LING/JAPN 563 — Structure of Japanese Exam #1 Name: ______Tuesday, February 12, 2019 100 points total Honor pledge: ______On my honor, I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this exam. (1) Write one kunrei romanization (spelling, as on our class kana chart) that represents current usage for each of the following hiragana symbols. (6 points) (a) は (c) で (e) が (b) の (d) に (f) を
(2) Fill in the chart with phonetic symbols for any 15 of the consonants that appear in Tokyo (i.e., standard) Japanese surface (phonetic) forms. Shaded boxes are for voiced sounds. (15 points)
bilabial alveolar alveo- palatal velar uvular glottal palatal (oral) stops
affricates
approxi- liquids mants glides
nasal (stop)s
(3) Fill in the chart with phonetic symbols for all of the 5 short, voiced vowels that appear in Tokyo (i.e., standard) Japanese surface (phonetic) forms. (5 points) front central back high mid low
(4) Give the phonetic symbol for one additional vowel that appears in Tokyo Japanese surface forms but is not listed in (3), and describe this vowel using phonetic properties. (2 points) (5) For each of the following phonemic (mental, underlying) representations, give the phonetic (surface, output) form that we would expect to see. (Consonants and vowels only — no need to show mora structure, syllable structure, or pitch accent for this question.) Assume that these words are not loanwords. (15 points)
Phonemic: /sjahɯtɯɾo/ /tahiɴɡebjo/ /hoɴsezike/
Phonetic: [ ] [ ] [ ]
(6) The following forms are from the Shuri (Okinawa) dialect of Japanese. ([ʔ] is the phonetic symbol for a glottal stop.) (12 points)
[ akiti ] ‘open-GERUND’ [ tɕ͡ iɾi ] ‘fog’ [ tɕ͡ i ] ‘blood’ [ ti ] ‘hand’ [ ʔiːtɕ͡ i ] ‘breath’
(a) Should [t] and [tɕ]͡ be treated as separate phonemes (mental sound categories) in this dialect, or should they be treated as allophones of one single phoneme? Defend your answer. Be sure to refer to some relevant examples from the data set to support your argument.
(b) Is the status of [t] and [tɕ]͡ with respect to phonemes and allophones in the Shuri dialect the same as, or different from, the status of these sounds in the Tokyo (standard) dialect (setting aside loanwords)? In wht way is it the same or different?
(7) State one way in which the phonological system of (recent, European) loanwords in Tokyo (standard) Japanese is different from the phonological system of non-loanwords. (Do not use “vowel insertion” as your answer!) (5 points) (8) Here are some examples of mimetics (onomatopoeia) from Tokyo (standard) Japanese. We have seen examples of ‘reduplicated forms’ before: they are made by doubling the base form. For this question, we are interested in the ‘[-ɾi] forms’. base form reduplicated form [-ɾi] form (i) [pata] [patapata] [patta-ɾi] ‘palpitating’ [niko] [nikoniko] [nikko-ɾi] ‘smiling’ [ɡaɕi] [ɡaɕiɡaɕi] [ɡaɕɕi-ɾi] ‘rough, tough’
(ii) [ɕina] [ɕinaɕina] [ɕinna-ɾi] ‘supple’ [ɕimi] [ɕimiɕimi] [ɕimmi-ɾi] ‘abject, spiritless’
(iii) [ɕobo] [ɕoboɕobo] [ɕombo-ɾi] ‘lonely’ not *[ɕobbo-ɾi] [ɯza] [ɯzaɯza] [ɯɴza-ɾi] ‘bored, disappointed’ not *[ɯzza-ɾi] [boja] [bojaboja] [boɴja-ɾi] ‘vague’ not *[bojja-ɾi] [ɸɯwa] [ɸɯwaɸɯwa] [ɸɯɴwa-ɾi] ‘light, fluffy’ not *[ɸɯwwa-ɾi]
(a) In groups (i) and (ii), the medial (middle) consonant becomes long in the [-ɾi] form, but this is not allowed for the words in group (iii). For each group, (i)-(iii), state the property or properties that the relevant consonants have in common that differentiates them from the other two groups Try to make a single, consistent generalization for each group without using the words ‘and’ or ‘or’. (12 points) • Group (i) consonants are:
