Karatasli-Dissertation-2013

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Karatasli-Dissertation-2013 FINANCIAL EXPANSIONS, HEGEMONIC TRANSITIONS AND NATIONALISM: A LONGUE DURÉE ANALYSIS OF STATE-SEEKING NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS by Şahan Savaş KARATAŞLI A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland October, 2013 © 2013 Şahan Savaş Karataşlı All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a constructive criticism of theories that predict a decline in state-seeking nationalist movements in the 21st century, including the many theories that claim that the trajectory of nationalist movements is shaped like an inverted U-curve. Through a historical comparative analysis of state-seeking nationalist movements from 1000 AD to 2012, we show that these movements have been characterized by a cyclical pattern in the longue durée. More specifically, the incidence of state-seeking nationalist movements on a world-scale has tended to rise during periods of financial expansion and world-hegemonic crisis and has tended to decline during periods of material expansion and world-hegemonic consolidation. Thus, we expect to see a major resurgence of nationalist movements in the near future, the shape of which is contingent on how the current crisis of US hegemony unfolds. In addition to documenting this cyclical pattern in the prevalence of state-seeking nationalist movements, the study documents the evolution in the forms taken by these movements over time. Class composition and the predominant forms taken by the "nation" have changed from one world hegemony (systemic cycle of accumulation) to the next. The cyclical and evolutionary patterns can in turn be traced to the ways in which state-building strategies fluctuate over time and space between the use of "force" and the use of "consent", on the one hand, and the ways in which state-building strategies themselves have evolved (e.g., from the imposition of religious uniformity to the imposition of linguistic homogenization), on the other hand. ii The world-historical analysis presented in this study helps us to answer a number of unresolved questions and puzzles in the existing literature on nationalism. Our analysis helps resolve the terminological debate and confusion over what is a "nation" and offers a new explanation for the uneven geographical and temporal patterning of "aggressive" versus "tolerant" forms of nationalism. Finally, the study introduces a major new database (constructed by the author) on nationalist movements - the State-Seeking Nationalist Movements Database - which includes articles reporting on state-seeking nationalist activities throughout the world from 1790 to 2012 using The Guardian and other digital newspaper archives. Advisors and Graduate Board Committee Members Primary Advisor: Giovanni Arrighi (1947-2009), Professor, Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University Primary Advisor: Beverly J. Silver, Professor, Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University Second Advisor: Joel Andreas, Associate Professor, Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University Committee Member: Michael Hechter, Professor, School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University Committee Member: Siba Grovogui, Professor, Political Science Department, Johns Hopkins University Committee Member: Lingxin Hao, Professor, Sociology Department, Johns Hopkins University iii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In 2007, I wrote an outline for my dissertation research proposal and handed it to my dissertation advisors Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly Silver. The working paper, titled "Geometry of Anti-Imperialism", was using the framework of Arrighi's "Geometry of Imperialism" and discussing various forms of anti-imperialist movements that emerged as a reaction to different types of imperialist expansions summarized in the book. Similar to "Geometry of Imperialism" which attempted to dissipate some of the theoretical/terminological confusion created by multiple uses of the term "imperialism", I attempted to discuss the relationship between different and even antagonistic types of "anti-imperialist" movements in history. Although Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly Silver liked the idea, they also thought that "anti-imperialism" was too broad to be handled in a dissertation and they wanted me to focus on a particular type of anti-imperialist movement. Although I decided to focus on anti-imperialist national-liberation movements in 2008, it almost completely changed the direction of my dissertation research. The idea of diverse forms of anti-imperialism gradually disappeared and I found myself studying diverse forms of "nationalism" in world history. When I finalized the proposal in December 2008, it attempted to provide a criticism of the "inverse-U" theses of nationalism. I proposed to examine the historical trajectory of nationalist movements from 1785 to today. Although total number of so- called "nation-states" was increasing in the world, total number of "national problems" was not necessarily decreasing. Hence, the focus of my initial proposal was to provide with a theory and a database on nationalist movements to discuss why nationalist problems were not necessarily "resolved" every time a new state was established and to iv explicate how national problems were turning into "unfinished businesses". Although the notion of hegemonic transitions had been a part of my explanation, I had not yet attempted to take a