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Dissimilation in Grammar and the Lexicon 381
In Paul de Lacy (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology, CUP. ~ssive' 16 hono main, uages Ii and Dissimilation in grammar .t sibi l1eme- and the lexicon John D. Alderete Stefan A. Frisch 1992). s har peech L1 and form 16.1 Introduction ltivity Dissimilation is the systematic avoidance of two similar sound structures in this is relatively close proximity to each other. It is exhibited in static generalizations over the lexicon, where combinations of similar sounds are systematically lspar avoided in lexical items, like the avoidance oftwo homorganic consonants in ~such Arabic roots (Greenberg 1950; McCarthy 1994). Dissimilation is also observed in l than phonological processes in which the target and trigger become less alike for by phonologically. In Tashlhiyt Berber, for example, two primary labial conson ction; ants in the same derived stem trigger a process ofdelabialization: Im-kaddabl ~ [n-kaddab] 'consider a liar (reciprocal)' (Elmedlaoui 1992, Jebbour 1985). Dissimilation has been an important empirical testing ground for many of the central research paradigms in modern linguistics. For example, dissimilatory phenomena have been crucial to the development of theories offeature geometry and feature specification in autosegmental phonology (McCarthy 1986, 1988, Padgett 1995, Yip 1989b). As the results emerging from this research were incorporated into constraint-based theories of phonology like Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 2004), dissimilation became an important problem in the study of phonological markedness and constraint composition (Alderete 1997, Ito & Mester 2003). In a different line of research, dissimilation has been argued to have its seeds in the phonetics of sound change, restricted by the same vocal tract constraints involved in speech production and perception (Ohala 1981 et seq.). -
Livret Des Résumés Booklet of Abstracts
34èmes Journées de Linguistique d’Asie Orientale JLAO34 34th Paris Meeting on East Asian Linguistics 7–9 juillet 2021 / July, 7th–9th 2021 Colloque en ligne / Online Conference LIVRET DES RÉSUMÉS BOOKLET OF ABSTRACTS Comité d’organisation/Organizing committee Raoul BLIN, Ludovica LENA, Xin LI, Lin XIAO [email protected] *** Table des matières / Table of contents *** Van Hiep NGUYEN (Keynote speaker): On the study of grammar in Vietnam Julien ANTUNES: Description et analyse de l’accent des composés de type NOM-GENITIF-NOM en japonais moderne Giorgio Francesco ARCODIA: On ‘structural particles’ in Sinitic languages: typology and diachrony Huba BARTOS: Mandarin Chinese post-nuclear glides under -er suffixation Bianca BASCIANO: Degree achievements in Mandarin Chinese: A comparison between 加 jiā+ADJ and 弄 nòng+ADJ verbs Etienne BAUDEL: Chinese and Sino-Japanese lexical items in the Hachijō language of Japan Françoise BOTTERO: Xu Shen’s graphic analysis revisited Tsan Tsai CHAN: Cartographic fieldwork on sentence-final particles – Three challenges and some ways around them Hanzhu CHEN & Meng CHENG: Corrélation entre l’absence d’article et la divergence lexicale Shunting CHEN, Yiming LIANG & Pascal AMSILI: Chinese Inter-clausal Anaphora in Conditionals: A Linear Regression Study Zhuo CHEN: Differentiating two types of Mandarin unconditionals: Their internal and external syntax Katia CHIRKOVA: Aspect, Evidentiality, and Modality in Shuhi Anastasia DURYMANOVA: Nouns and verbs’ syntactic shift: some evidences against Old Chinese parts-of- speech -
An Illustration of the Phonemic Inventory and Phonology of Bimanese*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE An Illustration of the Phonemic Inventory and Phonology of Bimanese* Ladina R. Thoeny and Eunice Tong University of Hong Kong 1 Introduction This paper presents the phonemic inventory and phonology of Bimanese, a vastly understudied Austronesian language, with a focus on the Kolo dialect and the co-occurrence restrictions of sounds, consonantal and vowel combinations in words and their syllable structure. 1.1 Background Bimanese is classified as a Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian language and is spoken by the Mbojo people on Eastern Sumbawa Island in the Indonesian province of West Nusa Tenggara. In Kolo Bimanese, there are prenasalized, implosive consonants, and homorganic consonant clusters, but there is a dispreference for closed syllables (Klamer 2002). 1.2 Fieldwork Research was conducted over a two-week period at the Mataram Lingua Franca Institute in Mataram, Indonesia. The study focuses on the data collected from recording sessions with one male and one female. Both are native speakers of Kolo Bimanese, who also speak Indonesian and English. We first confirmed the inventory of consonants and vowels found in the language, and then looked at all possible consonant and vowel combinations. Lapel microphone recordings of attested CV and CCV combinations, as well as isolated vowels with two separate consonants, were recorded. All consonants and vowels have been double confirmed by reading their respective spectrograms in Praat. 2 Phonemic Inventory Pulmonic consonants, non-pulmonic consonants, and vowels are presented in the following section. The study does not focus on stress. -
