Karatasli-Dissertation-2013
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The German North Sea Ports' Absorption Into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914
From Unification to Integration: The German North Sea Ports' absorption into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914 Henning Kuhlmann Submitted for the award of Master of Philosophy in History Cardiff University 2016 Summary This thesis concentrates on the economic integration of three principal German North Sea ports – Emden, Bremen and Hamburg – into the Bismarckian nation- state. Prior to the outbreak of the First World War, Emden, Hamburg and Bremen handled a major share of the German Empire’s total overseas trade. However, at the time of the foundation of the Kaiserreich, the cities’ roles within the Empire and the new German nation-state were not yet fully defined. Initially, Hamburg and Bremen insisted upon their traditional role as independent city-states and remained outside the Empire’s customs union. Emden, meanwhile, had welcomed outright annexation by Prussia in 1866. After centuries of economic stagnation, the city had great difficulties competing with Hamburg and Bremen and was hoping for Prussian support. This thesis examines how it was possible to integrate these port cities on an economic and on an underlying level of civic mentalities and local identities. Existing studies have often overlooked the importance that Bismarck attributed to the cultural or indeed the ideological re-alignment of Hamburg and Bremen. Therefore, this study will look at the way the people of Hamburg and Bremen traditionally defined their (liberal) identity and the way this changed during the 1870s and 1880s. It will also investigate the role of the acquisition of colonies during the process of Hamburg and Bremen’s accession. In Hamburg in particular, the agreement to join the customs union had a significant impact on the merchants’ stance on colonialism. -
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Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 Eileen Ryan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Eileen Ryan All rights reserved ABSTRACT Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 By Eileen Ryan In the first decade of their occupation of the former Ottoman territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in current-day Libya, the Italian colonial administration established a system of indirect rule in the Cyrenaican town of Ajedabiya under the leadership of Idris al-Sanusi, a leading member of the Sufi order of the Sanusiyya and later the first monarch of the independent Kingdom of Libya after the Second World War. Post-colonial historiography of modern Libya depicted the Sanusiyya as nationalist leaders of an anti-colonial rebellion as a source of legitimacy for the Sanusi monarchy. Since Qaddafi’s revolutionary coup in 1969, the Sanusiyya all but disappeared from Libyan historiography as a generation of scholars, eager to fill in the gaps left by the previous myopic focus on Sanusi elites, looked for alternative narratives of resistance to the Italian occupation and alternative origins for the Libyan nation in its colonial and pre-colonial past. Their work contributed to a wider variety of perspectives in our understanding of Libya’s modern history, but the persistent focus on histories of resistance to the Italian occupation has missed an opportunity to explore the ways in which the Italian colonial framework shaped the development of a religious and political authority in Cyrenaica with lasting implications for the Libyan nation. -
Barbarians” to Burn the Yuanming Yuan?1
Rumour, Hanjian 漢奸 and Identity: Who Led the “Barbarians” 1 to Burn the Yuanming yuan? LI Man 李漫* The burning of the Yuanming yuan (hui mingyuan 燬名園) is a well known historical trauma for Chinese and it constitutes a great regret and irreparable loss for world culture as well. The burning of this beau- tiful and unparalleled garden has caused lots of literati, Western and Eastern, to lament and reflect about it. This article will in some way also treat this tragedy. Mainly, however, it focuses not directly on the burning and the vandalism itself, but rather on hearsay about it: Who led those “barbarians” (Englishmen and Frenchmen) to burn the Yuanming yuan? Through a narration and an analysis of this hearsay which later became a rumour, this essay tries to research the dynamics behind the spreading of this rumour and the confusion about identity, deconstruction and reconstruction, among people in the late Qing and early Republican period reflected in the spreading of the rumour. In order to understand the background behind this rumour and to assess it correctly from a historical point of view, it will first of all be necessary to analyze and clarify the concept of Hanjian 漢奸 in a his- torical context.2 As will become evident in the second part of this arti- cle, it is exactly this concept of and the idea behind Hanjian that to a large extent facilitated the spread of the rumours about the burning of the Yuanming yuan. It is just because of the designation as “Hanjian” to the protagonist of this article, that all “reasonable” connections and “plausible” convictions on him are seemingly well grounded. -
