Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with Its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)

ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010)

By AYAZ AHMAD

Area Study Centre (Russia, China & Central Asia) UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (DECEMBER 2016)

ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010)

By AYAZ AHMAD

A dissertation submitted to the University of Peshawar in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

(DECEMBER 2016)

AUTHOR’S DECLARATION

I, Mr. Ayaz Ahmad hereby state that my PhD thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is my own work and has not been submitted previously by me for taking any degree from this University of Peshawar or anywhere else in the country/world.

At any time if my statement is found to be incorrect even after my graduation the University has the right to withdraw my PhD degree.

AYAZ AHMAD Date: December 2016

PLAGIARISM UNDERTAKING

I solemnly declare that research work presented in the thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is solely my research work with no significant contribution from any other person. Small contribution/help wherever taken has been duly acknowledged and that complete thesis has been written by me.

I understand the zero tolerance policy of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) and University of Peshawar towards plagiarism. Therefore I as an Author of the above-titled thesis declare that no portion of my thesis has been plagiarized and any material used as a reference is properly referred/cited.

I undertake that if I am found guilty of any formal plagiarism in the above-titled thesis even after the award of PhD degree, the University reserves the right to withdraw/revoke my PhD degree and that Higher Education Commission (HEC) and the University have the right to publish my name on the HEC/University Website on which names of students are placed who submitted plagiarized thesis.

Student/ Author Signature: Ayaz Ahmad

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CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL This is to certify that the research work presented in this thesis, entitled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)”, was conducted by Mr. Ayaz Ahmad, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Sarfraz Khan. No part of this thesis has been submitted anywhere else for any other degree. This thesis is submitted to the Area Study Centre (Russia, China and Central Asia), University of Peshawar in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Student Name: Ayaz Ahmad Signature:______

Examination Committee: a). External Examiner 1: Prof. Dr. Richard Lee, Professor of English, State University of New York, USA. b). External Examiner 2: Dr. Cynthia Groff, Visiting Scholar, Centre of Linguistics, Leiden University, The Netherland. c). Internal Examiner: Prof. Dr. Khawaja A. Rehman, Signature: ______Department of Higher Education, Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Muzaffarabad. Supervisor Name: Professor Dr. Sarfraz Khan, Signature: ______

Dean/Director: Signature: ______

ABSTRACT

This study overviews the role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning (LPP) and its impact on national integration. It asks, can LPP play a role in national integration? It addresses this question in the context of Afghanistan and finds: integrative and disintegrative elements in LPP, the role of English LPP in national integration and LPP proposals intended to promote national integration. Afghan policy documents and questionnaire-based data are overviewed, using a theoretical construct. This construct links LPP based exclusion to instability and negative integration (disintegration) and links LPP based inclusion to stability and positive integration in a nation-state. This study establishes positive/negative role of LPP in national integration of Afghanistan. It finds domination and exclusion as causal elements of negative integration. It also finds cooperative sharing of power and inclusion as causal elements of positive national integration. The overview of Afghan LPP in the twentieth century highlights the positive integration of Dari and Pushto speakers and negative integration of the speakers of other languages such as Hazargai and Uzbeki. Further, Pushto only LPP produced negative integration as it excluded minority languages from the domains of government and education. English language plays both positive and negative integrative roles in domains of government, education, economy, media, and social change. Positive integration of urban elite happens as easy access to English language learning resources exists for them, and it is offset by negative integration of a significant part of rural population who remain excluded from such opportunities. The contrary roles of English language in urban and rural areas associate it with inequalities, requiring proper intervention. It is proposed that political

v inclusion and promotion of language rights along inclusiveness in English language learning and resulting socioeconomic opportunities would promote positive integration in Afghanistan.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am thankful to all who helped me complete this dissertation. First, I pay tribute to the patience and perseverance of my supervisor, Professor Dr. Sarfraz Khan, Director Area Study Center, University of Peshawar. In the last ten years, he helped me learn the practical and theoretical aspects of research, facilitated the conduct of research and finally performed the Herculean task of going through the multiple drafts. Second, I thank all my teachers especially Dr. Anwar Khan, Dr. Shabir Ahmad and Dr. Zahidh Anwar. I am also thankful to the administrative staff specifically Mr. Roohul Amin, Mr. Sahar Gul and Mr. Kamran who supported me, encouraged me and shared their good humor, hospitality and services to help me surmount my disability in this decade-long companionship. I am thankful to my family and friends for their support and encouragement. My father, Mr. Mumtaz Muhammad, who helped me defeat the limitations of disability and pursue the path of learning and research. My wife, Rabia Naz, for her patience and support while I remained engaged in the research. My friends Mr. Asghar Khan and Mr. Zulfiqar. My colleagues at Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan and many others, whose names though not mentioned here, were associated with my work and me. I thank all of them for their help as they facilitated me and patiently suffered the inconvenience with heroic altruism. Finally, I am thankful to my disability that provided me a longer time to stay at one place and cultivate an appreciation for scholarship.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

AUTHOR‘S DECLARATION II

PLAGIARISM UNDERTAKING III

CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL IV

ABSTRACT V

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS VII TABLE OF CONTENTS VIII LIST OF TABLES XII LIST OF GRAPHS & FIGURES XIII LIST OF ACRONYMS XIV

CHAPTER I 1

INTRODUCTION 1 1.2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 6 1.2.1. Hybrid LPP (HLPP) Model as Theoretical Framework 6 1.2.2. Research Objectives and Questions 13 1.2.3. Data Collection 14 1.2.4. Data Analysis 17 1.3. DELIMITATION AND JUSTIFICATION 19 1.4. PLAN OF THE THESIS 20 1.5. CONCLUSION 21

CHAPTER II 23

ROLE OF LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION 23 2.1. INTRODUCTION 23 2.2. NATION AND ETHNICITY 23 2.3. NATIONAL INTEGRATION 33

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2.4. LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING 40 2.5. LPP MODELS 46 2.5.1. Marxist LPP Model 47 2.5.2. Power-Contest LPP Model 52 2.5.3. Language-Ecology LPP Model 54 2.5.4. Language-in-Education LPP Model 57 2.6. CONCLUSION 60

CHAPTER III 62

NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY

PLANNING: AN OVERVIEW 62 3.1. INTRODUCTION 62 3.2. LPP BEFORE SAUR REVOLUTION (1901- 1978) 63 3.2.1. Autochthonous Languages 72 3.2.2. Exochthonous languages 80 3.3. LPP AFTER SAUR REVOLUTION 90 3.3.1. Autochthonous Languages 96 3.3.2. Exochthonous Languages 100 3.4. CONCLUSION 103

CHAPTER IV 105

ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF

AFGHANISTAN: EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT 105 4.1. INTRODUCTION 105 4.2. EDUCATION 105 4.3. DISCOURSE OF INTEGRATION IN AFGHAN ENGLISH LANGUAGE TEXTBOOKS 109 4.4. GOVERNMENT 124

4.4.1. Legislature 135 4.4.2. Executive 141 4.4.3. Judiciary 145 4.5. CONCLUSION 148

CHAPTER V 150

ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF

AFGHANISTAN: ECONOMY, MEDIA, LANGUAGE-

LANDSCAPING AND SOCIAL CHANGE 150 5.1. INTRODUCTION 150 5.2. ECONOMY 151 5.3. MEDIA 159 5.4. LANGUAGE-LANDSCAPING 168 5.5. SOCIAL CHANGE AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE 171 5.6. CONCLUSION 178

CHAPTER VI 179

ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF

AFGHANISTAN: ACTORS AND MECHANISMS 179 6.1. INTRODUCTION 179 6.2. SUPPORTING ACTORS 179 6.2.1. English Language Testing Services 180 6.2.2. Anglophone States 183 6.2.3. Non-Governmental Organizations 189 6.3. OPPOSING ACTORS 190 6.3.1. Conservative Islamists 192 6.3.2. Non-Anglophone States 195 6.4. MECHANISM OF INTEGRATION 199

6.4.1. Globalization 199 6.4.2. Hegemony 201 6.5. CONCLUSION 203

CHAPTER VII 204

NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF AFGHANISTAN: TOWARDS

INCLUSIVE LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING 204 7.1. INTRODUCTION 204 7.2. NEGATIVE INTEGRATION IN AFGHAN LPP 205 7.2.1. Government 206 7.2.2. Social Change 208 7.2.3. Economy 209 7.2.4. Education 210 7.3. GLOBAL PRACTICES IN ILPP AND AFGHANISTAN 212 7.3.1. The European Union and United Nations 213 7.3.2. South Africa 215 7.3.3. Australia 219 7.3.4. Soviet Union 221 7.3.5. Pakistan 224 7.3.6. Malaysia 230 7.3.7. India 232 7.4. ILPP PROPOSALS 234 7.4.1. ILPP: General proposals 234 7.4.2. Integrative LPP for Afghan Domains 243 7.4.2.1. Government 244 7.4.2.2. Education 245 7.4.2.3. Media 247 7.4.2.4. Economy and Workplace 249 7.4.2.5. Social Change 250

7.4.3. Implementation and Appraisal of ILPP in Afghanistan 253 7.5. CONCLUSION 255

CHAPTER VIII 257

CONCLUSIONS 257 REFERENCES 266 APPENDIX A: SURVEY OF LPP PERCEPTION, 2010 304 APPENDIX B: FREQUENCY TABLES 317 APPENDIX C: FOLLOW-UP INTERVIEWS, 2010 323 APPENDIX D: AFGHAN GEOGRAPHY 324 APPENDIX E: AFGHAN ETHNOLINGUISTIC PROFILE 326

LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Afghanistan zones ...... 15 Table 2: Haugen Language in Education...... 58 Table 3. Ethnic stratification of English language proficient elites .... 128 Table 4. Distribution of English Proficient Ethnic Groups in Government...... 128 Table 5. Survey of Afghan LPP, 2010 and Ethnicity, rural-urban distribution in English language competence ...... 131 Table 6. Stratified Perception about making English official language on ethnic and rural-urban bases ...... 133 Table 7. Ethnic, rural-urban strata and Role of English in improving legislation ...... 139 Table 8. Modernizing role of English: rural-urban and ethnic stratification ...... 143 Table 9. Afghan Perception about English language in economic development...... 154

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Table 10. English language as means of career building in national economy: rural-urban and ethnic stratification ...... 156 Table 11.Rural-urban and ethnic stratified perception about English language promotion of media ...... 161 Table 12. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of perception about English language promotive role in cyberspace participation ...... 167 Table 13. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of perception about the role of English in Afghan language landscaping ...... 169 Table 14. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of Afghan perception about English language promotion of tolerance for Western culture . 172 Table 15. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of Afghan Perception about English language improving Afghan culture ...... 174 Table 16. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of Afghan perception about empowerment role of English for the marginalized Afghans ... 176 Table 17.Foreign Language Proficiency of Afghan Officials ...... 197 Table 18. EGIDS ...... 251

LIST OF GRAPHS & FIGURES Figure 1. HLPP Model ...... 10 Figure 2: Linguistic Map of Afghanistan ...... 335

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LIST OF ACRONYMS

AAF Afghanistan Air Force ANA Afghanistan National Army ANDS Afghanistan National Development Strategy ANP Afghanistan National Police EGIDS Enhanced Graded Intergeneration Disruption Scale ELT English Language Teaching HLPP Hybrid Language Policy Planning IELTS International English Language Testing System HLPP Hybrid Language Policy Planning ICT Information and Communication Technology ILPP Inclusive Language Policy Planning INGO International Non-Governmental Organization ISAF International Security Assistance Force LPP Language Policy Planning LWC Language of Wider Communication PDPA People Democratic Party of Afghanistan NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NGO Non-Governmental Organization SBM Scenario Building Method TOEFL Testing of English as a Foreign Language The UK United Kingdom UN United Nations UNAMA United Nation Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization USA United States of America (also US or United States) USAID United States Agency for International Development

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION This study overviews the role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning (LPP) and outlines its impact on national integration. The significance of this study is established as some experts connect conflicts in Afghanistan with language policy.1 It is reported that the role of English language has increased in Afghanistan after the fall of Taliban.2 This finding is also verified in Asia Foundation report.3 However, the spread of English is reported to be greater in urban areas as compared to rural peripheries.4 Therefore, a significant LPP research opportunity exists for exploring the spread of English language in Afghanistan and find its effect on national integration. Afghanistan is home to 41 languages. This makes her a multilingual state. However, the numerical strength of the speakers of these languages is not balanced. Two languages i.e. Dari and Pushto5 account

1 Sven Gunnar Simonsen, "Ethnicising Afghanistan?: Inclusion and Exclusion in Post- Bonn Institution Building," Third World Quarterly 25, no. 4 (2004): 708; Senzil K. Nawid, "Language Policy in Afghanistan: Language Diversity and National Unity," in Language Policy and Language Conflict in Afghanistan and Its Neighbors: The Changing Politics of Language Choice, ed. Harold F. Schiffman, Brill's Studies in South and Southwest Asian Languages (Leiden, The Netherlands: BRILL, 2011). Also see Muhammad Irshad, ―Socio-Linguistic Aspects of English in Afghanistan‖ (University of Peshawar, 2002). for localizing features of English language in Afghanistan, and Freshta Sediqi, ―A Sociolinguistic Profile of English in Afghanistan: The Perspectives of Kabul Academics‖ (Purdue University, 2010). for academic interaction through English in the context of ethnolinguistic competition for domination. 2 Dawood Azami, "English Takes Hold in Afghanistan," BBC, 12 January, 2009, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7493285.stm. 3 Report claims eight percent Afghans can speak English language and 12% have the ability to read in English language. See The Asia Foundation, Afghanistan in 2006: A Survey of the Afghan People (Kabul: The Asia Foundation, 2006), 109, accessed July 9, 2016, http://asiafoundation.org/resources/pdfs/AGsurvey06.pdf. 4 APPEAL, Improving the Quality of Mother Tongue-Based Literacy and Learning: Case Studies from Asia, Africa and South America (Bangkok: UNESCO, 2008), 14-27. 5 Pushto is written with alternative spellings i.e. Pashto, Pashtu, Pushto and Pakhto, Pukhto. In this thesis it is spelt ―Pushto‖ follow Summer Institute of Linguistics

1 for 85% of the Afghan population. Other languages such as Uzbeki, Turkmeni, Hazargai, Balochi, Brahui and Nuristani etc. are minority languages.6 The majority languages‘ speakers, especially Pushto, maintain significant political domination in Afghanistan. Domination struggle among the speakers of dominant and minority languages remains a major destabilizing factor in national integration. Afghanistan undergoes process of national integration since its inception in 1747. Historically, Afghanistan bridged Central Asia, South Asia and the Middle East and allowed regional trade, conquest and migrations. The effect of trade, conquests and migration then changed her linguistic profile. From ancient times, languages entered Afghanistan as exochthonous (foreign) and gradually turned into autochthonous (local) when their speakers settled there.7 Besides the mentioned autochthonous languages, Afghanistan is also home to a number of exochthonous languages, including regional languages such as Urdu, Arabic and Turkish and international languages such as English, Russian, German and French. The significant and sudden increase in power and popularity of English language after 2001, makes its case more interesting than other exochthonous languages in Afghanistan.

As Afghan nation building has traditionally remained an imposed and top-down project, therefore, negative reactions among the marginalized quarters of minority language speakers has often ensued. This process accelerated in the 20th century. Internal military adventures of 19th century laid foundation for the political elite to use language as an instrument of state‘s unity. . Afghan political elite impressed by the idea, ―one nation, one language‖ began its implementation in earnest. They

project, ―Ethnologue‖. Other spellings are not changed when they are cited from other sources. 6 See Figure 2, p.333 for Linguistic Map and Appendix D for discussion on ethnolinguistic profile of Afghanistan. 7 See Appendix D, for Afghan geography and historical process

2 trusted it as the preferred way to development and modernization of Afghanistan. A number of overt and covert attempts at nation building through LPP took place. These LPP experiments failed as they were imposed from the above without participation and willingness of the target population. In the pursuit of forming a modern nation-state, besides intervention in functions, status and corpus of autochthonous languages, learning of exochthonous languages also became a coveted tool. Afghan political elite employed a top-down approach: first for their own benefit. They thought its benefits would then spread to non-elite through trickle-down effect. Foreign language learning was made a privilege of the elite, thereby Kabul became the center of offering modern education in foreign languages. As LPP for indigenous languages produced domination-resistance paradigm, hence, LPP for foreign languages strengthened it further, when learning opportunities and consequent benefits were kept limited to a small urban elite. LPP for foreign and local languages strengthened political and socio-economic domination and inequalities. These inequalities had a negative effect on national unity. The violent conflicts on ethnolinguistic bases verify this view. Afghan history, especially twentieth century onwards, has passed through significant LPP linked political upheavals. Some of these domination related challenges still continue and these challenges can be compared to LPP challenges in other nation-states. The impact of Afghan LPP on national integration becomes significant when conflicts where LPP is part, enfolds the whole nation-state.8 The political violence and grievances in Afghanistan become part of LPP when they

8 S.B. Ekanayake, Education in Doldrums: Afghan Tragedy, 2nd ed. (Peshawar: Al- Azeem Printing Concern, 2004). discusses the post-Saur Revolution civil as its example

3 feature in struggle for, and resistance to, the domination of languages.9 The domination of a language is challenged when speakers of non- dominant languages challenge the privileges of its speakers. This domination-resistance pattern becomes linguistic domination-resistance in imposition of, and resistance to, linguistic items, functions and status.

Integration in the sense of affinity, connectedness and interdependence begins at local level and spreads out to national and international levels. All these levels overlap, therefore, the processes of national and international integration remain similar and interdependent in language domains. Domains are the structured contexts of language use, especially when these contexts are related to control of power. Government, education, economy, media and social change are Afghan LPP domains where intranational and international integration converge to form national integration. Intranational integration of Afghanistan concerns autochthonous languages and international integration concerns exochthonous languages. While Dari and Pushto remain prominent in the discourse of intranational integration, English features prominently in international integration, therefore, these three languages become significant instruments of Afghan national integration.

LPP in Afghan history has remained a mixture of covert and overt effort of nation building/integration. These efforts have become more forceful in recent past as Afghanistan was widely perceived a failed state and international intervention took place.10 This entailed reconstruction efforts that are shaping nation/state building directly or indirectly. The post 9/11 events are, therefore, instrumental in opening Afghanistan to

9 Nawid, "Language Policy in Afghanistan: Language Diversity and National Unity," in Language Policy and Language Conflict in Afghanistan and Its Neighbors: The Changing Politics of Language Choice. 10 See Shahida Aman, ―State Failure and State Building in Post Conflict Societies: A Case Study of Afghanistan‖ (University of Peshawar, 2013).

4 the domination of English language in various domains.11 This entry is apparently unregulated and it complicates the Afghan LPP context. The demand for an inclusive LPP, therefore, increases. A positive shift in the existing state of Afghan LPP requires a planned and comprehensive approach to integration wherein inclusion replaces the existing trend of exclusion. This inclusive LPP also removes domination through empowerment and participation of all stakeholders.