• Group (ii) consonants are:
• Group (iii) consonants are:
(b) Is there anything consistent about how the [-ɾi] form differs from the base form in all cases, even group (iii)? (Other than the addition of [-ɾi]!) (3 points) (9) The following forms are from the Fujitsu dialect (data from Wada 1962/McCawley 1968). The overall pitch accent system of Fujitsu is different from that of Tokyo (standard) Japanese, but there are some similarities. (The suffix [-ɡa] indicates that a word is the subject of a sentence.) (10 points) There is one category of words (let’s call it Type 1) that behaves like this with respect to H and L tones: L L L L L L L L L L çi ‘fire’ hana ‘nose’ abɯɾa ‘oil, fat’ jomikata ‘pronunciation’ L L L L L L L L L L L L L L çi-ɡa ‘fire-SUBJECT’ hana-ɡa abɯɾa-ɡa jomikata-ɡa There is another category of words (let’s call it Type 2) that behaves like this: H H L H L L H L L L çi ‘day’ hana ‘flower’ kɯɾɯma ‘car’ kamaboko ‘pressed fish paste’ H L H L L H L L L H L L L L çi-ɡa ‘day-SUBJECT’ hana-ɡa kɯɾɯma-ɡa kamaboko-ɡa (a) We can analyze the difference between the two categories by proposing that one category consists of accented words and the other consists of unaccented words. Which category would be the accented words, and why?
(b) Assuming the data shown here represent all the possible H and L tone patterns in the Fujitsu dialect, state one way in which Fujitsu pitch accent is like Tokyo (standard) pitch accent, and one way in which Fujitsu pitch accent is different from Tokyo pitch accent. (Note: Don’t talk about how the H and L tones for a particular word such as [abɯɾa] are different in Fujitsu vs. Tokyo; talk about similarities and differences in the general properties of the pitch-accent system.) (10) In the Kagoshima dialect of Japanese, the genitive (possessive) suffix /no/ can optionally become [ɴ] in some contexts (I), but not in others (II). In a third set of cases (III), /no/ can become [ɴ] only if other changes also occur. (Data from Kubozono 2019.) (I) /no/ can optionally become [ɴ] ([ɴ]~[no]) (II) /no/ cannot become [ɴ] (must be [no]) [aɕita ɴ ~no ɕiɴbɯɴ] ‘tomorrow’s newspaper’ [tonai no iɴ] ‘next-door.neighbor’s dog’ [neko ɴ ~no esa] ‘cat’s food’ [oi no kasa] ‘my (colloquial) umbrella’ [kemɯi no nioi] ‘smoke’s (smoky) smell’ (III) /no/ can optionally become [ɴ] if other changes also occur [taɾoo no kasa] ~ [taɾo ɴ kasa] ‘Taro’s umbrella’ [kjoo no teɴki] ~ [kjo ɴ teɴki] ‘today’s weather’ [seɴsee no kasa] ~ [seɴse ɴ kasa] ‘(the) teacher’s umbrella’
It has previously been claimed (based on pitch-accent data) that the phonology of the Kagoshima dialect: (a) does make reference to syllables and (b) does not make reference to moras.
Do the examples shown above provide any evidence for or against claims (a) and (b)? Discuss, using one or more relevant items in the data set to illustrate your arguments. (10 points)
(11) Based on your analysis in (10), and the fact that [ɴ]~[no] variation occurs in (IV), draw the appropriate prosodic structure (mora and/or syllable structure, according to your conclusions defended in (10) above) for the word /ie/ ‘house’ in the Kagoshima dialect. (5 points) (IV) [ie ɴ ~no kaɡi] ‘house’s key (key to the house)’