longer historical perspective on my dissertation or to reconstruct systemic cycles of accumulation for an analysis of nationalist movements until we lost Giovanni in 2009. After his loss, the questions he left for my research provoked me to change the direction of this study once again. Giovanni has always been a major source of inspiration to me and to many of my fellow colleagues at Hopkins. I find myself extremely fortunate to find an opportunity to learn from him as a student, to work with him as an advisee and to know him in person. My unexpected journey from "Geometry of Anti-Imperialism" to the "Long Twentieth Century of Nationalist Movements" may suffice to illustrate the value I find in Giovanni's research and his contributions to studies of historical capitalism. In the formation of this dissertation, however, Giovanni Arrighi played two other roles that I need to acknowledge. Together with Beverly Silver, they turned the Ph.D program at Sociology Department at Hopkins into probably the only place where this dissertation could be written. The Program of Global Social Change and International Development (PGSCID) in particular, and Sociology Department in general, has a distinct selection of faculty and Ph.D students who helped me in many different ways to write, revise and complete this dissertation. In the formation of this collaborative spirit and intellectual environment, I believe, Giovanni Arrighi played a critical role. Furthermore, it was Giovanni's guidance which provided me with the necessary intellectual and moral courage to handle this ambitious project and prevented me from going astray by constantly reminding that I "must not wear my mountain boots while preparing for a tennis match". If I were able to v play this tennis match and/or if I will find the courage to climb steeper mountains one day, this will be thanks to Giovanni Arrighi. Although I will always be indebted to Giovanni Arrighi for his guidance, this must not underestimate the role Beverly Silver played in the course of my intellectual development and in the writing of this dissertation. It was Beverly's encouragement and intellectual support which helped me to bring the dissertation to its existing form. Without her guidance and experience, I could not have handled the complexities of macro-historical comparisons across long centuries, dealt with existing theoretical and historical anomalies, compiled the SSNM database or overcome the difficulties of the data collection procedure, or completed this project in a meaningful way. My research assistantships to Beverly Silver and her lectures helped me to appreciate the complexities of theoretically-substantive empirically-rich macro historical analysis. When I decided that it was necessary to pursue a longer-historical perspective to answer the existing puzzles regarding nationalism, Beverly Silver did not hesitate to support me. I could not have attempted to embed Arrighi's systemic cycles of accumulation and his theory into my explanation properly without her support and guidance. It was Beverly Silver who helped me "walk in Giovanni's shoes" and train me for the "tennis match". This dissertation could not have taken its current shape without her criticisms, suggestions and recommendations. It could not have been finalized without her patience and support. If the theory and historical evidence presented in this dissertation convinces a broader audience, this will be thanks to my second reader and advisor, Joel Andreas. Joel has been among my harshest critics and greatest supporters. Since the beginning of this dissertation project, Joel read every piece I handed to him very carefully, wrote vi extremely detailed comments and provided me with useful feedbacks. He did not hesitate to highlight every point he was skeptical about or disagreed with. Neither did he hesitate to underline every argument that he found "impressive, remarkable and masterful". It was his ongoing suggestions which helped me reshape, reevaluate and restructure my arguments. It was his skepticism and provocation which pushed me to seek further historical evidence or to find new ways
Recommended publications
  • The German North Sea Ports' Absorption Into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914
    From Unification to Integration: The German North Sea Ports' absorption into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914 Henning Kuhlmann Submitted for the award of Master of Philosophy in History Cardiff University 2016 Summary This thesis concentrates on the economic integration of three principal German North Sea ports – Emden, Bremen and Hamburg – into the Bismarckian nation- state. Prior to the outbreak of the First World War, Emden, Hamburg and Bremen handled a major share of the German Empire’s total overseas trade. However, at the time of the foundation of the Kaiserreich, the cities’ roles within the Empire and the new German nation-state were not yet fully defined. Initially, Hamburg and Bremen insisted upon their traditional role as independent city-states and remained outside the Empire’s customs union. Emden, meanwhile, had welcomed outright annexation by Prussia in 1866. After centuries of economic stagnation, the city had great difficulties competing with Hamburg and Bremen and was hoping for Prussian support. This thesis examines how it was possible to integrate these port cities on an economic and on an underlying level of civic mentalities and local identities. Existing studies have often overlooked the importance that Bismarck attributed to the cultural or indeed the ideological re-alignment of Hamburg and Bremen. Therefore, this study will look at the way the people of Hamburg and Bremen traditionally defined their (liberal) identity and the way this changed during the 1870s and 1880s. It will also investigate the role of the acquisition of colonies during the process of Hamburg and Bremen’s accession. In Hamburg in particular, the agreement to join the customs union had a significant impact on the merchants’ stance on colonialism.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File
    Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 Eileen Ryan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Eileen Ryan All rights reserved ABSTRACT Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 By Eileen Ryan In the first decade of their occupation of the former Ottoman territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in current-day Libya, the Italian colonial administration established a system of indirect rule in the Cyrenaican town of Ajedabiya under the leadership of Idris al-Sanusi, a leading member of the Sufi order of the Sanusiyya and later the first monarch of the independent Kingdom of Libya after the Second World War. Post-colonial historiography of modern Libya depicted the Sanusiyya as nationalist leaders of an anti-colonial rebellion as a source of legitimacy for the Sanusi monarchy. Since Qaddafi’s revolutionary coup in 1969, the Sanusiyya all but disappeared from Libyan historiography as a generation of scholars, eager to fill in the gaps left by the previous myopic focus on Sanusi elites, looked for alternative narratives of resistance to the Italian occupation and alternative origins for the Libyan nation in its colonial and pre-colonial past. Their work contributed to a wider variety of perspectives in our understanding of Libya’s modern history, but the persistent focus on histories of resistance to the Italian occupation has missed an opportunity to explore the ways in which the Italian colonial framework shaped the development of a religious and political authority in Cyrenaica with lasting implications for the Libyan nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Barbarians” to Burn the Yuanming Yuan?1
    Rumour, Hanjian 漢奸 and Identity: Who Led the “Barbarians” 1 to Burn the Yuanming yuan? LI Man 李漫* The burning of the Yuanming yuan (hui mingyuan 燬名園) is a well known historical trauma for Chinese and it constitutes a great regret and irreparable loss for world culture as well. The burning of this beau- tiful and unparalleled garden has caused lots of literati, Western and Eastern, to lament and reflect about it. This article will in some way also treat this tragedy. Mainly, however, it focuses not directly on the burning and the vandalism itself, but rather on hearsay about it: Who led those “barbarians” (Englishmen and Frenchmen) to burn the Yuanming yuan? Through a narration and an analysis of this hearsay which later became a rumour, this essay tries to research the dynamics behind the spreading of this rumour and the confusion about identity, deconstruction and reconstruction, among people in the late Qing and early Republican period reflected in the spreading of the rumour. In order to understand the background behind this rumour and to assess it correctly from a historical point of view, it will first of all be necessary to analyze and clarify the concept of Hanjian 漢奸 in a his- torical context.2 As will become evident in the second part of this arti- cle, it is exactly this concept of and the idea behind Hanjian that to a large extent facilitated the spread of the rumours about the burning of the Yuanming yuan. It is just because of the designation as “Hanjian” to the protagonist of this article, that all “reasonable” connections and “plausible” convictions on him are seemingly well grounded.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Coding Units Version 3 (December 2014)
    Country Coding Units Version 3 (December 2014) Principal Investigators Research Assistant Michael Coppedge – U. of Notre Dame Vlad Ciobanu – U. of Gothenburg John Gerring – Boston University Staffan I. Lindberg –U. of Gothenburg Jan Teorell – Lund University Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, Vlad Ciobanu. 2014. “Varieties of Democracy: Country Coding Units v3.” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. 1 This document lists (a) every country in the eventual V-Dem database, (b) the years for which we have collect data or plan to collect data (in parentheses next to the entry); (c) the polities that comprise each country’s 20th century history (even if falling outside the time-period that we wish to code); and (d) the borders of each country (wherever this might be unclear). Many dates are approximate due to the inconclusive nature of a country’s history. Note that changes in sovereignty often occur by stages, and marking these stages with specific dates can be challenging. General sources for compiling this document include Wikipedia and Statesman.org. Additional sources, along with notes pertaining to specific countries, empires, and federations are contained in a separate document: “Countries, Empires, Elections (misc notes)” “Country” A V-Dem “country” is a political unit enjoying at least some degree of functional and/or formal sovereignty. This means that fully sovereign nation-states as well as colonies and protectorates and semi-autonomous administrative districts may qualify as countries. A territory must claim sovereignty at some point in its history in order to qualify. Thus, Somaliland qualifies but not Puntland.