The globalization of English language has invoked two contrary responses from the scholars of LPP. One camp celebrates this spread as a positive development that is beneficial to all i.e. a win-win situation. Naz Rasool, for example, considers English as a global asset that is suited best to ―…. the interactive yet fragmented, world in which we live today.‖12 Wardhaugh proposes English as a neutral language in a multilingual context, where it can play a role of integration (positive) as the selection of any of the local languages would carry the risk of intensifying language conflicts.13 Other scholars, however, are not impressed with the success of English as beneficial to all. They raise concern over the threat to the minority and minoritized languages, and point that the globalization process of English further marginalizes and endanger such languages. Tariq Rahman explains that English has remained divisive in Pakistan by increasing the gap between elite and non-elite. Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson in the context of Europe explain the domination of English as negative and they term it

11 This thesis discusses domains of education, government (including, legislative, executive and judiciary), economy, media, language-landscaping and social change. 12 Naz Rasool, "Language and Communicative Competence in the Twenty-First Century: Examining the Role of Education," in Language Policy Planning & Practice: A Southasian Perspective, ed. Sabiha Mansoor, Shaheen Meraj, and Alya Tahir (Karachi: Aga Khan University/ Oxford University Press, 2004). p. 9 13 See Ronald Wardhaugh, An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, 3rd ed., Blackwell Textbooks in Linguistics (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1998).

―linguistic imperialism‖.14 Bernard Spolsky takes a middle ground in such contest as he dismisses some of the claims of Phillipson and implies that the charge linguistic imperialism is exaggerated.15

As the preceding discussion sums-up that national integration is the problem of LPP, so need for research methodology arises. The following discussion outlines a research methodology. This methodology provides tools to study the problem raised in the preceding discussion.

1.2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY This section elaborates research methodology of the study. First, this section presents Hybrid Language Policy Planning (HLPP) model (1.2.1.) as a theoretical construct, where positive/negative national integration is conceived as the product of inclusion/exclusion. Next, this section states the objectives of this study and operationalizes them in the form of research questions (1.2.2.). Tools for data collection (1.2.3.) and data analyses (1.2.4.) are also discussed. 1.2.1. Hybrid LPP (HLPP) Model as Theoretical Framework This section discusses HLPP model as a theoretical construct for collection and analysis of data in the context of Afghanistan (for this study). HLPP relates LPP to national integration by eclectically borrowing from other models of LPP.16 Hypotheses in this model rationalize role of language in national integration while schematic portion visualizes the process of applying LPP in national integration. HLPP is conceived as a metatheory that combines LPP models outlined in the second chapter. Marxist LPP model‘s perspective of liberating the oppressed class, the perspective of power as the base of the contest

14 See Robert Phillipson, Linguistic Imperialism (London: Oxford University Press, 1992); Tove Skutnabb-Kangas, Robert Phillipson, and Mart Rannut, Linguistic Human Rights: Overcoming Linguistic Discrimination (Mouton De Gruyter, 1995). 15 Bernard Spolsky, Language Policy, Key Topics in Sociolinguistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 16 See discussion on LPP models chapter. II, section 2.5

6 between language groups in Power-Contest LPP model, Language Ecology LPP model‘s ecological perspective and centrality of education in Language-in-Education LPP model are fused to form HLPP model. Next paragraph discusses implications of HLPP model in LPP models contained in the second chapter and labels these models collectively as the four LPP models. LPP goals in the four LPP models suggest liberation of the oppressed language group while keeping in view power as the major motive, and maintenance of multilingualism as a resource these models advocate rights of minority language speakers. Subjects in the four models are speakers of a language acting as a group, so in HLPP they are conceived to act collectively-when some of the speakers act, their actions that pertain to the whole group are considered significant. All domains are focused in HLPP as the area of operation, however, education is given greater attention where acquisition planning is attempted and executive is focused when top-down planning takes place resulting in domination and marginalization.17 In HLPP the process of negative integration begins with inequality that in turn results in class domination and invokes the struggle for class based counter domination. This is indicated by disturbance of the political system of the nation-state. The foundational function is to find answers to the research questions of this study. Structural function of HLPP is discussed next after this paragraph, through three hypotheses and a figure visualizing the key actors, processes and domains. The generative function of HLPP includes forming analytical tools that discriminate between elements of positive and negative integration. This function also provides the basis for an inclusive and integrative LPP by offering elements of positive

17 This study explores domains of education, government (including the sub-domains of legislative, executive and judiciary), media, economy, language-landscaping and social change.

7 integration.18 The explicative function of HLPP explains how and why positive and negative national integration can result from LPP (see figure I, on page 10). This function also enables HLPP to predict that coercive assimilation and inequality results in disintegration (henceforth negative integration) whereas accommodation (inclusiveness) results in integration (positive integration). Following hypotheses about the role of LPP in national integration functionalize the implications of the four LPP models. These hypotheses concern intranational as well as international integration. These hypotheses specifically focus on the case of Afghanistan. A. Nation-states attempt integration (intranational and international) through instrumental use of LPP.19 B. LPP (de)stabilizes nation-states through elements of positive/negative national integration. C. The struggle for domination takes place in LPP domains through the elements of positive/negative national integration. A. Any attempt to influence language and its use can be included in LPP (more detail in the second chapter). The integration can be positive where it generates cooperation, inclusion and acceptance, whereas negative integration results in hostility, exclusion and alienation. Coercive assimilation by the rejection of multilingualism imposition of a dominant ethnolinguistic identity is a tool of negative integration. Negative integration produces inequality and separatist sentiments among the marginalized. Contrary to negative integration, accommodative multilingualism, inclusion and equality promote positive integration. LPP as instrument of integration has two aspects at national level, when it moves in the direction of sub-national level (intra-state, intra-national) it depends on management of autochthonous

18 See chapter VII for ILPP proposals that results from HLPP 19 See, chapter. II section 2.3.1. for national integration and section 2.4. and 2.5. for LPP and its instrumental role respectively.

8 languages, when it moves in the direction of supra-state level (interstate, international) it is often confronted with exochthonous languages, that are also Language of Wider Communication (LWC). The two aspects of national integration can become mutually inclusive when the international and intra-national aspects of LPP overlap. When not specified this study focuses on this converging aspect. B. A stable nation-state is the one, where language groups have stable power relations and they do not employ violence for addressing real or conceived grievances.20 Elements of positive integration such as inclusion, equality, absence of barriers to activities within a given domain and empowerment stabilizes nation-states, if these conditions do not exist, then, nation-state destabilizes. Cohesion among language groups forming a nation-state remains a core issue in national integration. Acceptance of legitimacy and power of the symbolic and functional aspects of the nation by language groups promote stability of the national structure. Policy makers make sure that threats to this stability are removed and if possible forestalled. C. The four LPP models identify that a language group can become more powerful and resourceful than other language groups resulting in inequality. They either cooperate or compete for domination. When they cooperate positive integration results, when they compete it results in negative integration. National unity results from positive integration, where layered identity (forming classes of elites and non-elites) determine the nature of national integration.21 It may be noted here that members of the nation and its subgroups maintain a hierarchy of

20 In this study the concept of language ecology is used to conceptualize an equilibrium state. See chapter. II section. 2.5.3. 21 The terms such as elite, dominant or resourceful class are used interchangeably in this study. Non-elite refers to subordinated class.

9 identities, they switch from one to other when their personal interest demands (imagine or real) doing so.22 Key actors and process of national integration through LPP are explained in the following discussion. Figure 1. HLPP Model

Step 1 Elite as LPP Actors

LPP Proposals LPP Proposals Step 2 for exclusion for inclusion

Step 3 Negative Positive Integration Integration

Step 4 LPP Evaluation

Scheme of HLPP model comprises rectangular text boxes, oval text boxes and directional arrows (see figure 1). Rectangular text boxes present domain level, oval textboxes present key area of LPP and

22 Jan Blomaert, "Language Policy and Natinal Identity," in An Introduction to Language Policy: Theory and Method, ed. Thomas Ricento (Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), 110. Diarmait Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia, Routledge Advances in Sociology (New York: Routledge, 2003), 91. Vincent Palozzi, "Assessing Voter Attitude toward Langauge Policy Isues in the United States," Language Policy 5 (2006): 15-22.

10 directional arrows show the progress of activities. Domain level identified by rectangular text boxes are arranged into four steps. The first step indicates the decision making national level in domains of power by resourceful actors, second step regional level, third step local level and the fourth step indicates the cumulative results at local, regional and national levels of domains. Oval text boxes indicate key areas of LPP beginning at the national level (in the case of Afghanistan) by resourceful actors (elites). In the first step, the resourceful actors formally participate in policy making or they choose to play an informal role in influencing policy making. State and non-state actors both are included in this category.23 The second step indicates the emergence of LPP proposals (an outcome of policy planning process by elites). These proposals either promote exclusion or inclusion. Exclusion based proposals produce negative integration whereas inclusive proposals produce positive integration. In this step, the policy may be formal or informal. The formal policy includes legislation and policy statements and informal policy is presented by non-formal historical facts, language behavior, practices and beliefs of policy makers and language speakers. In the third step, the positive and negative integrative direction of the proposals may overlap, thus they create partially negative and partially positive process. Here planning takes predominance over policy. Negative integration (produced by exclusion and inequality) produces resentments and it is resisted by the non-dominant groups whereas positive integration (produced by inclusion and equality) is indicated by shared interests, identity and power. Both positive and negative integration are embedded in the socio-political and economic matrix.

23 Anthony J. Liddicoat and Richard Baldauf, B. Jr., "Language Planning in Local Contexts: Agents, Contexts and Interactions," in Lanuage Planning & Policy: Language Planning in Local Contexts, ed. Anthony J. Liddicoat and Richard Baldauf, B. Jr. (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd., 2008), 10-13.

Social, political and economic inequality (and discrimination) accompany a ghettoizing LPP form. Socio-political accommodation, on the other hand, is inclusive and results in promotion pluralism, multilingualism and equality. In the fourth step, the effects become visible in the form of evaluation, where economic, social and political inequality or equality determine repetition of LPP process of step 1-3, with a visible change in proposals. Moreover, in the first two steps, those actors dominate who are presumed to be resourceful in control of power and identity formation, whereas in the last two steps the participants who react to the domination of the resourceful actors are more active. To state it in a different way, elite dominates the first two steps and non-elite and proto- elite dominate the last two steps. As the directional arrows show, the HLPP model considers LPP to be an evolutionary process, embracing all aspects of language and continues as long as the nation-state exists.24 The classical language policy format is visible in this model, as the elite plan and pursue a top-down approach. However, the role of non-elite is also identified as the lower level feed into national level, and thus cause a need for change in policy. The reason behind illustrating top-down approach for Afghanistan can be understood by the centralization of policy and planning in Afghanistan. However, the role of the bottom-up approach is also highlighted by the bidirectional arrows that show the significance of policy initiative at the local level. From this discussion on HLPP, we find a confirmation of the role language in national integration. To sum, HLPP model in the preceding discussion is a metatheory of the four LPP models in second chapter i.e., Marxist LPP model, Power- Contest LPP model, Language-in-Education LPP model and Language

24 Grant D. McConnell, "Global Scale Sociolinguistics," in The Handbook of Sociolinguistics, ed. Florian Coulmas (Oxford: Blackwell 1998), 331.

Ecology LPP model. As the four LPP models partially explored the role of language in national integration, therefore, need for this model arose to conceptualize a roadmap for understanding LPP role in national integration and that can be helpful in explaining the role of LPP in conflict afflicted multilingual Afghanistan. HLPP model provides the groundwork for Inclusive LPP (ILPP) recommendations presented in the seventh chapter. 1.2.2. Research Objectives and Questions This subsection explains the research objectives and questions that underpin the present research and determine the collection and analysis of data. The primary objective of the study is to verify the integrative role of LPP in a nation-state. Contingent on the affirmation of this integrative role, other objectives of this study include overviewing and outlining of: a) integrative (and disintegrative) elements in Afghan LPP, b) the role of English LPP in Afghan national integration and, c) LPP proposals that can promote positive national integration in Afghanistan. To achieve these objectives, this study answers the following questions in the context of Afghanistan. Can language policy play an integrative role? If yes, then, how and why? This remains the leading question of the study. Implied by this leading question the study answers the following questions.  What are the integrative and disintegrative elements in language policy planning in Afghanistan?  What is the role of English language policy planning in the national integration of Afghanistan?  What Language policy planning can promote national integration in Afghanistan?

1.2.3. Data Collection This section identifies sources of data used in this work. The questionnaire, interviews, archival and published primary and secondary sources are discussed and the reason for preferences explained. LPP is generally treated by LPP experts as an interdisciplinary field that is investigated with a set of eclectic tools from social sciences. The ultimate tool, however, is tailor-made to yield reliable results and help in the collection of authentic data with valid analysis and results. Data for this thesis come from Afghan population and published sources. Questionnaire and interviews were used to collect responses of Afghans about LPP. Historical details were collected from archival resources and publications. Analyses of the data collected for this study through questionnaires revealed Afghan perception about LPP in general, the role of English language in various domains and features of an integrative LPP model. The sample size for data collection was 226, and the tool was a semi- structured questionnaire. Data was collected in 2010 (starting in January 2010 and ending in June 2010), entitled as, ―Perception of Afghan People about the Integrative Role of English in Afghan LPP, 2010‖ (Appendix-A: henceforth short titled as Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010). Follow up unstructured interviews of 12 respondents (those with expertise of LPP and willingness to participate in interviews) then focused on their responses related to the role of English language in national integration. (See Appendix C: henceforth short titled as Follow- up Interviews, 2010). Original questionnaire and set of interview leads were developed in English. Two lead surveyors who had experience in conducting surveys. These surveyors engaged a team of 8 volunteers. They used translation into Dari and Pushto when respondents did not understand the prompts in English language, and then recorded responses in English. Insights from questionnaire and interview based

14 data were then heuristically included in discussion on various language domains with the help of HLPP. The detailed set of descriptive statistics is included in the work as Appendix B: Frequency tables. For distribution of questionnaire, Afghanistan was divided into five i.e. Central, North, West, East and South zones following the pattern of an earlier survey conducted by WAK foundation for Afghanistan (WFA)25 to make a representative sample of the urban and rural population. Major urban centers in the included regions of the mentioned zones were used to collect data, as in such centers a balanced representation of the outlying rural periphery was predicted. Following is the scheme for dividing Afghanistan and making five urban areas as the centers of these regions (targeted then for data collection). Table 1. Afghanistan zones

S. No. Centre Zone Region

1 Kabul Central Kabul, Bamyan, Uruzgan, Ghor, Kapisa, Parwan, Logar, Ghazni and Wardak

2 Mazar-e-Sharif North Badakhshan, Takhar, Konduz, Baghlan, Samangan, Balkh, Jawzjan and Faryab

3 Herat West Badghis, Herat and Farah

4 Kandahar East Zabul, Kandahar, Helmand and Nimroz

5 Jalalabad South Konar, Laghman, Nangrahar, Paktika and Paktya

25 Farshad Rastegar, The Mobilizing Role of Secular Education in Islamist Movement: The Case of Afghanistan (UCLA: G.E. von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies, 1992).

Data were collected in the mentioned centers, with the help of a structured questionnaire through local trained and educated Afghan nationals. Educational institutions, markets, mosques and along with public gatherings and festivals were used to find volunteers for the collection of data. The choice of major cities in Afghanistan was made on the basis of the population they had and because they were the places where the domains of power for language operated, therefore data at such places provided valuable information about the degree and nature of participation by the language groups in LPP of Afghanistan. The services of educated field workers were employed to collect data and feed them into SPSS/Excel data sets/worksheet. Interviews were conducted through telephone. The questionnaire as contained in appendix: A, began with collecting personal details to provide grounds for stratification. In the sample of this study, gender parity could not be achieved, as the ratio of male respondents dominated (55.8%) the female respondents (44.2%). However, this was ignored as the results were not stratified on the basis of gender. Age of majority of respondents (62%) was between 20 and 49 years, indicating the active participation of respondents in social and national affairs. In Afghanistan where urban population was 25%,26 the sampled responses have a higher urban representation (61%). When the analysis is extended to actual population, there the urban response indicated 25% of Afghan opinion and rural response indicate 75% of the population. Out of the 61% urban population, 13% had dual nationality and in discussion represented as expatriates. The category of the rural and urban population is important in the way to compare the views of the population in the center (here urban and expatriate) and periphery. In data sample, literacy was higher than the literacy ratio of general population. The educational

26 See, CIA, The World Factbook, ―Afghanistan‖ accessed August 23, 2016 available at, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/af.html

16 qualification is also much higher than the normal demographic prevalence of education. This can be explained in the willingness of educated people more interested in national integration and LPP stemming from their understanding of the concept of national unity, official language and role of English language in Afghan LPP. This subsection explained the sources of data collection. Data from various sources was used to triangulate finding and establish a sound academic basis for literature review and discussion. 1.2.4. Data Analysis Tools for data analysis used in the current study are discussed here. These tools include HLPP, statistical analysis and textual (interpretive) analysis. HLPP was used in this work as derived theoretical construct to point out the methodological rich points27 in data collection and then in organizing interpretations and explanations of these data. For analysis of data, statistical and textual analytical techniques were used. In addition to HLPP model Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was used for analysis of the English textbooks currently prescribed by Ministry of Education, Government of Afghanistan. CDA was also used for analysis of official policy documents such as constitutions, education policy and official reports. CDA as a way of identifying domination and inequality was employed in sifting discourse of positive and negative integration in these textbooks. Fairclough considers discourse as product and producer of social conditions. He proposes three levels of ―social organization‖ of the text, realized as ―social conditions of production‖ and ―social conditions of interpretation‖.28 He considers all mental resources of participants in the production and interpretation of the text as

27 Francis Hult, M. and David Cassels Johnson, eds., Research Methods in Language Policy and Planning: A Practical Guide (West Ussex, UK: Wiley Blackwell, 2015). 28 Norman Fairclough, Language and Power, Language in Social Life Series (Essex: Addison Wesley Longman Limited, 1989).p.25

―Members‘ Resources‖ (MR), that are social in nature.29 His approach to textual analysis includes three levels. The first level includes a description of the text, the second level includes textual interpretation and the third level includes a textual explanation. He defines, ―description is the stage which is concerned with formal properties of the text‖. ―Interpretation‖ he contends ―is concerned with the relationship between text and interaction….‖ He further contends, ―[e]xplanation is concerned with the relationship between interaction and social context….‖30 This work draws on the descriptive categories suggested by Fairclough. Experiential value of vocabulary, grammar and textual structures were given special attention. Theo van Leeuwen‘s work31 was used to support analysis where social actor based analytical perspective was required. As CDA demands positionality of the analyst, therefore, the researcher adopted an emic perspective (being an ethnic Pashtun and student of English language policy planning) aiming to warn against ideological contents in Afghan English language textbooks.