Country Coding Units Version 3 (December 2014)
Country Coding Units Version 3 (December 2014) Principal Investigators Research Assistant Michael Coppedge – U. of Notre Dame Vlad Ciobanu – U. of Gothenburg John Gerring – Boston University Staffan I. Lindberg –U. of Gothenburg Jan Teorell – Lund University Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, Vlad Ciobanu. 2014. “Varieties of Democracy: Country Coding Units v3.” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. 1 This document lists (a) every country in the eventual V-Dem database, (b) the years for which we have collect data or plan to collect data (in parentheses next to the entry); (c) the polities that comprise each country’s 20th century history (even if falling outside the time-period that we wish to code); and (d) the borders of each country (wherever this might be unclear). Many dates are approximate due to the inconclusive nature of a country’s history. Note that changes in sovereignty often occur by stages, and marking these stages with specific dates can be challenging. General sources for compiling this document include Wikipedia and Statesman.org. Additional sources, along with notes pertaining to specific countries, empires, and federations are contained in a separate document: “Countries, Empires, Elections (misc notes)” “Country” A V-Dem “country” is a political unit enjoying at least some degree of functional and/or formal sovereignty. This means that fully sovereign nation-states as well as colonies and protectorates and semi-autonomous administrative districts may qualify as countries. A territory must claim sovereignty at some point in its history in order to qualify. Thus, Somaliland qualifies but not Puntland. -
269 Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant General 102–3
Index Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Turkmenistan and 88 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant US and 83, 99, 143–4, 195, General 102–3 252, 253, 256 Abeywardana, Lakshman Yapa 172 Uyghurs and 194, 196 Abu Ghraib 119 Zaranj–Delarum link highway 95 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) 251, 260 Africa 5, 244 Abuza, Z. 43, 44 Ahmad Humam 24 Aceh 15–16, 17, 31–2 Aimols 123 armed resistance and 27 Akbar Khan Bugti, Nawab 103, 104 independence sentiment and 28 Akhtar Mengal, Sardar 103, 104 as Military Operation Zone Akkaripattu- Oluvil area 165 (DOM) 20, 21 Aksu disturbances 193 peace process and Thailand 54 Albania 194 secessionism 18–25 Algeria Aceh Legislative Council 24 colonial brutality and 245 Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 24 radicalization in 264 Aceh Referendum Information Centre Ali Jan Orakzai, Lieutenant General 103 (SIRA) 22, 24 Al Jazeera 44 Acheh- Sumatra National Liberation All Manipur Social Reformation, women Front (ASNLF) 19 protesters of 126–7 Aceh Transition Committee (Komite All Party Committee on Development Peralihan Aceh) (KPA) 24 and Reconciliation ‘act of free choice’, 1969 Papuan (Sri Lanka) 174, 176 ‘plebiscite’ 27 All Party Representative Committee Adivasi Cobra Force 131 (APRC), Sri Lanka 170–1 adivasis (original inhabitants) 131, All- Assam Students’ Union (AASU) 132 132–3 All- Bodo Students’ Union–Bodo Afghanistan 1–2, 74, 199 Peoples’ Action Committee Balochistan and 83, 100 (ABSU–BPAC) 128–9, 130 Central Asian republics and 85 Bansbari conference 129 China and 183–4, 189, 198 Langhin Tinali conference 130 India and 143 al- Qaeda 99, 143, -
Napoli'den Istanbul'a
