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The Mora and the Syllable in Kimvita (Mombasa Swahili) and Japanese

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The Mora and the Syllable in Kimvita (Mombasa Swahili) and Japanese The Mora and the Syllable in KiMvita (Mombasa Swahili) and Japanese Taeko Maeda 2001 Submitted to the Department of the Languages and Cultures of Africa at the School of Oriental and African Studies University of London in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 ProQuest Number: 10672958 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672958 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract This thesis deals mainly with aspects of the phonology of KiMvita, the Swahili dialect spoken in Mombasa, and has special reference to moraic nasals. The KiMvita analysis is then compared to that of Standard Japanese. The framework of moraic theory that is employed is based on Hyman's (1985) "Weight Theory". The theories of Feature Geometry (FG) and Lexical Phonology (LP) are also employed in the analysis. Nasal+Consonant (N+C) sequences occur in two ways in KiMvita: (i) a sequence of a moraic nasal and a consonant; (ii) a prenasalized obstruent. The analysis of the varying expressions of nasality, either as a moraic segment or as an element of a complex segment shows considerable dependence upon the morphology concerned. In addition to N+C sequences, the analysis of Consonant+Glide (C+G) sequences turns out to be great relevance; these two different types of composite segment differ in underlying representation as well as in surface syllabification. Here too LP enables us to distinguish two distinct surface forms (light diphthongs and complex consonants) in terms of lexical vs. post-lexical levels. Syllable construction in this study crucially requires both an onset and a nucleus. Processes of syllabification will be discussed based on this theoretical requirement together with the following two assumptions: (i) strictly left-to- right syllabification; (ii) priority of the Onset Creation Rule. This study proposes that the accent bearer both in KiMvita and Japanese is not the syllable, which is generally claimed in the literature, but the mora - though this may be associated with a syllable node. Moraic nasals are generally associated with the second mora of a bimoraic syllable word-intemally in both KiMvita and Japanese. However, there is one significant difference in the status of the second mora in these two languages: it may bear accent in KiMvita, while it may not in Japanese. As far as these two languages are concerned, the phonetic evidence suggests that the actual segment duration could explain why such a difference occurs. 2 Contents Acknowledgement 8 Abbreviations 9 Introduction 11 Chapter 1: The Mora 1.0 Introduction 16 1.1 The Antiquity of the Concept 17 1.2 The Relationship between Mora and Syllable 18 1. 2.1 The Prague School 19 1. 2.2 McCawley’s Taxonomy 22 1.2.3 Japanese Linguists on the Mora 25 1.2.3.1 Shibata’s classification of dialects 25 1. 2. 3. 2 Kubozono's accent rule 28 1.2.3.3 Yoshiba's theory 31 1.2. 4 Hyman's Theory 36 1.2.4.1 A brief summary of Hyman's theory 36 1. 2.4.2 Problems about 'syllabicity without syllables' and glides 38 1.2.4.3 Other contentious issues in Hyman's theory 39 1. 2.4. 3.1 Syllabification of uninterrupted vowel sequences 39 1. 2. 4.3.2 The major class features 43 1. 2. 5 Hayes's Theory 44 1. 2, 5.1 A brief summary of Hayes’s theory 44 1. 2.5.2 Theoretical implications for autosegmental phonology 46 1.2.5.3 Theoretical implications for metrical phonology 48 1. 3 The Theoretical Framework to be Adopted in this Study 50 Chapter 2 : The Syllable and Syllabification 2. 0 Introduction 52 2.1 The Concept of the Syllable 52 2.1.1 The Definition of Syllable 53 2.1.1.1 The syllable and its constituents 53 2.1.1.2 The necessity of syllables 54 2.1.1.3 Sonority and syllables 56 2.1.2 The Representation of Syllable 58 3 2.1. 2.1 Most versions of non-linear phonology 58 2.1. 2. 2 CV phonology 60 2.1.2.3 Moraic theory 62 2.1. 