Survey of LPP Perception, 2010 was statistically analyzed as qualitative data. Descriptions of data as frequency distribution and cross tabulation of perceptions about LPP in Afghanistan (collected through a questionnaire) were carried out with the help of SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences). Qualitative analysis of nominal variable such as perceptions about languages, language conflicts, the need for integrative language policy planning was used to identify positive/negative integration. Findings of qualitative analysis were further triangulated with studies and documents about LPP in

29 Fairclough contends that these resources are acquired by a person through membership of society and these are continuously negotiated through text production, interpretation and explanation process in society. 30 Fairclough, Language and Power.p.26 31 Theo van Leeuwen, Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis, Oxford Sudies in Sociolinguistics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

Afghanistan and other nation-states. Figures and tables in this work are used for simplification of representation for the reader. Scenario-Building Method32(SBM), recommended by the policy analyst, Antonio Brandao Moniz is used in organizing proposals for an inclusive policy planning (labeled as ILPP) in the seventh chapter. In SBM, logical development of the present policies is evaluated from a future perspective. SBM suggests that first scenario space is identified. Then, key features of each possible scenario are described. Next, necessary events for each scenario are highlighted and in the last step is to con contrast implications of alternative scenarios are projected.33 The possible scenarios are built with the help of insight from inclusive and integrative LPP in selective nation-state. The effectiveness of ILPP proposals for national integration in Afghanistan (as best possible scenario) is then gauged with the help of SBM method.

1.3. DELIMITATION AND JUSTIFICATION This study focuses on the Afghan LPP period, 2001-2010. This study is not exhaustive due to the scope of work spanning multiple domains. In essence, this study takes a macro perspective of LPP, therefore, minute details of micro perspective of LPP are not normally included. The main source of primary data derives from a sample of 212 responses. As this small sample is not an ideal representation of the population, so the discussion based on it attempts to be illustrative not dispositive. Further, the methodological detail especially in the case of Critical Discourse Analysis is concise as complete analysis was out of the scope of this work. When this work began in 2008, very little published work existed then on language policy and planning in Afghanistan. Historical records

32 Antonio Brandao Moniz, "Scenario-Building Method as a Tool for Policy Analysis," in Innovative Comparative Methods for Policy Analysis: Beyond the Quantitative- Qualitative Divide, ed. Benoit Rhoux and Heke Grimm (New York: Springer Science+Business Media, Inc., 2006). 33 Ibid., 191.

19 paid very little attention to language policy concerns. Further, the meager existing work was questionable due to biases. The scarcity of data has at times restricted the researcher to base assumptions on a limited number of indicators. However, triangulation of results is used to overcome the limitations imposed of data. The reliance on secondary data remains a limiting factor of this study therefore, this study now leaves the task of coming up with more primary data to update the findings of this study. The future researchers mayverify and expand the findings and proposals based on primary and secondary sources utilized in this work. As one of the pioneering works on the role of English language in Afghan national integration, this study offers general insight into current rise in the English language across various Afghan domains opening possibilities for follow-up studies. It is hoped that all stakeholders would find this work helpful and it would lay down necessary work for future research and studies on language policy planning of Afghanistan.

1.4. PLAN OF THE THESIS The study comprises eight chapters. The first chapter, ―Introduction‖, introduces the research problem of this study. It also outlines the research methodology used in data collection and analysis. Second chapter, ―Role of Language in National Integration‖, overviews language, nation, national integration, and LPP. From this overview, an understanding of the role of language in national integration is established. The third chapter, ―National Integration in Afghan Language Policy Planning: An Overview‖, offers an historical overview of Afghan LPP. This overview covers political events in 20th century and includes discussion of historical events and documents. It establishes a significant role of LPP in Afghan national integration. Fourth, Fifth and Sixth chapters highlight the integrative role of English

20 in Afghan LPP. Fourth chapter, ―English Language in National Integration of Afghanistan: Education and Government‖, analyses and discusses the domains of government and education. Fifth chapter, ―English Language in National Integration of Afghanistan: Economy, Media, Language-Landscaping and Social Change‖ analyses and discusses domains of economy, media, language-landscaping and social change. Sixth chapter, ―English Language in National Integration of Afghanistan: Actors and Mechanism‖, analyses and discusses supporting/opposing actors and mechanism of integration in Afghan LPP for the English language. In chapters, III-VI inequality and exclusion are linked to disintegration while alignment of interest and inclusion are linked with integration. Seventh chapter, ―National Integration of Afghanistan: Towards Inclusive Language Policy Planning‖, attempts to suggest a solution for the problems in Afghan LPP and proposes an inclusive LPP for national integration. The eighth chapter concludes this study. Chapter nine, ―Conclusions‖ concludes this work.

1.5. CONCLUSION As the opening chapter, in a dissertation that comprises eight chapters, it provided a theoretical framework, proposed as HLPP model. HLPP claims that nation-states attempt national integration by employing LPP as the tool to maintain structural stability. HLPP suggests that such attempts result in positive integration if inclusion is supported and they result in negative integration if exclusion is attempted. National integration can be intranational when it is restricted to actors within the state, and it can be international when international actors participate. While outlining the research methodology of this study, this chapter proposed a qualitative approach to textual and statistical data. CDA was proposed as the major approach to understanding key LPP texts such as

21 constitutions and English language textbooks for Afghan schools, while SPSS generated statistical description was proposed for understanding of questionnaire-based data. Scenario Building Method was suggested to help in making LPP that promotes positive integration.

CHAPTER II

ROLE OF LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION

2.1. INTRODUCTION This chapter explores the fundamental concepts of the dissertation i.e. nation, language policy planning and national integration and establishes why and how language relates to national integration. It forms a repertoire of LPP elements playing a positive/negative role in national integration. These elements are grouped as LPP models: explaining how and why language plays a role in national integration. Discussion on nation and ethnicity (section 2.2) examines why and how language helps the emergence of modern nation-states. Section 2.3 discusses the process of integration in nation-states. Section 2.4. relates language to this process. Marxist LPP Model, Power-Contest LPP Model, Language Ecology LPP Model and Language-in-Education LPP Model (section 2.5) highlight the role of language in national integration.34 The label of each model is chosen by the researcher to reflect convergence of LPP discourse on a specific aspect of language and national integration link.

2.2. NATION AND ETHNICITY This section explores the concept of nation and ethnicity. Discussion on nation and ethnicity is focused on finding their relevance to the evolution of modern nation-state in European context. Discussion on national integration explores elements that result in positive or negative

34 LPP models are the categories that are coined for this study to help in grouping academic discourse that relates LPP to national integration

23 integration.35 Marxists and non-Marxists positions offer an interesting insight into the evolution of nation-state and the role of language therein. Therefore, their arguments on the national question and language are highlighted. James Blaut‘s arguments in support of national struggle are taken as representation of a Marxist position on the national question, whereas positions that do not advocate the role of class based conflict in the evolution of nation-state are discussed as non- Marxist arguments. Links between LPP and national integration are explored in the Marxist and non-Marxist arguments. This discussion opens with an attempt to define nation-state.

Possession of territory, sovereignty, population and government make a nation-state.36 A nation-state emerges when some sociopolitical aspects of its population tend to homogenize and form a common identity. Linguistic uniformity is attempted as the classical theories consider it an essential feature of national unity. Therefore, language commonly becomes an instrument of achieving this goal.37 This work, accepts the position of UNESCO, where multiethnic and multilingual nation-states are also considered legitimate.38 The state is represented by concrete and abstract symbols. Institutions of administration, police, health and other services are concrete signs of state‘s presence. National ideologies, identities and language form the abstract part of state‘s symbolic representation. The abstract national identity is constructed by these symbols. Members of a nation adopt this identity as a shared resource with other members of the nation-state. Members of a nation experience

35 See chapter I, section 1.2.1. 36 Mathew Miskelly and Jaime Noce, eds., Political Theories for Students (New York: Gale Group, 2002), 237. 37 Lars-Erik Cedeman, Andreas Wimmer, and Brian Min, "Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis," World Politics 62, no. 1 (2010): 92. 38 United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization, "Nation-State," UNESCO, accessed December 20, 2016. http://www.unesco.org/new/en/social-and- human-sciences/themes/international-migration/glossary/nation-state/.

24 this collective identity when they face a collective challenge usually posed by other nations. As it dominates the hierarchy of identities in a state, national identity suppresses other identities in the context of conflict and tensions with other nation-states. At times of conflict, the transparent national identity becomes opaque.39 During peace the dominant identity remains transparent as it is accepted as the natural, normal and default. However, during internal conflict, disunity or sociopolitical instability the transparency of dominant identity become opaque when the aggrieved parts of population start to debate this identity and compare it with resurgent competing identities. Nationhood, among group identities, functions as the dominant group identity in a state, and by default it remains transparent.

James Blaut explores the legitimacy of the national question in modern times. He argues that all national struggles are a legitimate class struggle against oppression and inequality in pursuit of equality and end of oppression. He defends the case of Puerto Rican struggle for independence from the USA by arguing that it is wrong to assume that all national struggle are Eurocentric.40 He rejects the idea of national struggle being elitist only.41 He argues that national struggle originates among the oppressed non-elite, so it is not an elitist project. He also establishes the relevance of nationalism to modern time by rejecting the charge that nationalism is inspired by the primitive identity of racial belonging as he considers true nationalism emerges from the modern class struggle. He also rejects another similar argument that national

39 Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation: The Rise to Self-Assertion of Asian and African Peoples (Cambridge Massachusette: Harvard University Press, 1960). 40 By non-Eurocentrism Blaut implied that national struggles are not inspired by European ideal of nationhood and there exist local causes of oppression that initiate struggle for national autonomy. 41 He emphasized the oppression of non-elite as the main cause of national struggle, and argued that the oppressed class participation is voluntary, therefore, legitimate national struggles are essentially sustained by non-elite support.

25 struggle is irrelevant to the modern era of internationalism: he argues that national struggles are not dependent on needs of the particular time, therefore, these struggles always remain relevant (are timeless in appeal). He also supports the claim of nationhood for those who lacked territoriality. He argues that territoriality based nations are relevant to early European states. With the change in the realities of the twentieth century, therefore, territoriality is not an absolute condition for claiming nationhood. Non-territorial nationalities, therefore, are legitimate in claiming nationhood as ghettoized conditions of minorities make their struggle a legitimate class based national struggle.42 Blaut‘s defense of the case of minority ethnolinguistic Puerto Rican struggle against the domination of United States, as legitimate Marxist class-based struggle, signifies that language as identity marker can help in the formation of necessary collective identity required for the national struggle. The social practices of discrimination against a disenfranchised ethnolinguistic group often include barriers to access material benefits of language resources. The exclusion based nation-building process that Blaut has highlighted, creates resistance among ethnolinguistic minorities to the national identity and forms the fertile ground for the emergence of class based subnational identity that moves in the direction of independence by competing with the national identity.

After declaring language to be a characteristic feature of a nation,43 Stalin included territoriality as a right of statehood, while non-territorial minorities were declared illegitimate in their aspiration for forming a state. So the minorities were destined according to this definition to be absorbed in the majority through assimilation. Territorial unity was the

42 J.M. Blaut, The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism (ZED Books, 1987), 11-54. 43 Jeseph V. Stalin, "Marxism and the National Question," in J.V. Stalin Works: From Marx to Mao (1907-1913), Marxist Internet Archive (Moscow Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1953 [1913]), 304.

26 benchmark of a claim for nationhood. The fragmented minority, therefore, did not qualify for nationhood and thus the state.44 There appears a contradiction among Marxists on the issue of territoriality. Despite this contradiction, the Marxists unanimously support the end of class based oppression. After reviewing the Marxist position in the preceding discussion, the following discussion in this section attempts to explain a non-Marxist perspective where instead of class struggle, other elements are considered significant in the rise of a modern nation-state.

Four approaches to nation building are overviewed in the following discussion to explain the role of language therein. First is the school of ―perennialists or primordialists‖. In this school language is associated with nationalism in a ―romantic‖ sense that provide a common worldview inherent in the language to the members of the nation. ―Apologists‖ constitute the second schools. They consider nationalism as an unavoidable product of the historical social evolution of mankind. ―Modernists‖ constitute the third school. They consider nationalism as a consequence of modernism. Technology and industrialization being important components of this process of modernism. The fourth school of ―post-modernists‖ view nationalism as an artificial construct of social engineering. The second, third and fourth approach does not accept the validity of ―one language one people‖ while the first approach does so.45 Political philosophers like Humboldt, and proponent of language relativity like Whorf, present language as defining force for molding the worldview of its speakers, making this approach to nationalism essentially ―romantic‖.46 It provides a powerful stimulus to the study of language role in the construction of national and subnational identity.

44 Ibid., 3-5. 45 Sue Wright, Community and Communication : The Role of Language in Nation State Building and European Integration Multilingual Matters (Series) ; 114 (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 2000), 14. 46 Ibid.

The evolution of nationalism in a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual state can be explained through three views of national identity formation.

The first view presents response to modernization as a driving force behind the emergence of the nation-state. The most important response from the government is to control education and use it as a mechanism to build collective consciousness of identity among its members. Language as the medium of instruction becomes an important element. Important factors in state‘s motivation for standardization and promotion of subtractive monolingualism is derived from estimation of economic cost and time that would be required for the realization of such goals.47

The second view considers modern nation-state as the product of the mass production in publication and printing media. That language which is used for publication becomes the language of nationalism, and expression of nationalism is triggered by the modernizing process of print and publishing. Nation in this view is taken as an imaginary community, as it is not possible for any member to know all other members of the same nation. Belonging to a nation becomes a potent identity construct when sovereignty of the entailed nation-state emphasize a contrasting identity to other nation-states. Without the conception of other nations, this sense of nationhood remains ambiguous. Such modern nation-states depend on features of having land to live in, sovereignty to defend and the presence of equal status of all members. Organizations that represent these features of equality, sovereignty and territory becomes legitimate express of the modern nation-state. Sovereignty and territory also make the claim for a nation- state genuine in modern times. Print and the market associated with it

47 Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence O. Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 57.

28 depended on literate readers. Here the modern nation-states attempt to promote literacy as a tool to prepare their citizens for the influence of print and publications. The success of literacy programs in middle class make them an important constituent of the modern state. Further, their support to print media ensures the growth of a print market that thrives on feeding the formation of the national identity of its readers. The narrative of nationhood becomes normative due to the sponsorship of literate middle class. Language (especially written form) is vital to the efficiency and impact of printed products. The presence of multiple language varieties challenges the domination of a selected variety in publications when such varieties get sponsorship of readers. A variety that has no market in the form of reader is suppressed. This gives rise to language standardization that in reality is adapting language to particular economic and political conditions.

When print develops so the concept of efficiency also emerges with it. As discussed in the preceding paragraph, it would not have been economically profitable enterprise if printing houses had to publish in all varieties of language. Therefore, through necessity, print imposes the regime of a single variety. This necessity of profit necessitates the standardization of spelling, lexicon and grammar of the used language. Those who get their work published have the privilege of accessing a large reading circle across a longer period of time as compared to face- to-face oral communication. The sponsorship of literate middle class helps in changing the composition of the elite. The illiterate landed gentry have to become literate to stay in power, and they also have to make room for induction of upward mobile elements in the lower classes. This new leadership becomes a source of political mobilization for democracy and other attributes of the modern nation-state. With the rise of the new leadership, the importance of literacy and language increases in the modern nation-state. The print revolution also takes

29 away the privilege of privacy as it connects a member with the whole community and thereby extends the public influence into what was considered as private in earlier time.48The opinion making power of the print media bring language to the center of modern nation-state‘s function of integrating its members.

In the third view change in public administration in the modern times becomes the cause behind the rise of modern nationalism. Language becomes a tool of homogenization in modern public administration. The phenomenon of official language in the modern nation-state is caused by the ruling elite‘s desire to promote homogeneity among the ruled. The argument that is put forward by the ruling elite in these homogenizing effort is to make an efficient system of governance (administration).49 Modern states become centralized, due to the process of concentration of power in few hands in modern administration. The abstract concept of state is given a concrete form by elite who enact national unity through the promotion of uniformity. In this context language becomes important. A single standardized national and official language makes it is easier to marginalize deviant codes and introduce uniformity. This project attempts to promote efficient administration and uses a single language as a means of achieving this end. Consensus is built among the members by presenting it to common people as a productive and progressive aspect of modern nation-state.50

The concept of ethnicity closely relates to the nation. It is treated in the current discussion as a collective identity that ranks below national identity in identity-hierarchy. In twentieth century interest in subnational groups dramatically increased. Ethnic group‘s status as a sub-

48 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities. Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd ed. (London: Verso, 1991), 80. 49 Ibid., 40-1. 50 Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford and Meldon Blackwell Publishers Inc, 1986), 26-30, 180-1.

30 national identity was established in the academic discourse in the second half of the twentieth century.51 Smith views ethnicity as a new term to refer to sub-national identity. 52 Sollors argues that David Riesman used it for the first time in 1953, to mean inherited primordial traits of non- major rural groups who unreasonably prefer outdated non-progressive beliefs thus center their identity on distinction to progressive scientific thinking.53 We can, therefore, assume that ethnicity is an umbrella term (hypernym) for the description of subnational groups. It subsumes linguistic, tribal (racial), religious and cultural identities.54 Ethnic groups are distinguished on the basis of a single or multiple identities. The identity set that marks an ethnic group remains fluid, changing when some identity feature becomes undesirable.55 The composition of ethnic identity changes when such change serves the individual‘s interest.56 While some features of the ethnicity such as language remain stable57 historically the roots of ethnicity remain older than a modern nation- state.58

Ethnic identity emerges from an emphasis on difference or otherness. In language group, internal cohesion serves as a psychological barrier in learning a new language perceived as a loss of identity. An ethnic group

51Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives, Anthropology, Culture, and Society (London ; New York Pluto Press 2002), 4; Elizabeth Tonkin, Maryon McDonald, and Malcom Chapman, eds., History and Ethnicity (London: Routledge, 1989), 17. 52 Anthony D. Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), vii. 53 Werner Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity: Consent and Descent in American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 21-23. 54 Stephen May, Language and Minority Rights. Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Politics of Langauge (Harlow: Longman, 2001), 26. 55 Thomas Barfield, Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History, Princeton Studies in Muslim Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 20. 56 Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations 211. 57 Ibid., 211-2. 58 Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era, 57. Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia, 28-31.

31 seldom assimilates completely if such a program is introduced. Some identity features like language always resist assimilation and persist. Ultimately ethnicity resides in these stubborn features of a group that does not disappear after assimilation through contact with other groups.59 In a group of identity set, language also contributes as founding elements in symbolizing ethnicity.60 Ethnic and national identity overlap each other. Ethnic identity can be distinguished from national identity on the basis of nationhood association with state and lack of such claim in ethnic identity. When an ethnic group makes such demand it becomes a nation.61

Ethnic group has certain characteristics that make it an important subnational structure. The ethnic group as a social group must have an increasing population through reproduction, have common cultural values, would have an effective communication social network and must have (internally or externally originated) defining features.62 Language as means of communication and cultural indicator also adds to defining features of an ethnic group. Birth and belonging (through participation in identity forming roles) confer ethnic identity on an individual.63

Nation in its modern sense is connected with the traditional meaning of ―ethnie” that refer to kinship based on blood relationship. This traditional construction (of ethnicity) necessitate the presence of a common language that would make communication possible in the

59 Ellis Cashmore et al., Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations, 4th ed. (New York: Routledge, 1996), 44, 121. 60 Cedeman, Wimmer, and Min, "Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis," 99. 61 Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism, 4-5. 62 Christine Noelle, State and Tribe in Nineteenth-Century Afghanistan: The Reign of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan (1826-1863) (Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press, 1997). Barfield, Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History, 20.(Barfield, 2010)p.20 63 Django Paris, Language across Difference: Ethnicity, Communication, and Youth Identities in Changing Urban Schools (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 56-81.

