeM l�shi ton ( termite hu b) n)(wuk atl 10. ce fa U2 ton ce thunderl me ce ka c(n ( tender a. pem ) fish basket khon ka.p tree clI n top (mtn) khan the (forehead bo k6n) tripod sham k� (n s) (ugty bU'n ne ) have fun 75. hmOn white ant ho bl n , son k5./ho. ce wood (tree) cln -tn, -ien, -ten hunt ( secondary ) 'larynx khon ba. 51 Yao ja.!:! j(n bo. (ctimb khltn) tight fi re bl h16n we a. (return kh (,r.) -en (secondary ) middte na.m kon kon hnia. mirror T mouth ba.mfon be T pen right T 75. dtn hno jo. nippte Ion 51 btanket phen soft 75. p�n jo. noon hf kon a. (dwrib a. th�m p� n} opiwn ja. j ten partridge hia. jon find2 sa.jen hml6. 0 ja. top (toy)1 f�l tn pound thon ce ftute T chen (ugty bun ne} poisoned ton san hang up chen ce (reunite ts6n lling 1 a.u ) (hang up �n} -un round 15. b6n (opiwn yo.ng y� n} chatk pun seU2 kon ce see T hen ce chin, hee t pi tun socks T thon trn study T hen ha.n ce take n6 n khD.m ba. spear con swing ch6m plen hlen pine tree t{;1 jun cfn spoon T ce mas turbate ne phun phun tr:e shrimp 92 DAVID BRADLEY

-0 n (continued) smoke kon e sa -+1). -al). - :> 1) (divide put 11l.ng) (secondary) stand con ph (divorce cang I�ng) half '1' kh�1) stick ( v ) ?5. Ion drink t5. sa (cit) T n+1) , ' stick (n) con k6n one (earrings no. w�ng) , • I (ftat t(i �Io." stomach (cf. beny ) 1+1) earth hm( to. ?a kal) kha ca sugarcane pOn cho.u elder2 j�nd can3 vi nage khon fan b�pi[ two (cit) 5;)1) vulture co.n ban hn( k6n T fa lse m to. water fas t ?5. te wa. jo. carrier -0. fi ght tl hn5.ce A (adultery co).,l1l.ng p' iep (weak , (fight tl lung 11l.ng) pa.t lung) afternoon sh[ -ip finger Hihja (amuse se lf go.( n) nu l (conar Iinh kong) fi sh jo. te animal so. k[ ja. (cook mi nh y� ) fi ve ?5. appear hn5. te fingernail I �shl p flat 1 ta kia I �I) bcuriboo na fu n ?[ pip flea to. fiO.n barn co. (heacbnan kh8ng 5 i nh ) (flee p l&.n9 y�) be lt s6.i hi[ (king 0.(n) d3.y a. 5 i nh ) (flesh a. m6.(nasa I)) blue hj5.do. ( lead ts( nh ) forehead bat5. e J ? f boar we thO. roast pip ce {formerly nl chang) brave ?[ hj[ hT (narrow a. 1 nh) fr iend ?[ ch5. breast 51 skirt dlp ka. 10. ginger hfl[ s1 bridge ti hno. ce spinach sip pha ). � green ?[ hja bright tso.ng-e throat ?5. lip (hard candle b�sh[ working tsling k'ho.) (wrist I a 11nh )( I �k:>) , , carry (head) cha ce have ?o. co. , cattle �O hmio. he jo. -ep . -up chair to. k6 (hemp kh i a.ng khltn ) sing ches t ?[ j[ hot ?5. h 15. country .!. co. son k[ ho. ce - (secondary ) a.p conver incline ?5. phio. be llows pio.l) hut sation inside tha a? top (toy)2 hma kho.l) T cooked rice fl5. (join nh1!.ng 11l.ng cooking pot b:S kh!![ T y� ) tamp b�to. - i I) ( secondary) copper t[ hn� lift ch 1 j 0 mQ. b i 0 coffin ?il)kal6 k won ce cowrie cf 10.ka,p listen hn[ ce goose ko.p IfI) cen cry2 ho. ce , light cup T ko. kex, silk cil) k6 (weight) ?5. j5. ja.? deaf lap[ live 2 hna ce ph defe cate ?T k5. ce PHUNOI or a30NG 93

-0. (continued) meet phom hmio. ce (x time thang) pierce th� ce (mix pia.t lang y�) toad kha.n kho. (8kirt teng pl ) nation kho. ba. wa. tone /w ord 5 a to. (8trong heng gh&) new2 ?[ jo. turtle to. kh� , night kha tha true j 0. to. ce - + (allophonic + phonological owing to secondary system) nose l�ka upper side hmla nos tril 1 aka tha verb pre- (cre8t CLtng the) 1. fix, noun ten (cit) wt now hn[ ma? prefix ?ff. kha th�cff. ten thou- (verb part.) 1 ling sand mt.t, hmt� T ku pho. 51 (wai t tling 9 i bltn ) (sing to 10 mllng) open pho. flh water 15. hair sam kh+ foreign fara T weep ho.ce meat dk� patch ?a tff. to. ce (weigh chling) ( thread khurng sl;l) person sha !. you no.I. yam hmt plow Hi ta sa ce yawn jup sa k5. ce ja. ?e j6: poor - u (secondary ) pot T b5kh\!0. -T (allophonic + phono ascend ph ia hnu prison ka 10. logical owing to secondary system) airp lane je h6 proud ?ff. hja ca.n (dirty tsno k'hung k'hung brave ?5. hj5.?5. hT push (wood u �) in fire ) hn5. flf? broad ?ff. tT flag T t6 quarre l j[ hno. ce excrement ?r (husk rice co fhung p'(u ques tion s�to. hnff. sa? expensive T ?[ pt kha.u ) (rainbow Hi t5. hy5.) flat2 ?5. lf