A Grammar of Gyeli
A Grammar of Gyeli Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) eingereicht an der Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin von M.A. Nadine Grimm, geb. Borchardt geboren am 28.01.1982 in Rheda-Wiedenbrück Präsident der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Prof. Dr. Jan-Hendrik Olbertz Dekanin der Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftlichen Fakultät Prof. Dr. Julia von Blumenthal Gutachter: 1. 2. Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: Table of Contents List of Tables xi List of Figures xii Abbreviations xiii Acknowledgments xv 1 Introduction 1 1.1 The Gyeli Language . 1 1.1.1 The Language’s Name . 2 1.1.2 Classification . 4 1.1.3 Language Contact . 9 1.1.4 Dialects . 14 1.1.5 Language Endangerment . 16 1.1.6 Special Features of Gyeli . 18 1.1.7 Previous Literature . 19 1.2 The Gyeli Speakers . 21 1.2.1 Environment . 21 1.2.2 Subsistence and Culture . 23 1.3 Methodology . 26 1.3.1 The Project . 27 1.3.2 The Construction of a Speech Community . 27 1.3.3 Data . 28 1.4 Structure of the Grammar . 30 2 Phonology 32 2.1 Consonants . 33 2.1.1 Phonemic Inventory . 34 i Nadine Grimm A Grammar of Gyeli 2.1.2 Realization Rules . 42 2.1.2.1 Labial Velars . 43 2.1.2.2 Allophones . 44 2.1.2.3 Pre-glottalization of Labial and Alveolar Stops and the Issue of Implosives . 47 2.1.2.4 Voicing and Devoicing of Stops . 51 2.1.3 Consonant Clusters . -
Linguistic Nature of Prenasalization
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 1977 Linguistic Nature of Prenasalization Mark H. Feinstein The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2207 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated w ith a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part o f the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. -
Iberian Spirantization As a Syllable Contact Process
Iberian Spirantization as a Syllable Contact Process MARfA M. CARREIRA Department of Romance Languages and Literatures California Srare University This paper examines Spanish spirantization as a syllable contact phenomenon subject to the Syllable Preference Laws proposed by Murray and Venneman (1987). It proposes a rule that assigns the feature [+continuant] to a voiced obstruent, provided that a minimum sonority distance is maintained between the obstruent as a spirant and a preceding rhyme. Otherwise, the obstruent receives the specification [-continuant]' The minimum sonority difference between an onset and a preceding segment is subject to dialectal and stylistic variation, ranging from a distance of two, in spirantizing dialects, to a distance of seven, in dialects that show a preference for stops. This approach allows us to explain the range of variation inherent in Spanish spirantization as well as the right-environment conditions of Portuguese and Catalan spirantization. I. Introduction Spirantization in Spanish, the alternation between voiced obstruent stops and continuants, has been the subject of countless papers and discussions. Most analyses have accepted the facts in (1) as complete and representative of this phenomenon. (1) The distribution ofvoiced obstruents in Spanish: Stops [b, d, g] N_ banda,hornbre, tango I_(only for ID/) ea1do, ee1da After a pause bareo, diente, gato Continuants [b, d, g] V(G)_ ca[~]ra,ca[o]a, o[y]o r ar[ ~ ]01, par[0]0, ear[y]o 1__ (for IBI and IG/) al[~]a, al[y]o In syllable-final position a[y]nostieo, lau[o], o[~]tuso Based on these data, most analyses have represented the stop/spirant alternation as the result of a process of assimilation involving the feature continuant. -
Proposal for Superscript Diacritics for Prenasalization, Preglottalization, and Preaspiration
1 Proposal for superscript diacritics for prenasalization, preglottalization, and preaspiration Patricia Keating Department of Linguistics, UCLA [email protected] Daniel Wymark Department of Linguistics, UCLA [email protected] Ryan Sharif Department of Linguistics, UCLA [email protected] ABSTRACT The IPA currently does not specify how to represent prenasalization, preglottalization, or preaspiration. We first review some current transcription practices, and phonetic and phonological literature bearing on the unitary status of prenasalized, preglottalized and preaspirated segments. We then propose that the IPA adopt superscript diacritics placed before a base symbol for these three phenomena. We also suggest how the current IPA Diacritics chart can be modified to allow these diacritics to be fit within the chart. 2 1 Introduction The IPA provides a variety of diacritics which can be added to base symbols in various positions: above ([a͂ ]), below ([n̥ ]), through ([ɫ]), superscript after ([tʰ]), or centered after ([a˞]). Currently, IPA diacritics which modify base symbols are never shown preceding them; the only diacritics which precede are the stress marks, i.e. primary ([ˈ]) and secondary ([ˌ]) stress. Yet, in practice, superscript diacritics are often used preceding base symbols; specifically, they are often used to notate prenasalization, preglottalization and preaspiration. These terms are very common in phonetics and phonology, each having thousands of Google hits. However, none of these phonetic phenomena is included on the IPA chart or mentioned in Part I of the Handbook of the International Phonetic Association (IPA 1999), and thus there is currently no guidance given to users about transcribing them. In this note we review these phenomena, and propose that the Association’s alphabet include superscript diacritics preceding the base symbol for prenasalization, preglottalization and preaspiration, in accord with one common way of transcribing them. -