32 kinship-based ethnic group. Communication plays important role in the strengthening of collective identity of the ethnic group. The centrality of technology enhanced communication implies the significance of language in a modern nation.64

To sum, discussion on Marxist and non-Marxist arguments established that language plays a significant role in the evolution of modern nation- state. While Marxist arguments emphasize that language contributed to nationalism through class struggle, non-Marxist argument point out consanguinity, industrialization, education, print media and modern administration as important language dependent factors in the evolution of modern nation-state. Language not only played role in emergence of modern state and nationalism, at the subnational level, it also related to the formation of ethnic identity.

2.3. NATIONAL INTEGRATION This section identifies elements of national integration. It considers cohesiveness and lack of it as indicators of positive and negative national integration in a nation-state. This section forms a repertoire of integrative (and disintegrative) elements. A critical review of the repertoire establishes the significance of these elements in LPP. Obasanjo considers national integration as a descriptive label for identifying cohesiveness among the constituent groups of a nation.65 Ekanola considers ―integration‖ as unifying process and ―disintegration‖ as the process of disunity among the state building elements.66 Elements that constitute nation-state (including political, social and economic

64 Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations 170. 65 Olusgun Obasanjo, Constitution for National Integration and Development (Lagos Nigeria: Friends Foundation Publishers Ltd. , 1989), 10. 66 Adebola Batunde Ekanola, "National Integration and the Survival of Nigeria in the 21st Century," The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies 31, no. 3 (2006): 282. Laura Briggs, Gladys MCommick, and J. T. Way, "Transnationalism: A Category of Analysis," American Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2008): 629-30

33 strata/classes such as ethnolinguistic groups and rural / urban divide) are unified when they accept the supremacy of national ideology. These two views imply a top-down process of coercive assimilation of non- dominant ethnolinguistic groups and promote negative integration.67 Further, the imposed cohesion often assume the form of domination of the powerful elements. Dominance as a construct of barriers, exclusion and inequality indicates the presence of negative integration, whereas equality and inclusion show positive integration. Therefore, the inclusion of safeguards is necessary to avoid domination.

There are two directions of cohesion of ethnolinguistic groups in the nation-state. Vertical cohesion signifies hierarchical structure of nation- state, and horizontal cohesion signifies the relationship between persons occupying the same level in the hierarchy. In the vertical aspect, the upward movement and development of persons and groups in ensured, so that members occupying lower levels of hierarchy can easily connect with members of higher levels of hierarchy. The horizontal aspect ensures the liberty of association between persons and group, while they treat each other to be equal.68 Inequality emerges when the barriers between people do not allow them to interact and share power. The gap between elite and non-elite (reflected in the difference between their living conditions) results in negative integration (disintegration).69 Vertical and horizontal cohesion imply that ethnolinguistic groups positively integrate when upward mobility and freedom of association are present and equality is ensured in both directions of national cohesion.

Gurung and Bhandari emphasize the process aspect and conditions aspect of national integration. The process aspect notifies, freedom of

67 See chapter I, section 1.2.1. for positive and negative integration. 68 Obasanjo, Constitution for National Integration and Development, 10-15. 69 Ibid., 81.

34 association and activities whereas condition aspect signifies the formation pluralist environment.70 In such environment, it is important to promote linguistic pluralism and freedom of associations and activity for ethnolinguistic groups in political and economic fields. Deutsch thinks of integration as the idea of belonging to an inclusive group that provides a sense of security.71 For Haas, it means, ―the voluntary creation of larger political units involving the self-conscious eschewal of force in relations between participating institutions‖. He considers freedom of choice and voluntariness necessary for forming new identities as replacement of old one.72 Integration for Wallace means enhanced level of structured interaction.73 These views on integration imply that linguistic pluralism, ensuring freedom (political and economic), security of interest (material and non-material), freedom of choice/decision and provision of structural resources for interaction for ethnolinguistic groups promote positive integration and absence of these conditions promote negative integration.

In the development of modern nation-states, the assimilation of disparate elements has been explored by Blaut. He considers the question of minorities is important in nation-states. As stated earlier Stalin denied such right to fragmented minorities in a nation-state, but Blaut considers that such minorities deserve the right to nationhood and their resistance to assimilation being legitimate. Blaut defines assimilation as loss of the culture (and language) of origin and gain of the culture of the dominant

70 Ganesh Gurung and Bishnu Bhandari, "National Integration in Nepal," Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthopology 3 (2008): 280. 71 Karl.W. Deutsch, "Communication Theory and Political Integration," in The Integration of Political Communities ed. P.E. Jacob and J.V. Toscano (Philadelphia: J.P. Lippencott and Co., 1964). 72 E.B. Haas, "The Study of Regional Integration: Reflections on the Joy and Anguish of Pretheorizing," in European Integration: Theory and Research, ed. L.N. Lindberg and S.A. Scheingold (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), 28. 73 W. Wallace, "Introduction: The Dynamics of European Integration," in The Dynamicsw of European Integration, ed. W. Wallace (London: RIIA, 2000).

35 group in the nation. He proposes that assimilation is effected through incentives of participation in the rising urban metropolitan capitalism. The resistance to assimilation is effected through recourse to laws and strengthening the networking in the minority ethnic group. The dominant groups instead of encouraging assimilation of the minority often resist it through socioeconomic ghettoization.74The Marxist perspective indicates that integration of ethnolinguistic groups is class based, where assimilation often produces exclusion and ghettoization of non-elite ethnolinguistic groups. Resistance to assimilation and (sometimes) recourse to legal protection (if present) here emerges as important means of minimizing the effects of imposed negative integration.

From a critical perspective, three approaches to international integration of a nation-state can be adopted. According to Odion federalism is a voluntary union where the constituting authorities stay independent, the integration here results from maintaining unity in diversity.75 Federalism grants joining nations, the status of statehood and concession of retaining a large part of their independence.76 In Nigeria when the original plan of the provision of autonomy was replaced by centralization, it increased ethnic grievances that resulted in conflicts.77 Functionalism focuses on common interests of states, by discounting individual state‘s sovereignty and rely on various functional institutions to carry out the cooperative tasks. The focus, therefore, shifts from an interest in integration within the individual state to that of shared

74 Blaut, The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism, 163-71. 75 I.R. Odion, "A Critical Assessment on Nigerian Federalism: Path to a True Federal System" (paper presented at the 4th Annual National Conference, of the Colleges of Education Staff Union, Potiskum, Yobe State2011). 76 K. C. Wheare, Federal Government, 4th ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1967). 77 Martins Daniel, "Federalism and National Integration: Panacea to National Development in Nigeria," International Research Journal of Interdesciplinary & Multidisciplinary Studies (IRJIMS) 1, no. 1 (February 2015).

36 interests of all states under the umbrella of globalization.78 Transactionalism is more like functionalism than federalism, as both assume function to be the basis of form (state). Transactionalism does not propose the formation of the federation as necessary for peace and integration. In this approach, social contact and social accommodation being necessary for the promotion of integration between states.79 Neo- Functionalism reflects the ethos of current trends in European integration. The focus here is on integration in the areas of low-politics, the formation of an authority that is potent but not threatening for national interests of individual states and integration of economic system across states (where the national economies gradually are engaged).80 Freedom of interaction between formative elements (social groups and functional institutions) is necessary for international integration through federalism, functionalism and transactionalism.81 Out of the three theories of integration only federalism recognizes the primacy of state form (where function or nature of integration depends on the form of state) while functionalism and transactionalism advocate intra-states integration through a focus on institutional functions and social transactions instead of form.

Aureli et al. propose that the degree of group cohesion studies in primates is also a feature of all human societies. They propose the extent of these characteristics can be measured in any society through the parameter of fission-fusion dynamics.82 They offer a three-factor

78 Ben Rosamond, Theories of European Integration (London: Palgrave McMillan, 2000), 30-50. 79 M Eilstrup-Sangiovanni, Debates on European Integration (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 25-30. 80 Rosamond, Theories of European Integration, 51. 81 Ludmila Dolna, "Theories of European Integration," The Asrudian Centre, International Politics, IR Theory, Economics, Philosophy, accessed April 7, 2012. http://asrudiancenter.wordpress.com/2008/12/11/theories-of-european-integration/. 82 Filippo Aureli et al., "Fission-Fusion Dynamics: New Research Frameworks," Current Anthropology 49, no. 4 (2008).

37 framework for the measurement of ―cohesion and membership‖ within a defined setting. A variation in size, composition and space can affect the nature of group cohesion. For ease in denotation, they propose the terms, ―higher F-F‖ and ―Lower F-F‖ (whereas F-F stands for Fusion-Fission). They propose that the difference between higher F-F and lower F-F groups arise from the difference in the challenges they face and a higher degree of flexibility that higher F-F group shows in case of a secure environment (less predation and plentiful resources where competition for food etc. is low). Further, the lower F-F group has lesser communication repertoire and means of conflict resolution and the higher F-F group show a richer communication repertoire and use communication in a complex way to avoid conflicts leading to negative integration. Use of communication for maintaining cohesion is heuristic in nature and those signals and communication procedures that become effective in avoiding conflicts leading to negative integration, have a better chance of reuse. This model establishes the relevance of language to socio-political integration.

National integration when viewed as a process, happens in three phases. In the first phase, members become aware of a recognizable structure of the elemental organizations of the state. In the next phase symbols signifying the structure in the local context of members emerge. These symbols include national flag and national holidays. In the last phase, a national identity that contrasts with local identity is constructed and members are expected to abandon the local in favor of national identity.83Whereas the first phase is totally material in nature, the second phase employs a combination of abstract and material indicators. In the third phase highly abstract and often controversial ideology emerges to dominate the question of nationalist patriotism. It may be noted here that

83 Liah Greenfeld and Daniel Chirot, "Nationalism and Aggression," Theory and Society 23, no. 1 (1994): 85.

38 the common people participate in the first phase, the middle class in the second and only elite have the privilege to debate and form the third phase. The monopoly of the elite on the highest form of national integration indicates that national ideology is used to safeguard their interest. Language that associates with this highest elitist driven national ideology also becomes a tool of exclusion and inequality.

One of the pioneer writers on integration, Handlin, considers it as an obligation of the state to end discrimination and exclusion and replace it by inclusion. He states it in the following words:

The term integration sometimes refers to the openness of society, to a condition in which every individual can make the maximum number of voluntary contracts with others without regard to qualification of ancestry. In that sense, the objective is a levelling of all barriers to association other than those based on ability, taste, and personal preference.84

In theory, integration means increased cohesion among the building blocks (ethnolinguistic groups and state institutions) of the nation-states. The idea of integration arises from two different sources, in one diversity is viewed as a resource, and in the other, it is viewed as a threat to unity. When diversity appears as a threat, the result appears in the form of attempted assimilation of the disparate elements. However, in practice, most assimilations fail due to the resistance of non-elite and lack of sincerity of the dominant elite in realizing full absorption and

84 Oscar Handlin, "The Goals of Integration," Daedalus 95 (1966): 270.

39 according to equal status to the new elements. Dominant elements often force the minority into isolations and ghettos.85

To sum, this section established that a top-down imposed project of assimilative nation-building and unity promote negative integration (disintegration). The barrier to contact, move and cooperate for mutual benefits in the horizontal and vertical direction of sociopolitical hierarchy produces inequality. The elements of positive integration that are discussed in this section include a barrier-free sociopolitical environment for upward mobility and freedom of association; absence of restriction on processes and conditions of national integration; provision of freedom choice/decision; provision of structural resources for free interaction and removal of hegemonic privileges of the elite. These elements focused on intranational (within nation-state). Three models of international integration are also explored. While federalism maintains the sovereignty of state, functionalism accords a higher value to institutional functions and transactionalism to freedom of social interaction. Absence and suppression of these elements of positive integration indicate the presence of negative integration.

2.4. LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING This section presents the development of LPP theory and practice. LPP is defined and significant features in the context of national integration are explored. Language reflects social life through contextualized functions as present linguistic discourses include socio-political contexts in the study of language.86 Earlier, Herder‘s proposal of a single language in a single

85 For discussion on partial assimilation, ghettoization and resistance to assimilation see Blaut, The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism. 86 Mairead Dunne, John Pryor, and Paul Yates, Becoming a Researcher: A Research Companior for the Social Sciences, Conducting Educationa Research (Berkshire: Open University Press & McGraw-Hill Education, 2005), 93.

40 state implied the romantic idea that single language adds to the integrative ability of a state.87 Such ideas created the need among the policy makers to search for the means to attempt the manipulation of form, function and learning of language(s) within modern state. The increase in the awareness about identity forming role of language made the study of language relevant to the conflict studies88 and national integration. The relation between language identity and conflict formation is now explored in a causal sense.89 The scholarship is, therefore, increasing about the socio-political role of language.90 In modern states, policy makers pursue the project of nation building and employ language as the tool of choice.91 Marxists in the twentieth century specifically explored the role of language in nationhood. Earlier in the Soviet Union (From 1930 to 1950) the idea dominated that language as a superstructure on economic base must be class determined.92 Stalin declared language to be neutral in the class struggle, however, he admitted that language facilitates the operation of both base and superstructure, and is a stable cumulative feature of national character (inclusive of bourgeoisie and proletariat).93Besides Stalin other writers such as Karl Marx, Engels,94Voloshinov95and V.I. Lenin96 also expressed their views about

87 Miskelly and Noce, Political Theories for Students, 234. 88 Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia, 1-2. 89 Ibid., 2. 90 William V. Spanos, "Global American: The Devastation of Language under Dictatorship of the Public " Smploke 16, no. 1-2 (2008): 180-1, http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sym.0.0061. 91 Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia, 60-80. 92 James Thrower, Marxist-Leninist "Scientific Atheism" and the Study of Religion and Atheism in the Ussr (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1983), 129-30. 93 Jeseph V. Stalin, "Marxism and Problems of Linguistics," in From Marx to Mao, ed. People's Republic of China (Peking Foreign Language Press, 1972[1950]), 3-23. 94 Karl Marx and Engels, "Apologetical Commentary," Marxists.org, accessed September 6, 2015. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german- ideology/ch03p.htm.

41 language policy while Western academia ignored the socio-political aspects of language. In early days of Soviet Union programs for the promotion of minority languages were zealously undertaken in a brief spell of linguistic liberalism (1917-1930s) but with the passage of time Russification gradually replaced the multilingual policies of early times.97 Despite the fact that Ferdinand de Saussure as the founding figures of modern linguistics termed language a product of society serving social needs98 social aspects of language were ignored in the Western academic research as the apolitical study of language (core features of language such as syntax and morphology) was considered more important.99 In early twentieth century, the separation of language and politics continued100 due to lack of interest of sociolinguists and political scientist in political and social functions of language.101 The revival of the study of language policy took place in the second half of the twentieth century102 and the relation between language and

95 Karl Marx and Engels, "The German Ideology: Critique of Modern German Philosphy According to Its Representatives Feurerbach, B. Bauer and Sterner, and of Gernman Socialism According to Its Various Prophets," Marxist.org, accessed September 6, 2015. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german- ideology/index.htm.He considers language to be ideological 96 V. I. Lenin, "Is a Compulsory Official Language Needed?," Proletarskya Pravda 32, no. 14 (January 18, 1914), https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1914 /jan/18.htm. 97 Harold F. Schiffman, "Language Policy in the Former Soviet Union," Universtiy of Pennsylvania, accessed September 6, 2015. http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/ 540/handouts/ussr/soviet2.html#_ftnref2; Jacob Ornstein, "Soviet Language Policy: Theory and Practice," The Slavic and East European Journal 3, no. 1 (1959): 1-3. 98 Ferdinand de Saussure, Course De Linguistic Generale [Course in General Linguistics], trans. Wade Baskin (1915), 9. 99 Ibid., 6-15; Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1965). 100 Robert Phillipson, "Political Science," in Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity, ed. Joshua A. Fishman (New York . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 94. 101 Joshua A. Fishman, Language and Ethnicity in Minority Sociolinguistic Perspective (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 1989), 605-25. 102 Anthony J. Liddicoat and Richard Baldauf, B. Jr., eds., Lanuage Planning & Policy: Language Planning in Local Contexts, ed. Richard Baldauf, B. Jr., Language Planning and Policy (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd., 2008), 56; Nancy Hornberger, H.,

42 politics firmly established as language was investigated in a sociopolitical context.103 Language policy can be defined as ―decision-making processes and setting of goals‖ about language104 and Language planning can be taken as implementation stage of language policy in all domain.105 In language policy and language policy domain occupies a central place. Spolsky cited Fishman proposing a functional identification of domain as a sociopolitical unit106 or institutional contexts, ―in terms of congruent behavioral co-occurrence‖ where the focus in the study of language policy rests on, ―who speaks what language to whom and when‖.107 Further, the functional approach, of taking competition of language group in the form of domain cultivation, domain loss and domain conquest is useful in designating a context as language domain.108 Categorization of domains on the basis of place, role-relationship and topic draw a parallel between sociopolitical structure and language policy (and planning). The domain labels of family, neighborhood, workplace, mosque/place of worship and government (from local to national level) are derived from social space.109 In language domain, language planning becomes a national activity that is aimed, ―to change

"Frameworks and Models in Language Policy and Planning," in An Introduction to Language Policy, ed. Thomas Ricento (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 26. 103 Lucy Burke, Tony Crowley, and Alan Girvin, The Routledge Language and Cultural Theory Reader (London: Routledge, 2000), 9. 104 Gibson Ferguson, Language Planning and Education, Edinburgh Textbooks in Applied Linguistics (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006), 16, 22. 105 Richard B. Baldauf, Jr., ""Unplanned" Language Policy and Planning," Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14 (1994). 106 Bernard Spolsky, Language Management (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 249. 107 Joshua A. Fishman, "The Relationship between Micro- and Macrosociolinguistics in the Study of Who Speaks What Langauge to Whom When," in Sociolinguistics, ed. J.B. Pride (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1972).p.29 108 Christer Lauren, Johan Myking, and Heribert Picht, "Language and Domains: A Proposal for a Domain Dynamics Taxonomy," LSP & Professional Communication 2, no. 2 (2002). 109 Bernard Spolsky, Sociolinguistics, Oxford Introduction to Language Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).p.34 & Spolsky, Language Management.p.3

43 the language behaviour of some population for some stated or implied reason‖.110 Language planning can be viewed as a deliberate activity that targets change in the ―structure, function and acquisition‖ of language.111Ruiz identified three orientations in the study of language policy i.e. language as right, language as problem and language as a resource.112 Language as right explores the legal aspects. Language as problem approach seeks a solution for problems such as the medium of instruction and national language. Studying language as a resource for development and opportunity remains largely ignored. Confusion exists about the nature of language policy planning. Haugen, one of the pioneers in the fields of language policy and planning, used the term language policy planning to indicate intervention in status and corpus of a language.113 Due to confusion in the meaning of policy and planning114 some experts (Rubin, Jernudd and Johnson) used language policy and planning, while Spolsky introduced ‗language management‘ as a replacement for language policy and planning115 Language policy planning is used in this study to indicate the overlapping nature of policy and planning of language as significance of difference in terminologies is restricted and of little practical utility.116

110 Robert Kaplan, B. and Richard B. Baldauf, Jr., "An Ecology Perspective on Language Planning," in Encyclopedia of Language and Education, ed. A. Creese, P. Martin, and N. Hornberger (New York: Springer, 2008), 41. 111 James W. Tollefson, "Language Planning in Education," in Encyclopedia of Language and Education, ed. Nancy Hornberger, H. (New York: Springer, 2008), 3. 112 Richard Ruíz, "Orientations in Language Planning," NABE Journal 8, no. 2 (01 / 01 / 1984). 113 Einar Haugen, "The Implementation of Corpus Planning: Theory and Practice," in Progress in Langauge Planning, ed. J. Cobarrubias and J.A. Fishman (Berlin: Mouton, 1983), 275. 114 Susan Hodgson, M. and Zoe Irving, eds., Policy Reconsidered: Meanings, Politics and Practices (Bristol: The Policy Press, 2007), 77. 115 Bernard Spolsky, Language Policy, 4th International Symposium on Bilingualism (Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press, 2005), 2152. 116 Spolsky, Sociolinguistics, 66.