!'es t hn[ ce flower h r wa.t -0 (reunite ts6n lling la.u) fu U (moon) thi ce boat 15 , (rich hang) (water) jug 10. tl.(. yB hn5 ja ., 1, roof J um rna. Meo mt ba (in LCllJ) a. s5ng) satisfied noon hT kon a. (bed teng chong ) scale dO. ca (offe r nl (n)) (burn bl 18ng) seU hj6. (slow mieng a �) (change aZothe8 a. tsong pl�) shield k[ sa? strength ?6. rh aZothing hla.t 55 sink 15.to. ce -e (allophonic + phono (coUar 1 i nh kong) yZ hna ja logical owing to (cry ung y� ) sneeze sho.ce secondary system) dumb co (spinning airp lane T je hd stick ong(n)ca.ng y� ) clench (forest tch8ng k8ng) spoUed ?a ?a (fis t) k!!� ce (forest fi re i stab ?6. jo. the ce hne jQ.�? b long pin) , (bed t&ng chong ) (hat tu tch8ng ) stir so. , horse they kha.!! che ho. give pe ce mo (throw hiang) pickle (v) ?5. ch� hpo pi? 94 DAVID BRADLEY

-0 (continued) (pot u I&ng ) (they ong� Ill.ng (house on , yg) posts t�ng m8ng) (sarauJny hi-eng (wnbrel.Z.a chong) , �) ' husband mit5 , ?1i. spider po ba. (vil.Z.age (panther tcha. I a. pa.m ahief kh&ng si nh ) pong thu) (spinning stiak eng( n )ca.ng y& ) verb part . hn5 pants hlu[ hmo , , (stool. t8ng khu) wing ?1i. to (pound th8ng) (suit a. ts&ng)

~~APPENDI X: Counting~~

The citation forms used in counting by my informant are very differ ent from numb ers used in context , and also from the counting numbers that Roux was given . From one to ten , seven , eight and nine in the Roux list are from some Dai language ; otherwise, the numbers appear to be regularly derived from *Loloish roots. In my data, on the other hand, one to four are from Dai ; fi ve and six look Tibeto-Burman , but do not show regular Phunoi corre spondences with *Loloish; seven and eigh t are from Vietnamese ; and nine and ten are from some source un known to me . In context , one to three at least are from *Loloish in my data.

~~Roux (1923) Bradley (1972) in context (1972)~~

~~(t h i I um ) ntl) tha- (n i lum) SOl) hna- (sum lum) sa.m sa.m~~

~~\ (ha.l I um ) 5 I (cf. square ) (nga. lum) ?[ (k he I um ) kha. (c h� t I um) blo (b6.y ) (p� t I um ) ta.m (ta.m ) (diu I um ) te of (thl (t )tse ) Wt~~

In addition to Ly/Lao/Thai and Vietnamese , the Phunoi may have been in contact with other Tibeto-Burmans (Akha and Burmans ); with mount ain Mon-Khmer (Khmu? and possibly others ); with Miao-Yao , and certainly with Chine se (southwestern Mandarin) . There are some words in Bisoid, such as duak and l.ung , which do not occur to my knowledge out side Bisoid, but are perfectly regular within it ; perhaps these are early borrowings into Bisoid. PRUNor or COONG

~~NOTE S~~

1. I would like to thank my informant , Kham s5n, and J.G. Harris, who helped me to find him, and also generously gave me copies of his tapes of Phunoi. A few forms from Harris' tapes , which I did not elicit , are included in the vocabulary . I would also like to acknowl edge an NSF grant to the Sixth International Sino-Tibetan conference , which permitted me to deliver an earlier version of this paper; and comments on the paper, particularly from R.K. Sprigg . Of course , all remaining shortcomings are my responsibility.

~~2. Hall 1964 , Roux 1924; conj ectures my own .~~

~~3. Adams , McCoy art icle p.76.~~

~~4. Ayme, p.77.~~

~~5. Adams , McCoy article p.89-91.~~

~~6. Ayme , p.87.~~

~~7. Adams , McCoy article p.83.~~

~~8. Ayme, p.88-89.~~

~~9. Adams passim: articles by Feingold , McCoy .~~

~~10. Mart inet 1955.~~

~~11. Contrary to my initial finding, report ed in Matisoff 1973.~~

~~95 DAVID BRADLEY~~

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