3 The Syllable Inventories of KiMvita and Japanese 65 2.1.4 Why is a Super-heavy Syllable a Marked Structure in Japanese? 68 2.1.4.1. Japanese anthroponymic pairs 68 2.1.4.2 Assimilation of loanwords into Japanese 71 2.1.4. 3 Supporting evidence from Saho-Qafar 73 2.2 The Concept of Syllabification 74 2.2.1 Are Syllables Derived or Underlying in the Lexicon? 74 2.2.2 Exhaustive Syllabification and Partial Syllabification 75 2.2. 3 Resyllabification 77 2.3 Previous Studies on Syllabification 78 2.3.1 The Rule-based Approach 78 2.3.2 The Templatic Approach 83 2. 3. 3 The Moraic Approach 88 2.4 Syllabification in the Moraic Theory 89 2.4.1 The Least Syllable Condition and Certain Assumptions 90 2. 4.2 Essential Rules and Conditions 91 2.4.2.1 The Onset Creation Rule 91 2.4. 2. 2 The Margin Creation Rule 92 2. 4.3 Additional Rules 93 2. 4.3.1 The Onset Adjunction Rule and a rule for a complex margin 93 2.4. 3. 2 Glide Formation 95 2. 4. 4 The Representation of Glides 99 2.4.4.1 Problems with Hyman's representation 99 2.4.4.2 Feature Geometry 100 2. 4. 4. 3 An adoption of Feature Geometry 102 2.4. 5 Syllabification of Uninterrupted Vowel Sequences 104 2.4. 5.1 The Saho case 104 2.4. 5.2 The KiMvita case 109 2.4.5.3 The Japanese case 110 Chapter 3: KiMvita - 1 3.0 Introduction 114 3.1 General Background concerning KiMvita 115 3.1.1. History 116 3.1. 2 Classification 116 3.1.3 KiMvita 117 4 3.2 The Structure of KiSwahili (KiMvita) 118 3.2.1 Characteristics of KiSwahili 118 3.2.2 The Noun Class System 119 3. 2.3 Phonological Environments where Moraic Nasals Occur 121 3.3 The Inventory of Phonemes in KiMvita 124 3. 3.1 The Inventory of Vowel Phonemes in KiMvita 124 3.3.2 The Revision of the Inventory of Consonant Phonemes in KiMvita 125 3. 3. 2.1 Voiced prenasalized fricatives 126 3. 3.2.2 C+Glide sequences in KiMvita 126 3. 3.2. 3 Lexical Phonology 129 3.3.2.4 The Cw sequences 131 3. 3. 2, 4.1 /mw/ sequences 131 3.3. 2. 4. 2 /kw/ sequences 134 3. 3. 2. 4. 3 The possible Cw phonemes 135 3.3.2.5 The Cy sequences 138 3. 3.2.5.1 The Cl. 4 prefix Any-/ 139 3. 3.2.5. 2 The Cl. 8 prefix /vy-/ 141 3. 3.2. 5.3 Stems of N/V / A and Causative forms 143 3.3.2.5.4 A Cyw sequence and possibility of CY phonemes 145 3. 3. 3 The Revised Inventory of Consonant Phonemes in KiMvita 146 3.4 The Inventory of Syllables 150 3.5 The Stress Assignment Rules 154 Chapter 4 : KiMvita - II 4.0 Introduction 160 4.1 The Two Types of Sequence 160 4.1.1 The N+C Sequences 161 4.1.1.1 The segmental classification of N+C sequences 161 4.1.1. 2 The feature specification of the nasal prefixes 163 4.1.1.3 The treatment of prenasalized consonants 164 4.1.1.3.1 Herbert's work on prenasalized consonants 165 4.1.1.3.1.1 Phonetic/Phonological prenasalization 166 4.1.1.3.1.2 Phonological considerations 166 4.1.1.3.1. 3 Phonetic evidence 168 4.1.1. 3.1.4 A two-level approach 170 4.1.1.3.2 The treatment of prenasalized consonants within moraic theory 173 4.1.1, 4 The moraic nasal and consonant sequences 174 4.1.2 The Prenasalized Obstruents and the C+Glide Sequences 175 5 4.1. 2.1 Sagey's terminology: contour segments and complex segments 175 4.1.2.2 The representation of composite segments 176 4.1.2.2.1 The representation of contour segments 176 4.1. 2.2. 2 The representation of complex segments 179 4. 2 Syllabification 181 4. 2.1 Remarks on Syllabification and the Revised OCR 181 4.2.2 The Syllabification of N+C Sequences 185 4. 2. 2.1 The syllabification of prenasalized obstruents 185 4.2.2.1.1 Feature Linkage 185 4. 2.2.1.2 An additional rule and conditions 187 4. 2.2.1.3 Phonetic realization of voiced stops 190 4.2,2.1.4 The syllabification-related processes 194 4.2.2.2 The syllabification of moraic nasals 198 4. 2.2.2.1 The syllabification of unstressed moraic nasals 198 4. 2.2. 2. 2 The syllabification of stressed moraic nasals 201 4.2. 2.3 The syllabification of moraic consonants 203 4. 2.2. 3.1 The syllabification of word-internal/ -final moraic obstruents 205 4.
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