LPP and socio-political changes are mutually related.117 Wenden equates language to sociological and political processes. Thus language is defined as, ―a factor, like political, economic, and cultural factors, which needs to be investigated in the search for insight into critical social problems‖.118In most cases, social and political changes become the cause of LPP as ‗societal resource‘ aiming at future social and political changes.119 The socio-political role of language shapes the identity of the group, and in this sense loss of language results in loss of culture and group identity.120 In its narrow sense, LPP solves communication problems121but the decision about language for broader socio-political changes by a national authority explains LPP better.122LPP initiative remains politically motivated, therefore, it deliberately changes language status, corpus and acquisition making education an important domain for implementing such changes.123 Political concerns necessitate a broader view of LPP that includes interdisciplinary themes such as culture, conflict and negotiation, identity, ideology and human rights.124 Discussion in this section established that Western academic interest in LPP awakened late while Socialist states such as the Soviet Union

117 Demise Daoust, "Language Planning and Language Reforms," in The Handbook of Sociolinguistics, ed. Florian Coulmas (Oxford: Blackwell 1998), 439-45. 118 Christina Schaffner and Anita L. Wenden, eds., Language and Peace, ed. S.P. Peyna and R.E. Downs, War and Society (Amsterdam: Ashgate Publishing Company Ltd., 1995), 217. 119 Joan Rubin and Bjorn H. Jernudd, eds., Can Language Be Planned?: Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations (University Press of Hawaii, 1971). 120 Ferguson, Language Planning and Education, 78. 121 Daoust, "Language Planning and Language Reforms," in The Handbook of Sociolinguistics, 436-53. 122 Robert Kaplan, B. and Richard Baldauf, B. Jr., eds., Language Planning and Policy in Europe, Vol. 3: The Baltic States, Ireland and Italy, ed. Richard Baldauf, B. Jr. and Robert Kaplan, B., Language Planning Anbd Policy (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. , 2008), 41. 123 Tollefson, "Language Planning in Education," in Encyclopedia of Language and Education, 3-5. 124 Mary McGroarty, "The Political Matrix of Linguistic Ideologies," in The Handbook of Educational Linguistics, ed. Bernard Spolsky and Francis Hult, M. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2008), 137.

45 keenly explored the political role of language in theory and in practice. Though Western philosophers indicated the link between ethnic/national traits and language, modern linguistics largely adopted an apolitical view of language in the first half of the twentieth century. In late twentieth century, the political role of language through policy and planning was explored, and language was found to have significant instrumental value in the achievement of socio-political goals. Domains of language especially education become an important source of understanding the implication of changing the function, acquisition and form of language.

2.5. LPP MODELS This section relates language and national integration in a structured form. As earlier it was found that language relates to the process of national integration, in this section, a structured appraisal of this relation is provided. The section first explores the nature of the model and then proceeds to explore the structural relation between language and nation- states. Labels of the models presented here are based on salient features of political goals and mechanism of realizing such goals across domains. Due consideration is given to the presentation of the nation-state and its integration in discussion and categorization of LPP models. If model is taken as a defined system that represents reality and stands useful for specific purposes,125 then it can be established that LPP model is systematic representation of intervention resulting in language change (form, function, status, beliefs, attitudes and acquisition etc.) so it may serve the specific purpose of understanding LPP role in national integration. The function of a model may be, ―foundational, structural,

125 Kevin A. Clarke and David M. Primo, "Modernizing Political Science: A Model- Based Approach," Perspectives on Political Science 5, no. 4 (December 2007): 742, https://rochester.edu/college/psc/clarke/POPArticle.pdf.

46 generative, explicative or predictive‖.126 Foundational models explain general problems, structural models provide organizing structure for the known facts, generative models point out research gaps and need for further exploration, explicative models present causality and predictive models forecast results for future.127 LPP model also explores four areas common to all policy studies i.e. motive, method, subject and area of operation.128 2.5.1. Marxist LPP Model Marxist LPP model is explored in the following discussion from the perspective of national integration. Focus of this discussion is on the theoretical debate among Marxists on the role of language in the class struggle.129 National question has remained one of the central issues debated by Marxists.130 The role of language as a feature of nationhood has been recognized by leading Marxist leaders such as Lenin and Stalin. Apart from the recognition of the importance of language in national question by the leadership, academic scholars also explored the role of language in class struggle and the national question. Marxists debates the role of language in the paradigm of economic production. Systematic treatment of language like the one found in capitalism is absent in Marxist world despite extensive writing of Lenin,

126 Thomas Romer and Howard Rosenthal, "Political Resource Allocation, Controlled Agendasm and the Status Quo," Public Choice 33, no. 11 (1978); Michael Lewis-Beck and Tom W. Rice, Forcasting Elections (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1992); Jack Knight, Law and Rational Choice, Working Paper (2001); Christopher H. Achen, "Social Psychology, Demographic Variables, and Linear Regression: Breakng the Iron Triangle in Voting Research," Political Behaviour 14, no. 3 (1992); David P. Baron and John A. Ferejohn, "Bargaining in Legislatures," American Political Science Review 83, no. 4 (1989). 127 Clarke and Primo, "Modernizing Political Science: A Model-Based Approach," 743. 128 John Robert Victor Prescot, The Geography of State Policies (London: Hutchinson, 1968).p.14 129 As Marxist theories about LPP are explored in this model therefore it is labelled as Marxist LPP Model. 130 Blaut, The National Question: Decolonizing the Theory of Nationalism, 2-11.

Stalin, Voloshinov, Bakhtin, Tran Duc Thao, Deleuze and Bourdieu.131 Schiffman states that Marxists consider language as a superstructure on the economic base132 and it remained the official Soviet approach in the early 1920s.133Later in 1950, Stalin reversed this approach and announced that language is neither part of base nor of the superstructure.134 Lecercle considers this position of Stalin as incorrect from a Marxist perspective.135 Before 1950, the accepted norm among Marxist considered language as part of the economic superstructure. For example, Bukharin thinks that language as part of superstructure represent the cultured and wealthy classes, therefore, language is bound to ―class cleavages‖.136In his commentary on French Revolution Pasolini comments that the spread of French language in France—starting as a dialect and later becoming national language—was due to the triumphant force of the post-revolutionary rise of capitalist superstructures that incorporated French in religious, military and scientific structures.137 Marxist largely adopted an emancipatory approach to language138 in the early days of USSR because Soviet leaders had to solve the nationality issue to counter colonialism. They found in language and territory a solution to the problem of nationality,139 and thus established a plausible criterion for the national question. The problem of language was inextricably related to the national question in the years immediately

131 Jean-Jacques Lecercle, A Marxist Philosophy of Language, trans. Gregory Elliott, vol. 12, Historical Materialism (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006), 74. 132 Schiffman, "Language Policy in the Former Soviet Union." 133 Kevin Tuite, "The Reception of Marr and Marrism in the Soviet Georgian Academy" (paper presented at the International Symposium "Socialist Era Anthropology in the Caucassus and Central Asia, Halle2009), 6-7. 134 Stalin, "Marxism and Problems of Linguistics," in From Marx to Mao, 3. 135 Lecercle, A Marxist Philosophy of Language, 77-82. 136 Nikolai Bukharin, Historical Materialism: A System of Sociology (New York: International Publishers, 1925 [1921]), 214-17. 137 Pier Pasolini, L'experience Heretique (Paris: Payot, 1976), 69. 138 Lecercle, A Marxist Philosophy of Language, 45. 139 Stalin, "Marxism and the National Question," in J.V. Stalin Works: From Marx to Mao (1907-1913).

48 before the formation of Soviet Union. This fact is most evident in the writings of V. I. Lenin who considers it the propaganda of capitalists against communists that non-Russian nationalities were forcibly assimilated to form a Russian identity. Lenin claimed that communism liberated those nationalities that were oppressed in Czarist period. He blames capitalism for supporting initially national question in order to divide the colonized (before independence) and if a colonized nation achieve independence then capitalism weakens nation-states with the force of internationalism. Lenin clarifies the position of communists to promote equalities among all nationalities and thus opposed preference for any particular language. Switzerland offers for him the perfect example of language rights where four languages function as the national languages though Germans were then in majority. 140Lenin thinks that despite the dominant negative connotation, assimilation can be positive in some condition. He thinks assimilation in the capitalist state as a negative force whereas in communism it becomes benevolent and positive. In negative form, assimilation is used to exploit and in positive form it empowers, because it is adopted voluntarily by the assimilated individuals. In capitalism language as part of national identity is employed to divide the oppressed people during national struggle. After formation of nation-state claim to language as the basis of nationality is weakened through the argument in support of internationalism. In a capitalist society, language rights are advocated by those liberals who publicly claim the rights of people and denounce privileges but secretly cut an underhand deal with the feudal and moneyed for more privileges for themselves. In the communist world, the principle of equality make the privileges in the name of language for particular group irrelevant. Therefore, according to Lenin the question of

140 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, "Critical Remarks on the National Question," in V. I. Lenin Collected Works Volume 20, December 1913-August 1914 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964; reprint, 1977), 18-19.

49 official language is purely the ploy of the bourgeoisie for division and oppression of the working class. This presents the negative side of assimilation of political minorities in capitalist nation-states. Assimilation does not remain negative when it is voluntary and it acts to negate inequality, privileges and violence against the vulnerable. Lenin raises no objection to such assimilation as he considers the preservation of national culture a democratic choice of individual. He cites the migration of Russian to Ukraine and their assimilation as a counter argument, that Russification was the communist agenda. Whereas Lenin takes a principled stand on the right of equality of subnational groups to demand local rights for their languages, Stalin advocates a pragmatic approach from the communist perspective where all language rights may be given up if they contradict efficient running of the state.141 Schiffman considers the Bolshevik LPP liberal before Stalinist purge. He claims this policy became oppressive after the Stalinist purges.142As in post-Revolutionary USSR ―Korenizatsiia‖ (nativization) policy was implemented to develop languages and it aimed to introduce the socialist culture everywhere in USSR. Later, Latin and Cyrillic script ere introduced in succession. The aim in case of Central Asia was to cut the historical ties of Turkic people with the rest Islamic world143 and force them to become the ―новый советский человек or novii sovetskii chelovek‖ (new Soviet man).144 The Marxist LPP model exhibits the following policy features of national integration to the researcher when tools of policy analysis (indicated at the beginning of this section) are used:

141 Stalin, "Marxism and the National Question," in J.V. Stalin Works: From Marx to Mao (1907-1913). 142 Schiffman, "Language Policy in the Former Soviet Union." 143 Ayse Pamir Dietrich, "Language Policy and the Status of Russian in the Soviet Union and the Successor States Outside the Russian Federation," Australian Slavonic and East European Studies 19, no. 1-2 (2005): 1. 144 N. Ustryalov, "From NEP to Soviet Socialism," (1934), accessed September 10, 2015, http://www.magister.msk.ru/library/philos/ustryalov/ustry035.htm.

1. Goals and motives. It aims to liberate oppressed classes (realized as oppressed nationalities) and aims at the creation of the new Soviet man, and socialist culture. 2. Subjects. Mostly territorial nationalities. 3. Area of operation. All domains, with the centrality of state machinery. 4. Methods. Intellectuals and state officials make policies that are implemented through the state-controlled machinery of education and publication. 5. Foundational function. Solving the national question in the colonial and post-colonial era. 6. Structural function. Language is considered part of the superstructure or in modern time with the rise in communication becoming a base of production, language can be viewed to be attached to the base as well.145 Thus language maintains class distinctions and struggles. 7. Generative Function. By problematizing the political and economic role of language Marxists explained language as a product and feature of social intercourse. Marxist approach generates the debate about assimilation as the process of exploitation and linguistic rights. 8. Explicative function. Explains coercive assimilation as the oppression of language groups that undermines national unity whereas voluntary absorption is considered positive assimilation that strengthens national unity. 9. Predictive function. Predicts linguistic oppression as a component of class struggle.

145 Lecercle, A Marxist Philosophy of Language, 79.

2.5.2. Power-Contest LPP Model Power based LPP model focuses on power as the rationale for intervention in language domains. Power is pursued as the intermediate means for rational or extra-rational goals (including social, political and economic interests)146 of the competitors.147 At the level of language group this competition leads to conflict. The competitors for power can be divided into two sides. The dominating group is called ‗ruling elite‘ and their competitors are called ‗proto-elite‘. Power may operate informally through charisma or coercive obedience of language groups.148 Control of power translates into the realization of, ―rational‖ goals along, ―extra-rational‖ ones. ―Domain of Power‖ become the arena of the contest for power, these include administrative structures along non-state actors such as media, workplace etc. An important indicator of domination in a domain is the establishment of the monopoly on goods distributed through the domain.149 Fishman considers domains as, ―sociolinguistic contexts definable for any given society by three significant dimensions: the location, the participants and the topic.‖150 The participants in the domain of power either attempt to monopolize power (as happens in the case of elites), the non-elite participate in the domain of power by resisting this monopoly. Language in this struggle plays the role of gate-keeper to the domain of power.151 As language helps in accumulation of power members of speech group engage in competition for maximizing prestige of their language.

146 Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia, 83. 147 Robert Kaplan, B. and Richard Baldauf, B. Jr., eds., Language Planning: From Practice to Theory, ed. Richard Baldauf, B. Jr. and Robert Kaplan, B., Multilingual Matters (Series): 108. (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. , 1997), 196. 148 Liddicoat and Baldauf, "Language Planning in Local Contexts: Agents, Contexts and Interactions," in Lanuage Planning & Policy: Language Planning in Local Contexts, 4. 149 Tariq Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998). 150 Spolsky, Language Policy, 42. 151 Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan, 13.

Association of a language or language variety with a source of power in a context incentivizes its learning and thus becomes the cause of language shift.152 Nelde explains LPP when two languages come in contact. Commonly such contact remains peaceful and results in cooperative political and social context featuring multilingualism and bilingualism. Language contact also exposes the groups to conflict.153 Depending on the inclination of authority they pursue the course of assimilation or maintenance. Assimilation aims to bring monolithic unity and maintenance aims at promoting pluralism.154 When this model is analyzed from the perspective of national integration the following features stand out: 1. Goals. Groups contest for power to maximize their rational and extra-rational goals. 2. Subjects. Socio-political elite makes policies and implements it on non-elite and proto-elite. The elite possesses power whereas other classes do not. Proto-elite contests for power with the elite while non-elite normally keeps out of this contest. 3. Area of operation. It spans all domain where the contest for power is present. 4. Methods. The elite attempts to preserve its domination while proto-elite and non-elite challenge it. This contest emerges in domains of power especially education and administration. 5. Foundational function. To rationalize power as a driving force in the creation of contesting language groups, the power itself acts as an intermediary instrument in securing interests.

152 Michael Shapiro, J., Language and Politics, Readings in Social and Political Theory (New York: New York University Press, 1984), 6. 153 Peter Hans Nelde, "Language Conflict," in The Handbook of Sociolinguistics, ed. Florian Coulmas (Oxford: Blackwell 1998), 285-301. 154 Ibid.

6. Structural function. The class-based struggle for maximizing rational goals echoes Marxist discourse about the monopoly of assets. However, this model differs from Marxism where language becomes part of the superstructure, here the Foucauldian approach to social structure is dominant as power is made the basis of the contest between language groups. So, it can be said that the contest for power is a combination of Michel Foucault‘s power theory with the Marxist approach to language in society. 7. Generative function. The theory of integration as coercive assimilation and political exclusion of power are problematized in the contest for power in language groups. 8. Explicative function. Explains why language groups resist imposed language policies. The reason lies in their repression and exclusion from domains of power. 9. Predictive function. It predicts that unaddressed grievances of exclusion from power result in ultimate demand for independence. 2.5.3. Language-Ecology LPP Model The metaphor of ecology is used in the formulation of this model. 155 The loss of language parallels extinction of a living species of a biological eco-system. The analogy of competition over scarce resources by living organisms is used in this model for the illustration of the competition of language groups over the resources of the state. Survival of languages, instead of the empowerment potential for the speakers, becomes the logic behind the competition, and identity becomes a marker of group boundary. The discourse of preservation of languages

155 Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia, 3.

54 is, therefore, a goal worth following for applied linguists in this model.156 In the language-ecology perspective, an individual language speaker‘s membership of groups is conceptualized to be in a hierarchical cascade. The steps of hierarchy begin with a smaller (local) level and gradually move to a higher and larger (national/international) level that subsumes the smaller level. The social, political and economic context is central to this model and considered equivalent to habitat in bio-ecology. A language is considered as the product of speakers‘ exchanges in a particular linguistic habitat (a sum of all languages spoken in an area). This model is remains inclusive for all language related factors such as economic, political, social and cultural forces that relate to language choices. This model due to inclusivity becomes a useful tool for understanding ethnolinguistic competition. Ethnolinguistic boundaries are labeled by the language they speak.157 According to Haarmann ethnolinguistic variable plays a key role in the synthesis of struggle.158 In language ecology, formation of ethnolinguistic identities are conceptualized as making of boundaries and when disintegration occurs it is explained as ―boundary crossing‖.159Increasing the ―prestige‖ of a language results in the increase of its value (for in-group to retain and promote it, and for members of out-group to learn it). This in the ecological perspective of language is considered as an inducement for learning a second language or on the downside not to use a language one knew earlier. This aspect explains how language conflict can be managed through language policy and planning.160 This model suggests

156 Michael A. K. Halliday, An Introduction to Functional Grammar (Melbourne: Hodder & Stoughton, 1990). 157 Herald Haarmann, Language in Ethnicity. A View of Basic Ecological Relations (Berlin: Mouton, 1986), 40. 158 Ibid., 57. 159 Ibid., 88-89. 160 Erik Allardt, Multiple and Varying Criteria for Membership in a Linguistic Minority: The Case of the Sweedish Speaking Minority in Metropolitan Helsinki

55 that learning new language offers a new identity that mitigates the violence and intensity of ethnolinguistic struggle.161 In this model, taking a cue from the metaphor of biological ecosystem, it is assumed that resources are always scarce, and ethnolinguistic groups are forced to compete with each other for domination of these resources in order to ensure the safety of their survival interest.162 In this model, competition and cooperation are weighed against each other. Cooperation is then considered to be more productive for the welfare of all. A regulated competition is however accepted as normal part of an eco-system of languages that has achieved stability.163 In the work of Spolsky, we find reference to language ecology. He found this metaphor useful in the establishment of the norm of protecting languages through the availability of freedom of language choices. 164 Analysis of this model reveal the following points about national integration. 1. Goals. This model presents a contest between language groups from an ecological perspective. 2. Subjects. The dominant languages and threatened languages present two extremes in language sphere or habitat. 3. Area of operation. The metaphor of habitat cuts across domains and present them to be connected in an organic eco-system. 4. Method. Competition among language groups.