Calendario Di Meo 2019 NAPOLI’DEN ISTANBUL’A FOTOGRAFIE DI MASSIMO LISTRI ASSOCIAZIONE CULTURALE “DI MEO VINI AD ARTE” Sono particolarmente lieto che l’edizione 2019 del prestigioso calendario dei fratelli di Meo Ailesi’nin fahri kültür elçiliğinin en güzel örneklerinden birini teşkil eden prestij Generoso e Roberto di Meo offra una scintillante visione della splendida città di Istanbul takvimlerinin 2019 yılı baskısında, dünyanın en görkemli ve en eski sürekli yerleşik e dei suoi profondi legami con un’altra perla del Mediterraneo: Napoli. Attraverso la şehirlerinden biri olan İstanbul’un seçilmesinden ve bu nadide şehirle asırlar boyunca storia di queste due Capitali possiamo così intravedere l’intreccio di storia e cultura che Akdeniz’in güzide şehirlerinden biri olan Napoli’nin irtibatlandırılmasından büyük lega da secoli l’Italia e la Turchia. Le splendide immagini del maestro Massimo Listri e bir memnuniyet duydum. gli stimolanti scritti dei tanti studiosi e intellettuali che hanno contribuito al calendario ci Takvimde yer verilen fotoğraflar ve değerli ustalarca kaleme alınmış metinler, yalnızca permettono di cogliere le caratteristiche profonde che accomunano Napoli e Istanbul: la İstanbul ve Napoli’nin tatlarındaki, renklerindeki, dokularındaki ve tınılarındaki loro natura di approdo e di luogo di incontro e di scambio sin dall’antichità; il loro benzerlikleri ortaya çıkarmakla kalmıyor, aynı zamanda Türkiye ve İtalya’nın indissolubile legame con il mare; il crogiuolo di lingue, culture e tradizioni che vi si è yüzyıllardan beri sahip olduğu derin sosyal ve kültürel etkileşimi tarihsel bir perspektif sedimentato nei secoli; l’esplosione dei suoni e dei colori accanto a ombre e misteri içerisinde ve masalsı bir anlatımla gözler önüne seriyor. -
WBHR 2015 2.Pdf
i i i i Department of Historical Sciences Department of History Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Faculty of Humanities University of West Bohemia in Pilsen University of Hamburg Tylova 18 Von-Melle-Park 6 301 25 Pilsen D-20146 Hamburg Czech Republic Federal Republic of Germany i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i West Bohemian Historical Review V j 2015 j 2 Department of Historical Sciences Department of History Faculty of Philosophy and Arts Faculty of Humanities University of West Bohemia in Pilsen University of Hamburg Tylova 18 Von-Melle-Park 6 301 25 Pilsen D-20146 Hamburg Czech Republic Federal Republic of Germany i i i i i i i i Editors-in-Chief: Lukáš NOVOTNÝ / Plzeˇn/ Pilsen Gabriele CLEMENS / Hamburg Redaction: Roman KODET The journal is abstracted in The Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (CEJSH). Since October 2015 the journal has been included in the prestigious European database of scientific jour- nals ERIH PLUS (European Reference Index for the Humanities and the Social Sciences). Journal’s title abbreviation: WBHR Online at http://www.ff.zcu.cz/khv/en/about/research/vbhr.html ISSN 1804-5480 MK CREˇ 19550 i i i i i i i i Editorial board Stanislav Balík / Faculty of Law, University of West Bohemia, Pilsen, Czech Republic Gabriele Clemens / Faculty of Social Sciences, University Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany Anselm Doering-Manteuffel / Faculty of Humanities, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Ewald Frie / Faculty of Humanities, University of Tübingen, Tübin- gen, Germany Radek Fukala / Faculty of Philosophy, J. -
Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with Its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)
ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010) By AYAZ AHMAD Area Study Centre (Russia, China & Central Asia) UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (DECEMBER 2016) ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010) By AYAZ AHMAD A dissertation submitted to the University of Peshawar in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (DECEMBER 2016) i AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I, Mr. Ayaz Ahmad hereby state that my PhD thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is my own work and has not been submitted previously by me for taking any degree from this University of Peshawar or anywhere else in the country/world. At any time if my statement is found to be incorrect even after my graduation the University has the right to withdraw my PhD degree. AYAZ AHMAD Date: December 2016 ii PLAGIARISM UNDERTAKING I solemnly declare that research work presented in the thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is solely my research work with no significant contribution from any other person. Small contribution/help wherever taken has been duly acknowledged and that complete thesis has been written by me. I understand the zero tolerance policy of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) and University of Peshawar towards plagiarism. Therefore I as an Author of the above-titled thesis declare that no portion of my thesis has been plagiarized and any material used as a reference is properly referred/cited. -
The Emergence of Health & Welfare Policy in Pre-Bismarckian Prussia