    [Show full text]
  • 269 Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant General 102–3
    Index Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Turkmenistan and 88 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant US and 83, 99, 143–4, 195, General 102–3 252, 253, 256 Abeywardana, Lakshman Yapa 172 Uyghurs and 194, 196 Abu Ghraib 119 Zaranj–Delarum link highway 95 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) 251, 260 Africa 5, 244 Abuza, Z. 43, 44 Ahmad Humam 24 Aceh 15–16, 17, 31–2 Aimols 123 armed resistance and 27 Akbar Khan Bugti, Nawab 103, 104 independence sentiment and 28 Akhtar Mengal, Sardar 103, 104 as Military Operation Zone Akkaripattu- Oluvil area 165 (DOM) 20, 21 Aksu disturbances 193 peace process and Thailand 54 Albania 194 secessionism 18–25 Algeria Aceh Legislative Council 24 colonial brutality and 245 Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 24 radicalization in 264 Aceh Referendum Information Centre Ali Jan Orakzai, Lieutenant General 103 (SIRA) 22, 24 Al Jazeera 44 Acheh- Sumatra National Liberation All Manipur Social Reformation, women Front (ASNLF) 19 protesters of 126–7 Aceh Transition Committee (Komite All Party Committee on Development Peralihan Aceh) (KPA) 24 and Reconciliation ‘act of free choice’, 1969 Papuan (Sri Lanka) 174, 176 ‘plebiscite’ 27 All Party Representative Committee Adivasi Cobra Force 131 (APRC), Sri Lanka 170–1 adivasis (original inhabitants) 131, All- Assam Students’ Union (AASU) 132 132–3 All- Bodo Students’ Union–Bodo Afghanistan 1–2, 74, 199 Peoples’ Action Committee Balochistan and 83, 100 (ABSU–BPAC) 128–9, 130 Central Asian republics and 85 Bansbari conference 129 China and 183–4, 189, 198 Langhin Tinali conference 130 India and 143 al- Qaeda 99, 143,
    [Show full text]
  • Napoli'den Istanbul'a
    Calendario Di Meo 2019 NAPOLI’DEN ISTANBUL’A FOTOGRAFIE DI MASSIMO LISTRI ASSOCIAZIONE CULTURALE “DI MEO VINI AD ARTE” Sono particolarmente lieto che l’edizione 2019 del prestigioso calendario dei fratelli di Meo Ailesi’nin fahri kültür elçiliğinin en güzel örneklerinden birini teşkil eden prestij Generoso e Roberto di Meo offra una scintillante visione della splendida città di Istanbul takvimlerinin 2019 yılı baskısında, dünyanın en görkemli ve en eski sürekli yerleşik e dei suoi profondi legami con un’altra perla del Mediterraneo: Napoli. Attraverso la şehirlerinden biri olan İstanbul’un seçilmesinden ve bu nadide şehirle asırlar boyunca storia di queste due Capitali possiamo così intravedere l’intreccio di storia e cultura che Akdeniz’in güzide şehirlerinden biri olan Napoli’nin irtibatlandırılmasından büyük lega da