(Helsinki: University of Helsinki, 1979), 40; Herald Haarmann, Language in Ethnicity. A View of Basic Ecological Relations (Berlin: Mouton, 1986), 89. 161 Haarmann, Language in Ethnicity. A View of Basic Ecological Relations, 98. 162 Eugene Pleasants Odum, Ecology. The Link between the Natural and the Social Sciences (New Yorkd: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1975), 1, 4. 163 Peter Muhlhausler, "Language Planning and Langauge Ecology," Current Issues in Language Planning 1, no. 3 (2000): 327; Mac Giolla Chriost, Language, Identity and Conflict: A Comparative Study of Language in Ethnic Conflict in Europe and Eurasia. 164 Spolsky, Language Policy.; Spolsky, "Language Policy."

5. Foundational function. The presentation of the complexity of language in society is simplified through the metaphor of ecosystem. 6. Structural function. The metaphor of eco-system and competition among living beings over limited natural resources is used to explain the competition among the speakers of languages. As the dominant language groups struggle for larger share or domination of limited natural resources off which all language speakers in an area live, it results in the elimination or threat to a less resourceful language group. 7. Generative function. To raise awareness about the importance of preserving the minority and threatened languages. 8. Explicative function. Explains how a less resourceful language is gradually eliminated by more resourceful language(s). 9. Predictive function. Points to the immense threat to the existence of the minority languages of the world. 2.5.4. Language-in-Education LPP Model Language-in-Education LPP model explores the centrality of education domain in LPP. This model explains how language affects national integration through the domain of education. Language-in-Education LPP model is based on three elements of national integration. Firstly, it aims to streamline the marginalized. Secondly, role of LPP experts is considered important. Thirdly, this policy favors a top-down approach i.e. initiation by the authority.165 Further, education is the most effective mechanism of language policy planning for experts such as Haugen. He considers the planning side comprises mainly the activity of language cultivation through ―implementation‖ and ―elaboration‖ in the domain of education.166

165 Spolsky, "Language Policy."; Spolsky, Language Policy. 166 Baldauf, ""Unplanned" Language Policy and Planning."

Ingram defines language-in-education planning as, ―the ideals, goals, and content of language policy that can realize, to the extent they are relevant, within the educational system.‖167 Education becomes the instrument of fulfilling the national goals through language in this model. Language-in-Education LPP model combines ideology (national), training (education), and medium (of language) to conveniently package together an effective tool of nation- building.168 Haugen169 in his version of Language-in-Education links practice and theory of intervention in language. Table 2 presents the essence of this policy: Table 2: Haugen Language in Education. 170

Form (Policy Planning) Function (language cultivation)

Society (corpus 1. Selection (of norm) 3. implementation Planning) (decision procedures) (educational spread) a. identification of a. correction problem b. evaluation b. allocation of norms

Language (Corpus 2. Codification (of 4. Development Planning) norm) (Standardization procedures) a. terminological modernization a. graphization b. stylistic b. grammaticalization development c. lexicalization

167 David E. Ingram, "Language-in-Education Planning," in Annaual Review of Applied Linguistics 10, ed. Robert Kaplan, B. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 53. 168 Tollefson, "Language Planning in Education," in Encyclopedia of Language and Education, 3-4. 169 Haugen, "The Implementation of Corpus Planning: Theory and Practice," in Progress in Langauge Planning. 170 Ibid.

Essentially this model implies the classic ―top-down‖ planning. This model centralizes education. This scheme allows other domains to play a supporting part in the process of national integration that education domain commands. Further, this model focus on only standardization and cultivation make the role of social, economic and political context minor that would be a grave mistake if the model is interpreted this way. When this model is reviewed for national integration, the following features stand out: 1. Goals. To highlight the importance of language choices in education as the instrument of realizing sociopolitical inspiration of nation building. 2. Subjects. Government as the policy maker and students as the target of policy and planning in short term and in long term to affect the whole population through trickle-down effect. 3. Area of operation. To focus on the domain of education as the centerpiece in LPP and then the influence of LPP is expected to spread to other domains. 4. Method. The trickle-down effect from education domain to other domain in the form of top-down policy and planning. 5. Foundational function. Problematizes the role of education in LPP in the project of national identity building. 6. Structural function. Language as the medium of instruction and as the subject of scholarship improves and become fit for administrative, scientific, technological and high culture, therefore national identity and nation building basis itself on how language question is handled in the domain of education. 7. Generative function. The control of modern state on education as an instrument of nation building project has awakened right

activists and minorities to include education in their language as a way to resist assimilation and preserve their identity. 8. Explicative function. Haugen in the discussion above explains how language in education becomes a potent instrument of nation building. 9. Predictive function. The importance of education in modern nation-states shows that language in education becomes the most contested area in the struggle of a language group.

To sum, this section reviews the role of language in nation building in the form LPP models. A sketch of changing direction in applied and sociolinguistic in western scholarship indicates a late realization of the significance of political and social forces in the development of languages while language was actively used in the socialist world for socio-political projects and the importance of language was officially recognized. Discussion language policy planning models it was found that critical perspectives on language role link language with domination. The larger picture of associating language with national integration, however, did not emerge in a single piece. The essential points of this discussion (along discussion from national integration were combined in the form of an eclectic theory that related language to national integration and named as Hybrid Language Policy Planning (HLPP) model.

2.6. CONCLUSION This chapter established the role of language in national integration. It explained that language plays key role in the emergence of modern nation-state through class struggle, modern printing, modern education, modern administration and advancement in technology. Discussion on language policy, language planning and LPP models further elaborated

60 sociopolitical significance of language. This chapter established that national integration is positive when it promotes freedom, inclusiveness, opportunities, equality, rights and multilingualism by removing barriers and discriminatory conditions. The absence of these factors along with coercive assimilation constitute negative integration (disintegration). This chapter also explained how and why language plays a role in national integration. Discussion on the nation and national integration elaborated that goals of unity and cohesiveness become the reason for employing language in national integration. Further, implementation of the conceived features of a modern nation-state explain how this role is played. The reasons and process of language playing a role in national integration was further elaborated in a discussion on LPP models. Marxist LPP model and Contest for Power LPP model identified that agency of language as a cause of conflicts emerge from competition. Education plays an important role in language-in-Education LPP model. Growing awareness about minority language rights and failure of the policy of one national language in multilingual contexts was discussed in Language Ecology LPP model that further established that multilingualism acts as a resource in conflict resolution.

CHAPTER III

NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING: AN OVERVIEW

3.1. INTRODUCTION ―Afghanistan‘s turbulent history in the twentieth century occasioned frequent changes in Afghan language policy.‖171 This chapter overviews the integrative role of Afghan LPP in the 20th century. Domination, exclusion, misalignment of interest (as competition) and barriers (in mobility and association) indicate negative integration; while equality, inclusion, alignment of interest (as cooperation) and freedom of mobility and association indicate positive integration.172 It assumes that negative integration promotes domination of a single language: while positive integration supports multilingualism. Afghan constitutions are discussed both as product and source of positive/negative integration in Afghan LPP. It overviews management of language in domains of government, education and economy. It highlights gaps in LPP intentions and results focusing elements of positive/negative integration in autochthonous as well as exochthonous languages. This overview comprises two parts: section 4.2 explores Afghan LPP during 1901-78: section 4.3 explores LPP during 1979-2001. Saur Revolution of 1979 is taken as the key political

171 Nawid, "Language Policy in Afghanistan: Language Diversity and National Unity," in Language Policy and Language Conflict in Afghanistan and Its Neighbors: The Changing Politics of Language Choice, 31. 172 See Chapter II, Section 2.3. for discussion on these elements of national integration

62 moment in Afghan history where past policies gave way to the current trends in LPP.

3.2. LPP BEFORE SAUR REVOLUTION (1901- 1978) This section overviews positive/negative integrative elements in Afghan LPP during 1901-1978. This period starts with the coronation of Amir Habibullah Khan (1901-1919) and ends with the unseating of President Daoud Khan (1973-1978) in the coup of 1978. Therefore, this section first overviews, Afghan Constitutional Movement (Mashroota) along constitutions of 1923, 1964 and 1976 for positive/negative national integration. This overview focuses on language policy. Subsection 3.2.1. overviews planning of autochthonous and subsection 3.2.2. overviews exochthonous languages. Afghan constitutionalist movement aiming at national integration used education and printing as a tool of mobilization in the twentieth century. This Printing and education was dominated by the elite in Kabul. Dari due to historical dominance in education and printing was the default language of Constitutionalist Movement. Early constitutionalist movement is divided into two stages ―Mashroota Awal‖ (First Constitutional Movement) and ―Mashroota Daum‖ (Second constitutional movement). According to Habibi‘s work, during this time, Dari was the dominant language. It was dominantly used in the print especially in Sirajul Akhbar by Maulvi Abdur Rauf Khan Khaki in the first movement (1905-1909) and by Tarzi during the second stage (1911-1923). Habibiya School and Anjumani Sirajul Akhbar (that later became Jan Nisar-e-Millat or Martyrs of Nation) predominantly used Dari language as working and formal language while Pushto remained a supportive language and other languages were never used. Further, this movement was elitist in character and was

63 based in Kabul, while the lower classes did not participate.173 Politically mobilized educated class of Afghanistan emerged as a result of modern education. This intelligentsia desired reforms as they were restless over the poor performance of government. The constitutionalists demanded a legal framework to define responsibilities of government officials. Modern education provided fresh blood and resolve to the movement and ensured its continuity. King Amanullah Khan was a nationalist and modernist. He attempted to reform administration and education. His nationalist inspiration was inclined to promote Pushto language and Pashtun identity. His efforts at constitutional reforms was a success for the constitutionalists. The constitutionalists‘ efforts bore fruit when the first constitution emerged in 1922-3 through a process of consultation with local and foreign experts.174As this constitution did not address the question of national language, therefore, the redefinition of national identity and resulting integration (where Pashtun identity remained a central concern) had to wait. However, the seeds of this nationalist LPP program for integration were sown and nurtured through these acts of modernization. Afghanistan Constitution, 1922-3175 had seventy-three articles. In Pushto version Afghanistan is called ―da millat d Pashtano‖ (the nation/country of Pashtuns), while the translated version (by Ansari and Poullada) backgrounds Pashtuns and reference to all citizen is made through ―Afghans‖. This constitution indicated the success of the constitutionalists, who were pushing for reforms through rule of law.

173 See for referenced passages from Sirajul Akhbar and biographies of leading figures of Constitutional Movement in Afghanistan in Abdul Hai Habibi, Junbishi Mashrootiyat Dar Afghanistan (Constitutional Movement in Afghanistan) (Kabul: Matba' Daulati, 1984). pp. 5-14, 27-42 and 102-7 174 Nighat Mehroze Chishti, Constitutional Development in Afghanistan (Karachi, Pakistan: Royal Book Company 1998). 175 See Afghanistan Government Website, accessed August 13, 2016, ―http://www.afghangovernment.com/‖ and Constitution Society, accessed August 13, 2016, ―http://www.afghangovernment.com/‖ . These resources were consulted for all constitutions except that of 2004.

Article 14 makes the state responsible for the provision of free education to all Afghans. The foreigners were allowed to work as teachers in Afghan schools but they were prohibited from running schools in Afghanistan. Article 15 of Afghan Constitution, 1923 states, ―All schools in Afghanistan are under the control, supervision, and inspection of the government which is charged with developing the scientific and national education of all citizens on the basis of unity and discipline….‖ Article 42, Clause A, made advisory councils responsible to provide suggestions for improvement of education. In Article 68 of the Constitution of Afghanistan, 1923, acquisition of primary education was made compulsory for all citizens of Afghanistan. In this article, the statement, ―The various curricula and branches of knowledge are detailed in special law [Nizamnamah da asasi da wazarat mu‘arif 1921 and 1928] and they are to be implemented. Habibi criticized this constitution for its lack of clarity and King Amanullah Khan‘s disregard for it in vital matters.176It can be inferred that this constitution could not act as an effective source of LPP due to lack of clarity and disregard of the monarch.

Article 14 and 15 makes education free and to be under the control of the state with a set aim to promote unity. The discursivity and intertextuality of ―unity‖ implies confirmation of the existing social practice of giving higher status to Dari language while ignoring such status for other languages. Thus through omission, this constitution present a hegemonic model of ―unity‖ where Dari language would integrate Afghans and for non-Dari speakers, its acceptance as the norm of national identity is established. Article 42.A further enhances the role of the elite as advisory councils are authorized to provide necessary suggestions for improvement of education. Article 68 made

176 Habibi, Junbishi Mashrootiyat Dar Afghanistan (Constitutional Movement in Afghanistan). pp.58-172

65 primary education compulsory for all Afghans. The non-uniform distribution of schools thus favored urban population. Further, the constitution refers to education law as a further specification of management of education. The Education Law (1921) was printed in Dari only. This law provides detail about the organization of ministry of education and schools. However, it remains silent about the medium of education, thus confirming the continuation of Dari as a medium of instruction, it lacks mention of promoting the Pushto language.177 In Education Law of 1928 implicit establishes the Dari as a medium of education is made while it also points to ―Pushto Tolana‖ (Pushto Academy) to function as an organ of education ministry to develop in future the Pushto textbooks for students.178 The two laws indicate a gradual rise of Pashtu language. However, the political support of Pashtun nationalism was not actively pursued. As is the case with later constitutions this constitution omits recognition of an official language status. This omission establishes the existing practices of Dari domination in domains of power. The centralist tendency in the constitution (in a multilingual and multiethnic Afghanistan) added by downplaying rights for subnational ethnolinguistic groups, shows a conscious effort of Afghan elite to integrate Afghanistan population as citizens in an individual capacity. The individual-based rights imply that Afghan elite viewed ethnolinguistic plurality as a challenge that was hoped to weaken by integrating Afghans as individuals in the new Afghanistan (defined through this constitution). The rights of equality to individual Afghans failed to materialize as the sociopolitical reality of rights in Afghanistan (especially in the periphery) were group based.

177 Government of Afghanistan, Nizamnamah-I Vizarat Jalilah-I Ma'arif Afghanistan (Kabul: Matb'ah-i Tipugraphi, 1921). 178 Government of Afghanistan, Nizamnamah Da Asasi Da Wazarat Mu'arif (Law Governining the Fundamental of Ministry of Education) (Kabul: Matba'ah-i-Shrikat-i- Rafiq, 1928).pp.11-17

The pace of reforms and modernization in Afghanistan alarmed the conservative elements in Afghan society. Their discontent increased with each reform. In uprising of 1929, the king abdicated leaving room for the conservative alliance led by Bacha Saqaw (January 1929- October 1929). Nadir Shah (1929-1933) succeeded in regaining rule. He adopted a cautious gradualist policy, reflected in the Afghan Constitution of 1931 that he adopted. The new constitution made the ministers accountable to national assembly (bi-cameral). Zahir Shah (1933-1973) became king after King Nadir Shah. The Early period of his rule was dominated by his uncles who continued the gradualist approach of King Nadir Shah to reforms. One of them, Sardar Mohammed Hashim Khan (Prime Minister, 1929-1946) had a Pashtun nationalist way of seeing the state of affairs. He introduced Pushto only policy to recreate Afghan national identity. The number of Pashtu publications oriented to political and social reforms, increased in this period. The nationalist and reformist agenda dominated these publications. The loose network of like-minded people who read and wrote in these periodical publications gradually consolidated to provide a substrate for future political parties. When Daoud became prime minister of Afghanistan, he started manipulative politics to reassert the unquestioned domination of Pashtun royalty and thus undermined the fledgling democracy by driving a wedge among Afghans along ethnolinguistic lines. As the oppressive tactics against dissenting leaders increased, so did the unrest. The gradual expansion of modern education increased the number of disaffected youth in Afghanistan, who were ready to express their frustration over corruption and authoritarian rule. The ranks of these educated people were bolstered by the rising middle class. The increase in middle class ownership of private business and modern manufacturing (financed by Da Afghanistan Bank and Banki Mili) helped in the formation of this

67 modernized and politically active middle class in Afghanistan. This was the time when Pashtun nationalism was officially promoted and had popular support among incumbent Pashtun nationalist elite. As the newly found Pakistan was weak, and the internal unrest in Afghanistan was at verge of explosion, the promotion of Pashtunistan issue provided a temporary venting for the pressure that was caused by political corruption. This move helped the political elite to rally Afghan unity through the projection of a common external enemy i.e. Pakistan. Daoud established closer diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union to gather the required international support in this dispute (as Pakistan slid into the influence of United Sates). King Zahir Shah was worried over this unwanted development. He followed the strategy of introducing incremental internal reforms and democracy to stay relevant to Afghan politics. When the ploy of Pashtunistan did not work, Daoud resigned to save royalty from public anger. For the first time a non-royal prime minister was appointed. To provide a new start to Afghan politics, a new constitution was introduced in 1964, declaring Afghanistan a constitutional monarchy. This was the first constitution that limited the powers of the monarchy in the true sense and provided political freedom along freedom of expression.

Afghanistan constitution, 1964 had 128 articles and it was divided into eleven titles (chapters). Article three of the Afghan constitution, 1964 states, ―From amongst the languages of Afghanistan, Pushtu179 and Dari shall be the official languages.‖ In Article 35, it is stated, ―It is the duty of the state to prepare and implement an effective program for the development and strengthening of the national language, Pushtu‖. This article continues the commitment of Afghanistan to the promotion of national identity on the basis of Pushto. However, in this article we find

179 In certain official documents the alternative spelling Pushtu and Pashtu is used, however, in this work ―Pushto‖ is used to represent all these alternatives.

68 the realization of the fact that Pushto was not accepted as the only official language, therefore, this legislation provides an aim for standardization program for Pushto, implying that this language would be used again as the language of national symbolism and official functions. Article 34 of this constitution states,

―Education is the right of every Afghan and shall be provided free of charge by the state and citizens of Afghanistan…. The government is obliged to prepare and implement a program for balanced and universal education in Afghanistan…. The state alone has the right and duty to establish and administer the institutions of public and higher learning. Outside this sphere, Afghan nationals are entitled to establish technical and literacy schools. Conditions for the establishment of such schools, their curricula and the conditions of learning in such schools are to be determined by law. The government may grant permission, in accordance with the provisions of the law, to foreign persons to establish private schools for the exclusive use of foreigners.‖

This single article deals with all forms of formal education that are provided by the state. This article makes the state responsible for providing a balanced and free education to all citizens. Foreigners are conditionally allowed to operate and open educational facilities in Afghanistan, however, enrollment of Afghans was banned in such schools. Article 31 of this constitution conditionally allows right of printing and publications to Afghan citizens. The monopoly of state was retained over the more potent electronic media (radio and television). Article 25 made all Afghans equal before the law (without

69 discrimination). In this article, ethnolinguistic rights are indirectly covered. This constitution as the product of political mobilization and protests of Afghan people addressed the issue of national and official language of Afghanistan by allowing Pushto and Dari as the national and official languages. Dari that was earlier called Farsi (Persian) has been renamed to give it an Afghan identity. The official status for two came at the cost of denying such status to other languages of Afghanistan (even at regional level). This constitutional provisions put an end to the Pushto only policy and weakened Afghan ideological commitment to Pashtunistan issue (by accepting a bilingual structure the one nation, one language ideology weakened). This constitution also allowed the formation of political parties that recognized group based rights by providing freedom of association.