Using Native Lexical Resources to Create Technical Neologisms for Minority Languages James A
0 Using native lexical resources to create technical neologisms for minority languages James A. Matisoff University of California, Berkeley [email protected] Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall UC Berkeley Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 1 Using native lexical resources to create technical neologisms for minority languages 2 Several young Lahu speakers have been receiving graduate training in linguistics at Payap University in Chiang Mai, Thailand. However, the language of instruction in their linguistics courses is English or Thai, since like most other minority languages, Lahu lacks a technical vocabulary in which to discuss scientific subjects. Faced with such a problem, languages typically resort to borrowing technical terminology from majority languages. In the case of Lahu, a language dispersed over several countries, borrowings have been flooding in from Chinese, Burmese, Shan, Northern Thai, Standard Thai, Lao, and Vietnamese. This makes it difficult to decide which languages to borrow technical terms from. It therefore seems to me that the best solution would be to invent such terms using native Lahu morphemes as much as possible. In order to achieve this goal, I have been collaborating with a Lahu student at Payap to develop such a linguistic vocabulary. So far several hundred terms have been proposed, mostly in the realm of phonology. As this effort develops, we shall concentrate more on morphosyntactic and historical linguistic terminology. This paper discusses the issues involved in creating technical neologisms, and lists the terms so far proposed. * 近年來有好幾位拉祜族學生在泰國清邁西北大學 (Payap University) 進修語言學碩 士。但由於拉祜語(像多數其他的少數民族語言)缺乏語言學的技術詞彙,討論語言學的 時候通常用英語或泰語。 面對著這種問題,很多語言以借貸多數語言的技術詞彙為解決方法。分佈在好幾個 國家的拉祜語已吸收了從漢、緬、掸、北泰、標準泰、老撾和越南語言的借詞。在這個複 * This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant Nos. -
Looking Into Segments Sharon Inkelas and Stephanie S Shih University of California, Berkeley & University of California, Merced
Looking into Segments Sharon Inkelas and Stephanie S Shih University of California, Berkeley & University of California, Merced 1 Introduction It is well-known that the phonological ‘segment’ (consonant, vowel) is internally dynamic. Complex segments, such as affricates or prenasalized stops, have sequenced internal phases; coarticulation induces change over time even within apparently uniform segments. Autosegmental Phonology (e.g., Goldsmith 1976, Sagey 1986) captured the internal phasing of complex segments using feature values ordered sequentially on a given tier and ‘linked’ to the same timing unit. Articulatory Phonology (e.g., Browman & Goldstein 1992, Gafos 2002, Goldstein et al. 2009) captures internal phases through the use of coordinated gestures, which overlap in time with one another but are aligned to temporal landmarks. Segments can be internally dynamic in a contrastive way. Affricates differ from plain stops or plain fricatives in being sequentially complex; the same difference obtains between prenasalized vs. plain stops, between contour and level tones, and so forth. Segments can also be dynamic in a noncontrastive way, due to coarticulation with surrounding segments. To the extent that phonological patterns are sensitive to contrastive or noncontrastive segment-internal phasing, the phasing needs to be represented in a manner that is legible to phonological grammar. However, contemporary phonological analysis couched in Optimality Theory, Harmonic Grammar and similar approaches is very highly segment-oriented. For example, Agreement by Correspondence theory, or ABC (Hansson 2001, 2010; Rose & Walker 2004; Bennett 2013; inter alia) and other surface correspondence theories of harmony and disharmony are theories of segmental correspondence. The constraints in these theories refer to segments as featurally uniform units, and do not have a way of referencing their internal phases. -
Rethinking the Proto-Tibeto-Burman *A- Prefix: Glottal and Nasal Complications 31