secoli l’Italia e la Turchia. Le splendide immagini del maestro Massimo Listri e bir memnuniyet duydum. gli stimolanti scritti dei tanti studiosi e intellettuali che hanno contribuito al calendario ci Takvimde yer verilen fotoğraflar ve değerli ustalarca kaleme alınmış metinler, yalnızca permettono di cogliere le caratteristiche profonde che accomunano Napoli e Istanbul: la İstanbul ve Napoli’nin tatlarındaki, renklerindeki, dokularındaki ve tınılarındaki loro natura di approdo e di luogo di incontro e di scambio sin dall’antichità; il loro benzerlikleri ortaya çıkarmakla kalmıyor, aynı zamanda Türkiye ve İtalya’nın indissolubile legame con il mare; il crogiuolo di lingue, culture e tradizioni che vi si è yüzyıllardan beri sahip olduğu derin sosyal ve kültürel etkileşimi tarihsel bir perspektif sedimentato nei secoli; l’esplosione dei suoni e dei colori accanto a ombre e misteri içerisinde ve masalsı bir anlatımla gözler önüne seriyor.
    [Show full text]
  • WBHR 2015 2.Pdf
    i i i i Department of Historical Sciences Department of History Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Faculty of Humanities University of West Bohemia in Pilsen University of Hamburg Tylova 18 Von-Melle-Park 6 301 25 Pilsen D-20146 Hamburg Czech Republic Federal Republic of Germany i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i West Bohemian Historical Review V j 2015 j 2 Department of Historical Sciences Department of History Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Faculty of Humanities University of West Bohemia in Pilsen University of Hamburg Tylova 18 Von-Melle-Park 6 301 25 Pilsen D-20146 Hamburg Czech Republic Federal Republic of Germany i i i i i i i i Editors-in-Chief: Lukáš NOVOTNÝ / Plzeˇn/ Pilsen Gabriele CLEMENS / Hamburg Redaction: Roman KODET The journal is abstracted in The Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (CEJSH). Since October 2015 the journal has been included in the prestigious European database of scientific jour- nals ERIH PLUS (European Reference Index for the Humanities and the Social Sciences). Journal’s title abbreviation: WBHR Online at http://www.ff.zcu.cz/khv/en/about/research/vbhr.html ISSN 1804-5480 MK CREˇ 19550 i i i i i i i i Editorial board Stanislav Balík / Faculty of Law, University of West Bohemia, Pilsen, Czech Republic Gabriele Clemens / Faculty of Social Sciences, University Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany Anselm Doering-Manteuffel / Faculty of Humanities, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Ewald Frie / Faculty of Humanities, University of Tübingen, Tübin- gen, Germany Radek Fukala / Faculty of Philosophy, J.