This freedom resulted in the formation of various parties where ethnolinguistic orientation was significant. Marxist parties Khalq (dominated by Pashtuns) and Parcham (dominated by non-Pashtuns) were prominent among them. Their ultimate alliance resulted in the creation of People‘s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). The election of 1965 voted in a majority of secular members (from urban areas) with notable conservative elements from rural areas. While the new assembly pushed for exerting independence, King Zahir Shah tried to cling to checking it by refusing to attest important bills of the representative. The result was failure in the delivery of services. Protests and natural calamities resulted in the failure of the democratic representatives. Daoud took advantage of the situation and deposed King Zahir Shah, announced the end of monarchy and beginning of the era of a democratic republic (to be run by one party of largely Pashtun elite i.e. Revolutionary National Party). New constitution unfolded to protect the developments after the coup. The new constitution allowed

70 a single party rule, and in LPP continued with the policy of the previous constitution of recognizing official status for Dari and Pushto.

Afghanistan constitution, 1976 came into force in (1355 A.H. or 1976 A.D). It had one hundred and thirty-six articles that were divided into thirteen chapters. This article renamed Afghanistan as the Republican State of Afghanistan. Article 23 of the constitution of Afghanistan, 1976 dealt with official languages, and stated, ―From amongst the languages of Afghanistan, Pushto and Dari shall be the official languages.‖ Article Ten repeated the statement of the constitution of Afghanistan, 1963 regarding education. Article 40 declared one party rule of Hizb-i-Inqilab-i-Mili as legitimate, thus making other political unconstitutional. This constitution generally is a copy of the earlier constitution, differing only in making the one party rule, and party decisions as having legal status. This constitution by denying political rights was not balanced in terms of granting equality, a precondition for an inclusive LPP. This constitution remains in essence like the preceding constitution it replaced. However, the reintroduction of restriction of freedom of political association reversed the gains made in the Afghan constitution of 1964.

To sum, Afghan constitutional movement and the resultant constitutions of 1923, 1964 and 1976 gradually established Afghanistan as an officially bilingual state. Initially, Dari was the official language with social prestige attached. The rise of Pashtun nationalism attempted to replace Dari by Pushto but the policy failed in implementation. The realization of failure resulted in a bilingual official status where Dari was allowed to perform the historical function while Pushto was given equal status with an aim to promote it to have an equal role in domains of power.

3.2.1. Autochthonous Languages This subsection explores elements of positive and negative integration in Afghan language policy planning for autochthonous (indigenous) languages during 1901-1978. 20th century Afghan elite treated linguistic diversity as a problem. Therefore, they envisioned a new Afghan national identity to replace the old ones.180 King Amanullah Khans, King Nadir Shah and King Zahir Shah supported the modernization of Afghanistan.181 They employed LPP tools such as printing, education, introduction of technology and administration for the modernization of Afghanistan through discouragement of linguistic diversity through a series of overt and covert practices. The burst of LPP activity after 1919 showed that independence from Britain (liberation of foreign policy) led to national awakening on modern lines, and Pushto became a candidate for the nation building project. Standardization of Pushto accompanied a gradual rise in the status and functions of Pushto language.182 The ascendance of Pushto was effected through the policy of replacing Dari by Pushto in all domains but specific focus was government and education. The enactment started with making Pushto as the only official language of Afghanistan. It made the Pushto language a leading feature of reconstructing the narrative of national integration around domination of Pushto and its speakers.183 Mugaddedi states that Persian and Pushto were the major languages with official status in Afghanistan during the twentieth century. Persian contained classical literature

180 Robert D. Crews, Afghan Modern: The History of a Global Nation (Harvard: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2015), 73. 181 Percy Sykes, A History of Afghanistan (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation 1981), 318-29. 182 M.A. Miran, "The Function of National Lanuages in Afghanistan," Afghanistan Council of the Asia Society 11 (1977): 1. 183 Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek, "The Struggle for the Afghan State: Centralization, Nationalism, and Their Discontents," in Identity Politics in Central Asia and the Muslim World. The Struggle for the Afghan State, ed. Willem Van Schendel and Erik J. Zurcher (New York: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2001), 155.

(enjoying association with the elite). It was used in the majority of formal communications such as official orders and publications. Pushto contained military terminologies and it was the language of the ruling class but remained neglected in official use.184In the twentieth century, King Amanullah and king Habibullah realized the importance of Pushto and desired to make it an official language.185 The policy of promoting it gradually became intense in the 1930s as an instrument of the new ideology of Afghan national identity. In 1936-8 Pushto only language policy came into effect. It was a grand plan envisioned to replace Dari by Pushto in offices and in education. Most officials who earlier used only Dari had to switch overnight to Pushto. To this effect, a plan was made to train official in using Pushto in offices. At that, Sardar Hashim Khan, the Prime Minister of Afghanistan unfolded the essentials of Pushto only language policy to Ellat Maillart, a French journalist, in an interview in 1937, ―From next year it [Pushto] is to become the language of our officials, doing away with Persian. Our legends and our poems will then be understood by everyone. We shall draw from them a pride in our culture of the past which will unite us".186 The ethnic Pashtun, nationalist King Amanullah Khan‘s dream to promote Pushto and base Afghan national identity around it, was realized during the reign of King Zahir Shah. The sapling of Pushto Society became a powerful academy in time of Zahir Shah, in the form ―Pashtu Tolana‖. Thus, the two decades of the 1930s and 1940s were dedicated to promote the Pushto language as part of nation building

184 Fazal Ghani Mugaddedi, Afghanistan Dar Ehd-E Alikhazrat Amanullah Khan 1919-1929 (California: Folgergraphics Inc., 1997), 16-7. 185 Ali Banuazizi and Myron Weiner, The State, Religion, and Ethnic Politics : Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan, 1st ed., Contemporary Issues in the Middle East (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1986), 9. 186 Ella Maillart, "Afghanistan's Rebirth: An Interview with H. R. H. Hashim Khan in 1937," Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society 27, no. 2 (1940): 225-8.

73 where Pushto and Pashtun were dominant.187 Persian names for Government Ministries were replaced by Pushto titles e.g. Wazrat-e- Sihha became Da Roghtiya Wazarat (Ministry of Health); Wazarat-e- Tijarat became Da Tijarat Wazat (Ministry of Commerce); Wazarate Mua‘rif became Da Puhani Wazarat (Ministry of Education) and Wazarat-e-Kharja became the Da Kharja Charo Wazarat (Ministry of Foreign Affairs).188 The education policy of 1921 and 1928 made it compulsory for the records section to maintain Pushto version of all official documents.189Pashtu Tolana (Pushto Academy) was established to function under the ministry of education and its function included translation from Russian, French and Turkish language textbook into Pushto and to undertake corpus planning and standardization of Pushto language.190As discussed earlier in this chapter, Afghan elite attempted to rewrite the narrative of national integration around Pashtun identity. In declaring Pushto as the only official language of Afghanistan the motto of ―one language, one state‖ was followed, thereby entering the phase of status planning by selecting Pushto for the official status and removing Dari from official status. Before the declaration of Pushto as the only official language, cultivation planning for Pushto began earlier with the process of standardization. As Pushto was found unfit for the role, therefore codification of the norm started through lexicalization and grammaticalization.191 Pashtu Tolana or Pushto Academy inspired by the French Academy was established to perform this role. When Pushto Academy was included in Ministry of Education, it was implied

187 Banuazizi and Weiner, The State, Religion, and Ethnic Politics : Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan, 56. 188 See, Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Da Matbu'ato Mustaqil Riyasat, (1335 HS) 1956), 447-8. 189 Government of Afghanistan, Nizamnamah Da Asasi Da Wazarat Mu'arif (Law Governining the Fundamental of Ministry of Education), 4-11. 190 Ibid., 16-17. 191 See Table 2: Haugen Language in Education on p.57

74 that education would become the mechanism of language cultivation in Afghanistan. The political project of Pashtunistan evolved along this institutional policy and planning as resources, experts and activities for implementation, correction and evaluation of Pushto took place along the development of its terminology (modernization and development of technical terms) and stylistic specification for various formal contexts.

Till 1935 majority of textbooks and books for general reading were published in Dari against few Pushto books.192Till 1941, work on Pushto textbooks was not complete.193 As the Pushto only policy was declared in 1937, this scenario shows a lack of its implementation by Ministry of Education. Pashtu Tolana (Pushto Academy) offered 257 Pushto language courses in Kabul and 276 in all provinces in one year.194 Officially, Pushto remained as the only medium of instruction in schools during 1937-1945. However, this policy did not translate into planning as Dari textbook teaching continued.195 In 1944 Ministry of Education started full-scale implementation of the Pushto only language policy. Though, directives were issued and work on implementation in state run schools (both at primary and secondary level) was pursued, however, a note of failure in implementation was made through discussion on shortage of textbooks and competent teachers196 In 1946 the decision was reversed due to scarcity of Pushto teachers, textbooks,197 disruption in administrative efficiency.198

192 See Government of Afghanistan, Salnameh Kabul (Kabul: Anjoman-e-Adabi, 1935), 70-80. 193 See Government of Afghanistan, Da Kabul Kalani (Kabul Pukhto-Tolana, 1940- 1941), 81. 194 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani, 125. 195 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul Da Kabul Kalani 1322 (Kabul: Pukhto Tolana, 1943-44), 58. 196 Government of Afghanistan, Da Kabul Kalani 1323 (Kabul Pukhto Tolani Da Nashriato Sanga, 1944), 65. 197 Afghanistan. Viz rat-i Ma rif. Planning Department., Education in Afghanistan During the Last Fifty Years (Kabul: Planning Dept., Ministry of Education, 1968), 61.

Afghan elite realized that Pushto only policy was a blunder.199 Therefore, they decided to introduce bilingual education with Dari or Pushto in their majority areas while offering Pushto or Dari as a minor subject where the language happened to be in minority. This bilingual education program was followed till 1950. In 1951, on the recommendations of UNESCO, Ministry of Education observed that the language policy of bilingual education was difficult to pursue (as it placed great stress on students), therefore it was recommended that at primary level in the first three grades medium of education should be the mother tongue (first language) of students (Dari or Pushto), while the second language was to be introduced at fourth grade and books in Dari and Pushto were circulated.200

The Pushto only language policy was closely related to Afghanistan‘s support for Pashtunistan issue—where the demand for unification of Pashtun land across Durand Line was made—and the issue was raised and pursued by Pashtun nationalists.201 Benawa in the Afghan state publication Da Kabul Kalani considered all Pushto-speaking areas to be part of Pashtunistan divided into two by the colonial British India and Pakistan.202 He thought that national awakening and struggle for freedom intensified after Britain left India, as three Pushto publication

& Government of Afghanistan, Da Kabul Kalani: Almanach De Caboul (Kabul: Pukhto Tolana, 1946-47), 78. 198 Nawid, "Language Policy in Afghanistan: Language Diversity and National Unity," in Language Policy and Language Conflict in Afghanistan and Its Neighbors: The Changing Politics of Language Choice, 37. 199 Sayyid Qasim Rishtiya, Katerat E Siyasi (Political Thoughts) (Peshawar: Markaz- e-Mutali-at-e-Afghani, 1992), 24. 200 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Kabul Kalani (Kabul: Ministry of Publication and Information, (1330 SH) 1952), 134. & Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Da Matbu'ato Mustaqil Riyasat, (1334 HS) 1955-56), 178. 201 Nawid, "Language Policy in Afghanistan: Language Diversity and National Unity," in Language Policy and Language Conflict in Afghanistan and Its Neighbors: The Changing Politics of Language Choice, 38. 202 Abdur-Rauf Benawa, "Nazari Ba Pukhtunistan (Review of Pashtunistan_," in Da Kabul Kalani, ed. Muhammad Karim Shion (Kabul: Matba'e Umomi, 1951), 326.

76 i.e. ―Loy Pashtun‖ (Great Pashtun), ―Azad Pashtunistan‖ (Free Pashtunistan) and ―Azad Pashtun‖ (Free Pashtun) were published to support the movement.203 The various activities of language planning progressed in tandem with support for the national project of constructing new Afghan identity, using the template of Pashtun norms. This ensured domination of Pashtun thus continuing their entrenched position in positive integration. However, the exclusion of minority languages implied negative integration of their speakers. They had traditionally resisted Pashtun domination in LPP by preferring Dari language. The failure of Pushto only policy may be attributed to this collective resistance of non-Pashtuns to the new project of national integration (that implied the non-Pashtun exclusion). The minority language groups were alarmed by the domination of Pashtun identity as it was officially recognized as Afghan nationalism.204 The Afghan government also realized their fears, and the constitution of 1964, declares Dari co-official language along Pushto.205 In 1964 political awakening of the minority ethnolinguistic groups became a reality. Political alliances began to emerge, one such minority-oriented party was Sitam-e-Milli. The proclaimed aim of this party was to resist the dominating status of Pashtuns. In this party, its leader, Taher Badakhshi welcomed the non-Pashtun ethnolinguistic groups.206

203 Ibid., 232. 204 Hafizullah Emadi, "Ethnic Groups and National Unity in Afghanistan," Contemporary Review (January 1 2002), accessed July 1, 2016, http://www.thefreelibrary.com/EthnicGroupsandNationalUnityinAfghanistan.- a082513925. 205 Constitution of 1964 of Afghanistan. Accessed April 5, 2008 http://www.afghanistantranslation.com/Constitutions/Constitution_1964-1343 _ET.doc> 206 Zalmay Khalilzad, "Anarchy in Afghanistan," Journal of International Affairs 51, no. 1 (1997): 39. & Emadi, "Ethnic Groups and National Unity in Afghanistan." & S. Fida Yunas, "Afghanistan's Minority Nationalities," Central Asia, no. 40 (1997): 183.

Afghan legislation as previously discussed was a competitive ground for Pushto and Dari languages. The announcement of law would be made by king Zahir Shah in an official publication called Rasmi Jarida that was published in Dari included some parts translated into Pushto. Analysis of one such document from Hot, 1342 H.S (1964) revealed that the official bulletin would be fortnightly published in Dari and Pushto languages. On close analysis we find King Zahir Shah‘s signed only Dari version, whereas its translation (done most likely by someone else) in Pushto was unsigned, that implies Dari remained the working official language, whereas, Pushto was used for symbolic purposes and for communication with Pushto speaking masses.207 Afghan economy significantly modernized in the 1930s. Modern banking started with the private ―Bank-e-Mili‖ (national bank) and state-owned ―Da Afghanistan Bank‖ (the state bank) in 1932. The chalking of five and seven-year plans helped in the emergence public and private sectors entrepreneurship. In the 20th century Afghan economy remained largely state owned and state controlled. Despite this lopsidedness in the economy, private sector developed and significantly contributed to economic growth.208

Details about the use of language in Afghan economy are scarce. The inscription on coins and writing on banknotes provide necessary information on language dominance in Afghan economy. Central Bank of Afghanistan (Da Afghanistan Bank) title is in the Pushto language. As the bank was started in heydays of Pashtun nationalism, the Pushto title indicates Pushto domination in marking the domain surface identity.

207 Government of Afghanistan, Rasmi Jareeda (Official Bulletin), Da Afghanistan D Padshahi Daulat Rasmi Khaproon (Kabul: Ministry of Justice, 1964). 208 M. Siddieq Noorzoy, "Economy in Modern Afghanistan," Encylopaedia Iranica (2011), accessed July 5, 2016, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/economy-xi-in- modern-afghanistan.

Afghan monetary unit was Afghan Rupee in the reign of Amir Habibullah Khan and King Amanullah Khan. Nadir Shah renamed it to Afghani. The language of Afghan currency till 1926 was Dari only, then we find the emergence of bilingual banknotes. However, in the 1930s the language of banknotes became Pushto in the denomination notification, and promissory clause. English language confined to script on the front of the note, and right top or left bottom denomination note (as far as the script is concerned English and other European languages are written in Roman alphabets, but the denomination note ―Afghanis‖ appears to be from the English language in the choice of plural morpheme infliction). Successive governments of Zahir Shah, Daoud (Democratic Republic of Afghanistan), Socialists (People‘s Democratic Republic of Afghanistan), and Mujahideen (Islamic State: 1992-95) followed this policy with a small variation in design but retaining Pushto and English languages on banknotes.209 Afghan journalist Masumi notes that Afghan rupee was in use till Amanullah Khan was deposed in 1929. Then bank note used to be in four languages, i.e. Dari, Pushto, Urdu and Uzbek.210 1936 banknotes issued by King Zahir Shah in 5 and 10 Afghani denomination had Dari on back and Pushto promissory clause printed on the front.211Rupee as the title of Afghan money indicated the close financial integration of between Afghanistan and British India. Fry noted in 1974, that in Afghan banking system up to 150 of top to medium management position needed training in Dari for drafting purposes. At entry level, positions only training in Dari was

209 Yema Enif, Evolution of Coin & Banknote in Afghanistan (Kabul Da Afghanistan Bank, (1393 HS) 2014), 62-4, 67-8, 75-88, 91-4, 97-100, 03-4, accessed July 6, 2016, http://dab.gov.af/Content/Media/Documents/evolutionofcoinandbanknoteinafghanista n1422015112432458553325325.pdf. 210 Raziya Masumi, "A Brief History of the Afghan Currency," Paiwandgah, 23 July 2015, accessed July 7, 2016, http://paiwandgah.af/a-brief-history-of-the-afghan- currency/. 211 BNWorld Inc., "Afghanistan," Banknoteworld, accessed July 6, 2016. http://banknoteworld.com/.