Journal of Asian and African Studies, No.96, 2018 Article Rethinking the Proto-Tibeto-Burman *a- prefix:* Glottal and Nasal Complications MATISOFF, James A. There has always been something rather anomalous about the PTB prefix conventionally reconstructed as *a-. While all the other prefixes set up for the proto-language (*s-, *m-, *b-, *d-, *g-, *r-) are consonantal, *a- looks as if it consisted of a simple vowel. My contention is that the phonetics and morphophonemics of this prefix were considerably more complicated than that: · The prefix should be reconstructed with a glottal stop preceding the vowel (i.e. *ʔa-), bringing it in line with the other consonantal prefixes. · Both stressed and unstressed variants should be recognized (i.e. *ʔa- vs. *ʔə-). · A nasal increment to the prefix seems to have arisen at an early date, via the mechanism of rhinoglottophilia (see Section IV), leading to forms like *ʔaɴ (stressed) and *ʔə̃- (unstressed). · Some languages, notably Mikir (Karbi), Lotha, and Akha, developed a palatalized as well as a non-palatalized variant of the nasalized prefix (i.e. *ʔaɴ- ~ *yaɴ-). · Certain languages (Tibetan, Proto-Lolo-Burmese) underwent loss (apheresis) of the vowel of the nasalized prefix, yielding prenasalized monosyllabic forms. · Lahu (and perhaps other languages) have somehow developed a stop-finalled variant in addition to the nasal-finalled one (i.e., *ʔaŋ > *ʔak-). See Section VII. The prefix occurs in dozens of languages with a wide variety of interrelated semantic functions, most of them apparently having to do with the notion of inalienable possession: kinship terms, body-parts, adjectives, genitives, 3rd person pronouns. -
FL 004 293 Malikouti-Drachman, Angeliki
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 082 566 FL 004 293 AUTHOR Malikouti-Drachman, Angeliki; And Others TITLE Working Papers in Linguistics No. 15. INSTITUTION Ohio State Univ., Columbus. Dept, of Linguistics. PUB DATE Apr 73 NOTE 224p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$9.87 DESCRIPTORS Articulation (Speech); Bibliographies; Charts; Child Language; Cognitive Processes; Consonants; Diagrams; Intonation; *Language Learning Levels; *Linguistic Patterns; Morphology (Languages); *Oral Expression; Phonemics; Phonetics; *Phonology; Physiology; Pronunciation; Sentence Structure; Vowels; *Written Language ABSTRACT This issue is devoted to first language acquisition. It includes twelve papers concerning: the acquisition of liquids ("1" and "r"); creative errors in the written syntax of deaf children; theoretical and methodological problems in the acquisition of phonology, illustrated from Greek an? English: the basis of articulation; the philosophy of scie.ce; and vowel nasalization. (Author/DD) st' WORKING PAPERS IN LINGUISTICS NO. 15 By Angeliki Malikouti-Drachman, Gaberell Drachman, Mary Louise Edwards, Jonnie E. Geis, and Lawrence C. Schourup U S DEPARTMENT Of MELT4 EOUCTION t WELFARE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EOU.:ATiON THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO DLJCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGIN ATING IT POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATEO 00 NOT NECESSARILY REPRE SENT OFFICIAL NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION POSITION OW POLICY Department of Linguistics The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio 43210 April 1973 FILMED FROM BEST AVAILABLE COPY Int2oduction This issue of Working Papers is very largely devoted to first language acquisition. The first two papers present the full and unabridged version of ilary Edwards' master's thesis (June 1971) on the acquisition of liquids, and part of Jonnie Geis' work on creative errors in the (written) syntax of deaf children. -
Reconstruction of Nasality and Other Aspects of A'ingae Phonology
Reconstruction of nasality and other aspects of A’ingae phonology∗ Chelsea Sanker and Scott AnderBois Abstract: We propose a reconstruction of several sound changes in the history of A’ingae, a language isolate spoken in Ecuador and Colombia, using evidence from the phonology and lexicon of the modern language. Crucial to this reconstruction process is distinguishing ordinary inherited lexical items from borrowed forms, ideophones, and forms which are morphologically complex, each of which may sometimes exhibit different patterns. The major element of the reconstruction is a set of related changes in nasality. We derive the prenasalized series of stops and affricates from the voiceless unaspirated series, based on reanalysis of preceding nasal codas, which would have been the only codas permitted other than glottal stops, as part of the following consonant. The voiceless unaspirated and prenasalized series became contrastive word-initially as the result of deletion of certain word-initial nasal vowels. Coda nasals also coalesced with following glides, producing a new palatal nasal phoneme. Remaining nasal codas later developed into nasality on vowels. We also propose a set of more speculative palatalization processes, alterations to the velar approximant, and developments of diphthongs. All of these changes have substantially altered the phonological appearance of A’ingae; improving our understanding of the form it had further in the past may facilitate identification of its affiliation with a language family or identification of loanwords. Keywords: Sound change, internal reconstruction, A’ingae, language isolates, nasality, loan- words ∗Our heartfelt thanks to the A’ingae speakers who have generously share their language and time on aspects of this project: Shen Aguinda, Jorge Mendua, Raúl Queta, and Martín Criollo.