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Highlights from Three Language Families in Southwest China

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Highlights from Three Language Families in Southwest China Highlights from three Language Families in Southwest China Matthias Gerner RFLR Monographs Matthias Gerner Highlights from three Language Families in Southwest China RFLR Monographs Volume 3 Matthias Gerner Highlights from three Language Families in Southwest China Burmese-Lolo, Tai-Kadai, Miao Research Foundation Language and Religion e-Book ISBN 978-3-947306-91-6 e-Book DOI https://doi.org/10.23772/9783947306916 Print ISBN 978-3-947306-90-9 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie and available in the Internet at https://www.dnb.de. © 2019 Research Foundation Language and Religion Duisburg, Germany https://www.rflr.org Printing and binding: Print Simply GmbH, Frankfurt Printed in Germany IX Acknowledgement God created rare language phenomena like those hidden in the Burmese-Lolo, Tai-Kadai and Miao languages which are the subject of this monograph (Proverbs 25:2). I am grateful to Emil Reschke and Siegfried Lechner of Research Foundation Language and Religion for their kind assistance. The following native speakers have provided helpful discussion: Michael Mǎhǎi 马海, Zhū Wén Xù 朱文旭, Hú Sùhúa 胡素华, Āyù Jĭpō 阿育几坡, Shí Défù 石德富, Zhāng Yǒngxiáng 张永祥, Wú Zhèngbiāo 吴正彪, Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有, Zhāng Yǒng 张勇, Wú Shìhuá 吴世华, Shí Lín 石林, Yáng Chéngxīng 杨成星, Lǐ Xùliàn 李旭练. The manuscript received feedback from colleagues who commented on the data presented at eleven international conferences between 2006 and 2016. Thanks are due to Jens Weigel for the cover design and to Jason Kline for proofreading the manuscript. X Preface The Burmese-Lolo, Tai-Kadai, Miao-Yao and Chinese languages form a loose Sprachbund in Southwest China with hundreds of languages coexisting and assimilating to each other. Shared language patterns include grammaticalized prepositions and aspect particles. Meanwhile individual languages showcase highly idiosyncratic properties not paralleled in any genetically or areally related language. In my fieldwork, I have encountered a range of rare sound phenomena: a bilabial trill in Nuosu, eleven retroflexive consonants in Neasu, three consonant clusters with alternating voicing in Nase, plosive-lateral consonant clusters in Hmong, nine short/long vowel contrasts in Lao, five plain/nasalized vowel contrasts in Xong and nine contrastive tones in Kam two of which are undulated. Morphologically rare data sets include the sound-symbolic size prefixes in Nuosu, the ambiperfective aspect particle in Lolo, the two epistemic mood particles in Nase, the singular/plural classifiers in Northern Kam, the inflectional classifiers in the otherwise isolating Ahmao language and the serial demonstrative pronouns in Hmong. In the domain of syntax, differential case marking and differential word order of four Burmese-Lolo languages are each spectacular in different ways: differential subject marking in Azhee and Nesu, differential object marking in Lolo and differential word order in Nuosu. Moreover, the six negation particles in Sānjiāng Kam and the counterfactual conjunction in Hmu are noteworthy. From this picture, we conclude that the languages of this linguistic area have as much assimilated to each other as they have dissimilated. XI List of Contents Acknowledgement ············································································· IX Preface ···························································································· X List of Contents ················································································ XI List of Tables ················································································· XIV Abbreviations ················································································· XVI 1 Burmese-Lolo Linguistics ······························································· 1 1.1 Introduction ·········································································· 1 1.2 Phylogenetics ······································································· 1 1.3 Documentation······································································ 3 1.3.1 Phonology ································································· 4 A. Consonants ···························································· 4 B. Vowels, Tones, and Syllables ····································· 5 1.3.2 Morphology ································································ 6 1.3.3 Syntax ······································································ 9 A. DSM in Mílè Azhee ·················································· 9 B. DOM in Yongren Lolo ··············································11 C. DSM in Gèjiù Nesu ·················································13 D. Differential Word Order in Liángshān Nuosu ·················15 1.3.4 Tense, Aspect, and Mood ·············································17 A. Exhaustive Aspect in Liángshān Nuosu ·······················17 B. Ambiperfective Aspect in Yongren Lolo························18 C. Epistemic Mood in Luópíng Nase ·······························20 2 Tai-Kadai Linguistics ·····································································21 2.1 Introduction ·········································································21 2.2 Phylogenetics ······································································21 2.3 Documentation·····································································26 2.3.1 Phonology ································································26 A. Consonants ···························································26 B. Vowels and Tones ··················································28 2.3.2 Morphology ·······························································29 A. Clitics in Tai-Kadai ··················································30 XII B. Reduplication in Zhuang and Kam ······························ 32 C. Personal Pronouns in Tai-Kadai ································ 38 D. Classifiers in Tai-Kadai ············································ 41 2.3.3 Syntax ····································································· 46 A. ‘Noun Incorporation’ in Kam ······································ 46 B. Coverbs in Tai-Kadai ··············································· 52 2.3.4 Tense, Aspect, and Mood············································· 54 A. Auxiliary verbs in Tai-Kadai ······································· 54 B. Negation in Tai-Kadai ·············································· 58 3 Miao-Yao Linguistics ····································································· 61 3.1 Introduction ········································································· 61 3.2 Phylogenetics ······································································ 61 3.3 Documentation ···································································· 64 3.3.1 Phonology ································································ 64 A. Consonants ··························································· 64 B. Vowels and Tones ·················································· 66 3.3.2 Lexicon ···································································· 68 A. Fusional classifiers in Ahmao ···································· 68 (i) Form ···························································· 69 (ii) Meaning and use ············································ 72 (iii) Grammaticalization of classifiers ······················· 73 B. Specific classifiers in Hmu ········································ 77 (i) Introduction ··················································· 77 (ii) Unique Entities ·············································· 79 (iii) Possessives ················································· 80 (iv) Simple Clauses ············································· 82 (v) Negation ······················································ 83 (vi) Matrix Clauses ·············································· 84 C. Classifiers in the Miao Group ···································· 86 D. Demonstratives in the Miao Group ····························· 89 (i) ‘Agglutinative’ Type ········································· 91 (ii) ‘Fusional’ Type ·············································· 95 (iii) ‘Isolating’ Type ·············································· 96 E. Personal Pronouns in the Miao Group ························· 99 3.3.3 Syntax ··································································· 101 A. Word order correlations in the Miao Group ················· 101 (i) Possessive Relations ····································· 102 (ii) Adjectives ··················································· 103 (iii) Nominalization ············································ 105 (iv) Adposition ·················································· 106 XIII (v) Arguments and adjuncts ································ 107 (vi) Negation particles ········································ 108 (vii) TAM particles ············································· 109 (viii) Complementizers ······································· 109 B. Coverbs in the Miao Group ····································· 110 3.2.4 Tense, Aspect, and Mood ··········································· 111 A. Auxiliary verbs in the Miao Group ····························· 112 B. Counterfactual conjunction in Hmu ··························· 114 References ··················································································· 118 Name Index ··················································································
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