    [Show full text]
  • Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with Its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)
    ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010) By AYAZ AHMAD Area Study Centre (Russia, China & Central Asia) UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (DECEMBER 2016) ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010) By AYAZ AHMAD A dissertation submitted to the University of Peshawar in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (DECEMBER 2016) i AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I, Mr. Ayaz Ahmad hereby state that my PhD thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is my own work and has not been submitted previously by me for taking any degree from this University of Peshawar or anywhere else in the country/world. At any time if my statement is found to be incorrect even after my graduation the University has the right to withdraw my PhD degree. AYAZ AHMAD Date: December 2016 ii PLAGIARISM UNDERTAKING I solemnly declare that research work presented in the thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is solely my research work with no significant contribution from any other person. Small contribution/help wherever taken has been duly acknowledged and that complete thesis has been written by me. I understand the zero tolerance policy of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) and University of Peshawar towards plagiarism. Therefore I as an Author of the above-titled thesis declare that no portion of my thesis has been plagiarized and any material used as a reference is properly referred/cited.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emergence of Health & Welfare Policy in Pre-Bismarckian Prussia
    The Price of Unification The Emergence of Health & Welfare Policy in Pre-Bismarckian Prussia Fritz Dross Introduction till the German model of a “welfare state” based on compulsory health insurance is seen as a main achievement in a wider European framework of S health and welfare policies in the late 19th century. In fact, health insurance made medical help affordable for a steadily growing part of population as well as compulsory social insurance became the general model of welfare policy in 20th century Germany. Without doubt, the implementation of the three parts of social insurance as 1) health insurance in 1883; 2) accident insurance in 1884; and 3) invalidity and retirement insurance in 1889 could stand for a turning point not only in German but also in European history of health and welfare policies after the thesis of a German “Sonderweg” has been more and more abandoned.1 On the other hand, recent discussion seems to indicate that this model of welfare policy has overexerted its capacity.2 Economically it is based on insurance companies with compulsory membership. With the beginning of 2004 the unemployment insurance in Germany has drastically shortened its benefits and was substituted by social 1 Young-sun Hong, “Neither singular nor alternative: narratives of modernity and welfare in Germany, 1870–1945”, Social History 30 (2005), pp. 133–153. 2 To quote just one actual statement: “Is it cynically to ask why the better chances of living of the well-off should not express themselves in higher chances of survival? If our society gets along with (social and economical) inequality it should accept (medical) inequality.” H.-O.
    [Show full text]
  • Declining Homogamy of Austrian-German Nobility in the 20Th Century? a Comparison with the Dutch Nobility Dronkers, Jaap
    www.ssoar.info Declining homogamy of Austrian-German nobility in the 20th century? A comparison with the Dutch nobility Dronkers, Jaap Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GESIS - Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Dronkers, J. (2008). Declining homogamy of Austrian-German nobility in the 20th century? A comparison with the Dutch nobility. Historical Social Research, 33(2), 262-284. https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.33.2008.2.262-284 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-191342 Declining Homogamy of Austrian-German Nobility in the 20th Century? A Comparison with the Dutch Nobility Jaap Dronkers ∗ Abstract: Has the Austrian-German nobility had the same high degree of no- ble homogamy during the 20th century as the Dutch nobility? Noble homog- amy among the Dutch nobility was one of the two main reasons for their ‘con- stant noble advantage’ in obtaining elite positions during the 20th century. The Dutch on the one hand and the Austrian-German nobility on the other can be seen as two extreme cases within the European nobility. The Dutch nobility seems to have had a lower degree of noble homogamy during the 20th century than the Austrian-German nobility.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tightrope Walk of the Dutch Nobility
    BETWEEN CONFORMING AND CONSERVING: THE TIGHTROPE WALK OF THE DUTCH NOBILITY Nina IJdens A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Science July 2017 Department of Sociology University of Amsterdam Supervisor: Dr. Kobe de Keere Second reader: Dr. Alex van Venrooij BETWEEN CONFORMING AND CONSERVING 1 Abstract Research has shown that the Dutch nobility has adapted to modernisation processes and continues to disproportionately occupy elite positions. This thesis builds on these findings by raising the question: (1) How does the Dutch nobility aim to maintain its high status position? Secondly, this thesis builds on a growing concern within studies of social stratification on how elite positions are legitimated in a highly unequal context. It investigates the nobility’s legitimation by raising the further questions (2a) How does the nobility legitimate itself through its organisations?; and (2b) How do members of the nobility justify their manifestation as a separate social group? The dataset consists of two sources: fourteen nobility organisations’ websites and fifty-two newspaper articles from 1990 until today, that contain interviews with members of the nobility. This research conducts a qualitative content analysis of these sources, looking for discursive hints of position maintenance, organisational legitimation, and justification. It shows that nobles maintain exclusive social networks that organise interesting networking opportunities; that the nobility copied modern organisational structures through which it could manifest itself as a social group; and that nobles justify their networks by appealing to a collective identity with a right to self-realisation. Moreover, the interviewees constantly both assert and downplay differences between themselves and the general public.
    [Show full text]