The Price of Unification The Emergence of Health & Welfare Policy in Pre-Bismarckian Prussia Fritz Dross Introduction till the German model of a “welfare state” based on compulsory health insurance is seen as a main achievement in a wider European framework of S health and welfare policies in the late 19th century. In fact, health insurance made medical help affordable for a steadily growing part of population as well as compulsory social insurance became the general model of welfare policy in 20th century Germany. Without doubt, the implementation of the three parts of social insurance as 1) health insurance in 1883; 2) accident insurance in 1884; and 3) invalidity and retirement insurance in 1889 could stand for a turning point not only in German but also in European history of health and welfare policies after the thesis of a German “Sonderweg” has been more and more abandoned.1 On the other hand, recent discussion seems to indicate that this model of welfare policy has overexerted its capacity.2 Economically it is based on insurance companies with compulsory membership. With the beginning of 2004 the unemployment insurance in Germany has drastically shortened its benefits and was substituted by social 1 Young-sun Hong, “Neither singular nor alternative: narratives of modernity and welfare in Germany, 1870–1945”, Social History 30 (2005), pp. 133–153. 2 To quote just one actual statement: “Is it cynically to ask why the better chances of living of the well-off should not express themselves in higher chances of survival? If our society gets along with (social and economical) inequality it should accept (medical) inequality.” H.-O. -
Declining Homogamy of Austrian-German Nobility in the 20Th Century? a Comparison with the Dutch Nobility Dronkers, Jaap
www.ssoar.info Declining homogamy of Austrian-German nobility in the 20th century? A comparison with the Dutch nobility Dronkers, Jaap Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GESIS - Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Dronkers, J. (2008). Declining homogamy of Austrian-German nobility in the 20th century? A comparison with the Dutch nobility. Historical Social Research, 33(2), 262-284. https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.33.2008.2.262-284 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-191342 Declining Homogamy of Austrian-German Nobility in the 20th Century? A Comparison with the Dutch Nobility Jaap Dronkers ∗ Abstract: Has the Austrian-German nobility had the same high degree of no- ble homogamy during the 20th century as the Dutch nobility? Noble homog- amy among the Dutch nobility was one of the two main reasons for their ‘con- stant noble advantage’ in obtaining elite positions during the 20th century. The Dutch on the one hand and the Austrian-German nobility on the other can be seen as two extreme cases within the European nobility. The Dutch nobility seems to have had a lower degree of noble homogamy during the 20th century than the Austrian-German nobility. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Tightrope Walk of the Dutch Nobility
BETWEEN CONFORMING AND CONSERVING: THE TIGHTROPE WALK OF THE DUTCH NOBILITY Nina IJdens A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Science July 2017 Department of Sociology University of Amsterdam Supervisor: Dr. Kobe de Keere Second reader: Dr. Alex van Venrooij BETWEEN CONFORMING AND CONSERVING 1 Abstract Research has shown that the Dutch nobility has adapted to modernisation processes and continues to disproportionately occupy elite positions. This thesis builds on these findings by raising the question: (1) How does the Dutch nobility aim to maintain its high status position? Secondly, this thesis builds on a growing concern within studies of social stratification on how elite positions are legitimated in a highly unequal context. It investigates the nobility’s legitimation by raising the further questions (2a) How does the nobility legitimate itself through its organisations?; and (2b) How do members of the nobility justify their manifestation as a separate social group? The dataset consists of two sources: fourteen nobility organisations’ websites and fifty-two newspaper articles from 1990 until today, that contain interviews with members of the nobility. This research conducts a qualitative content analysis of these sources, looking for discursive hints of position maintenance, organisational legitimation, and justification. It shows that nobles maintain exclusive social networks that organise interesting networking opportunities; that the nobility copied modern organisational structures through which it could manifest itself as a social group; and that nobles justify their networks by appealing to a collective identity with a right to self-realisation. Moreover, the interviewees constantly both assert and downplay differences between themselves and the general public.