79 needed to understand documents in these languages. He recommended at lower and intermediate level banking employees (due to the scarcity of resources) to be taught formal Dari in Iran.212

To sum up, this subsection established that at the dawn of the twentieth century, Afghan elite realized the need for a novel project of national integration. It was based on Pushto language and Pashtun norms as default values of national identity in modern Afghanistan. This project spawned political, educational and administrative measures that are collectively known as Pushto Only language policy. This approach was adopted on the assumption of viewing ethnolinguistic plurality as a problem in the modernization of Afghanistan. The assimilative approach was founded on exclusion (of non-Pashtun identities and languages) and domination (of Pashtun identity) that alarmed the non- Pashtun ethnolinguistic groups. It caused political mobilization for resistance. The botched project increased the positive integrative value of Dari, while Pushto language domination became a source of negative integration of non-Pashtun ethnolinguistic groups. The blowback of this policy was soon realized and thus the reversal of this policy took place by officially reinstating the bilingual Dari/Pushto policy. 3.2.2. Exochthonous languages This subsection explores LPP for exochthonous languages (foreign languages) in Afghanistan in the perspective of international integration. Locally the need for modernization, and internationally the changed situation after getting freedom through Third Anglo-Afghan War213created the favorable ground for encouraging foreign language learning. This section explores how Afghan elite used LPP to serve these aims. As exochthonous language learning was limited to Afghan

212 Maxwell J. Fry, The Afghan Economy: Money, Finance, and the Critical Constraints to Economic Development, Volue 15 of Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle Ease and Asia (Leiden: Brill, 1974), 274. 213 opened diplomatic relations with international community

80 elite in Kabul, so the following discussion focuses on the elitist practices and planning of exochthonous languages. Further, the discussion supposes the positive integration of center implies the exclusion of Afghan periphery and hence their negative integration (intranational as well as international). Amir Habibullah Khan took a keen interest in modernization. He saw in education a means to this end. Habibullah Khan started modern education and provided an opportunity to Turk and Indian teachers to enter Afghanistan and teach about nationalism and democracy. This played a role in the political awakening of youth who swelled the ranks of reformers and constitutionalists. As proponents of modernism, this youth challenged the domination of traditional education.214 Initially, modern education was limited to Kabul and was intended for Afghan elite only. The efforts of modernization began in Afghanistan in piece- meal and remained limited to royalty. Till Anglo-Afghan war of 1919, Afghanistan foreign policy was controlled by Britain that left Afghanistan isolated (as no other state except Britain/British India could maintain direct diplomatic and commercial relations with Afghanistan) and resulted in the limited opportunity to have international exposure to the European languages except English. The regulation of Ministry of Education in 1921 and 1928 stipulated the presence of expert of foreign languages to develop guidelines for the teaching of foreign languages.215It may be noted that modern schools were few and they served urban elite of Kabul. In 1935 four royal translators served court for facilitation of diplomatic relations. Translation services included French, English and Turkish

214 Mugaddedi, Afghanistan Dar Ehd-E Alikhazrat Amanullah Khan 1919-1929, 18. 215 Government of Afghanistan, Nizamnamah-I Vizarat Jalilah-I Ma'arif Afghanistan; Government of Afghanistan, Nizamnamah Da Asasi Da Wazarat Mu'arif (Law Governining the Fundamental of Ministry of Education), 13.

81 languages.216Review of Afghan official publications reveals a significant role of translators in various ministries and department where direct contact with foreigners took place. Among these, the ratio of English language translators remained higher than translators of other languages. In Royal Secretariat during 1943-44, one person Muhammad Sarwar Khan performed the role of English language translator.217 Earlier in 1933 four translators served in Royal Court, out of these two were English language, one for Arabic/Turkish and one for French language; similarly in Royal Secretariat or ―Dar-ul-Tehreer Shahi” included nine functionaries, including four translators, one for Arabic/Turkish, two for English and one for French language.218We note here, the role of foreign languages remained limited to few technical staff that served the royal court, royal secretariat, and ministry of education in Kabul. Foreign languages did not spread out of Kabul and other major cities in the first half of the twentieth century as they students they enrolled were few and the schools were few where the limited enrollment capacity hardly met the enrollment needs of the elite. However, this scenario changed when the constitutional movement became strong the scope government provided education gradually expanded. After the fall of colonial rule in South Asia, Britain was replaced by United States of American (USA) and Russian was replaced by United Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), alternative title the Soviet Union. Both emerged as superpowers and cold war period started that was a period of intense competition for political influence to join their blocks. In Afghanistan, USA sent university teachers to help in the improvement of higher education in Afghanistan. On the other hand,

216 Government of Afghanistan, Salnameh Kabul, 51. 217 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul Da Kabul Kalani 1322, 39. 218 Government of Afghanistan, Salnameh Kabul (Kabul: Anjoman-e-Adabi, 1933), 140-44, http://www.afghandata.org:8080/xmlui/handle/azu/15327?show=full.

Soviet Union aided in Defence. At this time almost all defense personnel went to the Soviet Union for training.219 During the heydays of People‘s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) movement in Afghanistan, educated urban middle class with foreign education (and language competence) actively participated in the political agitations and campaigns. In the 1960s about 5000 Americans visited and stayed in Kabul and their interaction with local increased the young Afghans‘ access to the international politicized language.220 The polytechnic institute project inauguration was followed by many other Russian projects in Kabul.221 In June 1969 a treatise was signed by the Soviet Union and Afghanistan that allowed Russian specialist to come to Afghanistan and assist in higher education and skill development: it also enabled many Afghans to visit the Soviet Union for higher education. This exchange resulted in the indoctrination of Afghans in communist ideology.222

―Habibia Lycee‖ (Habibia School) was established in 1904. There the curriculum of British Indian high schools was followed.223 It is argued that introduction of this and similar other modern schools were aimed to introduce modern knowledge through modern European languages. Among these languages, the dominance of English was noticeable.224 In Habibia School at elementary (Ibtidaya) level Dari was used, at the middle level (Rushdiya), among autochthonous languages Dari and

219 Mir Hekmatullah Sadat, "History of Education in Afghanistan," Reliefweb (March 2004), accessed July 1, 2016, http://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/history- education-afghanistan. 220 Crews, Afghan Modern: The History of a Global Nation, 206. 221 Muneeb, Waqaye Mukhtasar Afghanistan (Peshawar: Muassissaye Intisharat AlAzhar, 2002), 36. 222 Ibid., 38. 223 Emadi, "Ethnic Groups and National Unity in Afghanistan." & Muneeb, Waqaye Mukhtasar Afghanistan 26. & Afghanistan. Viz rat-i Ma rif. Planning Department., Education in Afghanistan During the Last Fifty Years, 59. 224 Abdul Ghani, A Brief Political History of Afghanistan (Lahore: Najaf Publishers, 1989), 659.

Pushto were taught and languages English, Turkish and Urdu were included as exochthonous languages, and at the secondary level (Eghadya) Dari and English were taught. It had 1536 students in seven branches in areas of Kabul.225 King Amanullah Khan (1919- 1929) continued the policy of foreign language teaching, as Article 21 of 1921 constitution allows foreign school on the condition to teach foreign languages.226 In 1922, with the help of French teachers, French curriculum was introduced in ―Amaniya Lycee‖ (Amaniya School), later it was renamed as ―Istiqlal Lycee‖ (Freedom School). The establishment of this school was a product of the post-1919 widening scope in a diplomatic relationship. King Amanullah Khan wanted to free Afghanistan from the British influence after 1919 and attempted to establish a relation with other European powers i.e. France and Germany. The French system of education especially appealed to King Amanullah khan. He recruited French teachers who were given the task to devise French curriculum for Afghan students.227 It is reported by Mugaddedi that King Amanullah Khan had a good command of French language and with reference to earlier monarchs was more inspired from French education. Though King Amanullah Khan established designated ―Madrassahs‖ with Arab teachers and Arabic as the medium of instruction,228 he also restricted the teaching of Arabic in government schools and introduced European languages in the Afghan curriculum.229It implies that King Amanullah Khan‘s modernization

225 Rasouli Seema, Afghanistan Dar Sultanate-E-Amir Habibullah Khan: 1901-1919 (Kabul: Matab-e-Azadi, 2011 (1390 HS)), 113. 226 Amos J. Peaslee, Constitutions of Nations: "The First Compilation in the English Language of the Texts of the Constituions of the Various Nations of the World, Together with Summaries, Annotations, Bibliographies and Comparative Tables", vol. 1 (Concord, NH Rumford Press, 1950), 23. 227 Irshad, "Socio-Linguistic Aspects of English in Afghanistan," 62. 228 Mugaddedi, Afghanistan Dar Ehd-E Alikhazrat Amanullah Khan 1919-1929, 151&55. 229 M. Halim Tanwir, Afghanistan: History, Diplomacy and Journalism: History, Diplomacy and Journalism (UK: Xlibris UK, 2013), 110.

84 effort was Eurocentric and the promotion of European languages he saw an upgrade of Afghan education and subsequently social and material progress of Afghanistan. He also founded other schools, for example, ―Amani‖ and ―Ghazi‖ in 1923 and 1927 respectively. Amani had German curriculum and Ghazi had British (based on Indian style). In order to modernize education, foreign languages were made part of the curriculum. Urdu/Turkish, Arabic and English language study was made mandatory in secondary education. For the subject of commerce, English was compulsory. The conservative elements in Afghanistan resisted the reform of modern schools230 in this way they also opposed the foreign languages that were taught in these schools.

Exochthonous languages became a focus of Afghan government in the reign King Zahir Shah. As foreign languages were realized by authorities as an instrument of development and modernization. A proposal was made by Ministry of Education in 1943-44to provide education at all secondary level schools in English, French and German languages like Habibia, Nijat and Istiqlal schools. It was suggested that foreign languages would provide students directs access to western knowledge. Those subjects that inculcate national values in students would be taught in the national language.231 It was decided to start foreign language teaching from grade seven. The decision of making foreign languages especially English school subject and medium of instruction for science subjects at secondary became difficult to implement due to a shortage of teachers. For example, in 1945, British India was requested to send teachers to overcome this deficiency.232 In response to this request Dr. Permanand Shastri arrived from India and a

230 Peaslee, Constitutions of Nations: "The First Compilation in the English Language of the Texts of the Constituions of the Various Nations of the World, Together with Summaries, Annotations, Bibliographies and Comparative Tables", 18. 231 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul Da Kabul Kalani 1322, 62. 232 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Caboul: Da Kabul Kalani (Kabul: Da Pukhto Tolana, 1945-46), 65-6.

French teacher was hired to teach in Faculty of Medicine.233 This deficiency continued to exist as we find other requests made to states where qualified teachers in English could be found for example in 1972 India was requested again to send teachers, and it was also decided to provide certificates and transcripts in English.234 To overcome the deficiency of English language teachers, Institute of Pedagogy started training teachers of English language. As English was taught in almost all state schools, this program of training English language teachers was intended to produce local teachers to lessen dependence on foreign teachers. In 1955 15 teachers had graduated from this institute.235 In 1951 it was decided to propose a uniform syllabus of English so the existing non-standardized practices could be curbed. Textbook series by Michael West and Wren‘s English grammar were prescribed as textbooks of English in secondary classes (grade nine).236 Donation of books for French, English and American stocked libraries in the 1950s237 suggesting that a number of English and French books were available in Afghan libraries. English, French and German languages were introduced in schools for girls as well.238 In the 1960s it was decided to ask teachers to complete English and Russian language courses.239 In 1952 USA sent Herbert Wundt along few persons as specialists in agriculture and to start teaching the English language under USAID program, and Basic English language course was included in programs run in Teachers Academy.240 In 1953 the exposure time for autochthonous and exochthonous languages at

233 Ibid., 67. 234 Government of Afghanistan, Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul Da Itla'ato aw Kaltoro Wazarat, (1351 HS) 1972), 110. 235 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani, 190-1. 236 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Kabul Kalani, 136-7. 237 Ibid., 146. 238 Ibid., 150. 239 Ibid., 159-60. 240 Government of Afghanistan, Almanche D' Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: D' Matubuato Mustaqil Riyasat, 1952 (1331 HS)), 106. & ibid., 107.

86 secondary level remained as follows: 9th Grade. Persian 3 hours, Pushto 4 hours and Foreign languages 6 hours. 10th Grade. (Group A) English 6 hours, Persian 6hours; (Group B) English 5 hours , Pushto 6 hours.241 In 1954 the current books of Chemistry and Biology that were in the German language were updated and converted to the English language.242In 1976 review of English language was undertaken to remove difficulties, facilitate students and provide them better direction.243 After President Mohammed Daoud Khan became the president of Afghanistan reforms in education were introduced through the ministry of education. Under this reform foreign languages i.e. German, French and English were taught through the revised textbooks at the 6th, 7th and 8th grade.244

Higher Education became the center of focus in Afghanistan in the second half of the twentieth century. Higher education played an important role in providing political, social and economic leadership as part of modernization process in Afghanistan. After the implementation of the first constitution of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the ministry of higher education was constituted by bringing University of Kabul and University of Nangarhar under it.245Department of English was started in Kabul University in 1963.246 A number foreign scholarships were awarded to Afghan students. In 1955 104 students were sent abroad for higher education;247in 1956 34 Students went to

241 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach D'afghanistan: Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: D'Matbu'ato Mustaqil Riyasat, (1332 HS )1953-54), 91. 242 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul D'Matbu'ato Mustaqil Riyasat, (1333 HS) 1954-55), 149. 243 Government of Afghanistan, Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Da Itla'ato aw Kaltor Wazarat, (1355-56 HS) 1976-77), 102. 244 Ibid., 280-81. 245 Government of Afghanistan, Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Da Itla'ato aw Kaltor Wazarat, (1355-56 HS) 1976-77), 331. 246 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Da Saqafati Rawabito Loy Mudirat, (1342) 1963), 668. 247 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani, 180.

USA, France, UK and Germany, and 80 students to the USA for studies under the cultural exchange.24828 scholarships were awarded to the graduates of Kabul University to pursue higher studies in the English language.249In 1971 the function of Department of English included: a) setting and confirmation of examination for candidates, b) supporting teachers in schooling, c) supervision of teaching of English and d) development of material for teaching English.250 The Polytechnic Institute/College was established in 1967 with the help of Soviet Union. In 1972 all of its teachers were provided by the Soviet Union and their strength was 78 while 12 translators were hired to assist them in teaching. The institute had 5 specializations and 109 learners graduated in 1972.251The medium of instruction here was in the Russian language.

As Afghan economy expanded and commercial contact with international community established in post-independence (1919) period, the need for learning foreign languages increased, as learning of these exochthonous language provided better career prospects, inside and outside Afghanistan. However, these opportunities were limited to urban centers specifically to Kabul. Though foreign language exposure was part of the curriculum, but the official documents reveal that shortage of English language teachers forced authorities to hire teachers from abroad and only for schools in Kabul. In 1940-41, while discussing supervision of commercial expansion, the education ministry started English language courses for businessmen and bankers with the immediate success of the program as they busily started participating in learning English.252

248 Ibid., 186. 249 Government of Afghanistan, Almanach De Kaboul: Da Afghanistan Kalani, 669. 250 Government of Afghanistan, Da Afghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Da Itla'ato aw Kaltoro Wazarat, (1350 HS) 1971), 155. 251 Government of Afghanistan, Da Afghanistan Kalani, 115. 252 Government of Afghanistan, Da Kabul Kalani, 104.

Afghan economic system mostly benefits the urban population whereas the rural agriculture sector was left out of benefits.253He also noted that one of the major reasons of inefficiency in the finance sector is the absence of expertise and training. It was advised that a bankers‘ academy may be started at Kabul University where foreign teachers may update the skills of Afghan bankers in collaborating with foreign donors and investors, to be able to write proposals etc.254 The statement of an advisor in the report of USAID (United States Agency for International Development) hints that the USA may come forward to facilitate Afghanistan and the teachers would be the English speaking US experts. The Afghan middle class emerged during this period when private entrepreneurship was allowed through the formation of two banks Da Afghanistan Bank (state bank) and Bank-i-Mili (private bank) in the early 1930s. The middle-class demand for quality education and foreign language learning resulted in an expansion in a number of modern schools.255

To sum, this subsection outlined the expansion of modern education for the elite in the center (Kabul) at the start of the twentieth century. This education gradually expanded to other cities. Modern education became a source of positive international integration through alignment of interest with the anglophone world and participation in international commerce and sociopolitical relations. As cities engaged more in this process, therefore, urban population was more integrated as compared to the rural population and non-elites (in both urban and rural areas). In international integration, the Afghan education became a focus of foreign language cultivation. French, German, English and Russian

253 Maxwell J. Fry, Afghanistan's Financial Sector: High Time for Development (Kabul: United States Agency for International Deelopment, 1973), 30. 254 Ibid., 53-4. 255 Victor Gregorian, The Emergence of Modern Afghanistan: Politics of Reform and Modernization (Stanford, Ca: Stanford University Press, 1969).

89 were some of the foreign languages that were introduced, in the domain of education for international integration. The rise of diplomatic and commercial relations coincided with the rise of these languages indicating positive international integration. The fall of diplomatic and commercial link resulted in the fall of these languages indicating negative international integration. English language has shown the most enduring trait of positive international integration among all foreign languages (partly due to the efforts of anglophone states official support and partly due to the globalization of English in commerce and diplomatic parlance). To sum up this section, elements of positive intranational integration were found in Afghan LPP for autochthonous languages (for Dari and Pushto-speaking elite). Elements of negative intranational integration were also found in LPP for autochthonous languages (for the non- Pashtun population during Pushto Only language policy). Pashtunistan movement and Pushto Only policy, therefore, presents features of positive as well as negative intranational integration. Elements of positive and negative (inter/intra)national integration were found in Afghan LPP for exochthonous languages. It was found that rural and non-elite showed negative intranational integration, while the urban elite showed positive intranational integration through LPP for exochthonous languages. International positive integration was predominant for English language, while the fall of other foreign languages (German and French) showed a negative international integration.

3.3. LPP AFTER SAUR REVOLUTION This section overviews positive/negative integrative elements in Afghan LPP during the rule of PDPA (People‘s Democratic Party of Afghanistan) during 1978-1993, that was followed by Mujahidin

90 government (1993-1996) and Taliban regime (1996-2001). Positive/negative integration is first explored in the treatment of language in the constitutions of 1990 and 2004 and then the same is elaborated in the management of autochthonous languages (section 3.3.1) and exochthonous languages (section 3.3.2). Daoud presidency ended in the coup of April 1978. The coup, popularly known as Saur Revolution installed a leftist government in- charge of national affairs. This government had its support limited to urban areas, whereas in rural areas the conservative elements were in power. The arrival of Soviet forces for the support of PDPA government became a cause of popular uprising, especially in rural areas. The elements of positive/negative integration in LPP followed from the pursuit of a local version of Soviet policy dealing with nationality question, specifically ―korenizatsiia‖ (making native) that promoted ethnolinguistic plurality. Resistance to socialist policies is expected to generate the elements of negative integration. Constitutional development was guided by this practice. In 1980 an interim constitution was adopted. This interim constitution became the foundation for the full constitution of 1990. Both the interim and full constitution were same in major details. The policy of national reconciliation was adopted to bring peace to Afghanistan that was lost to the insurgency of militant guerilla fighters called Mujahidin. Afghanistan constitution, 1989-90 had one hundred and forty-nine articles that were divided into thirteen chapters. In this article, Afghanistan was again renamed to become the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Article Eight of this constitution declared, ―Pashtu and Dari are official languages among the national languages of the country.‖ Article 14 it was stated, ―The state shall adopt necessary measures for the growth of culture, language and literature of the people of Afghanistan as well as preserve and develop the worth

91 culture, traditional, linguistic, literary and folklore legacy of all nationalities.‖ In Article 98 it was declared, ―The laws and resolutions of the national assembly shall be published in Pashtu and Dari languages and can be published in the languages of other nationalities of the country as well.‖ Article 114 stated,

―The trial and judgment by the courts shall be conducted in Pashtu and Dari languages or in the languages of the majority of the residents of the place. If a party to the case does not understand the language in which the trial is conducted, he has the right to become acquainted with the materials and documents of the case through an interpreter and the right to address the court in his mother tongue.‖

In Article 13 of the constitution, it is stated, ―The Republic of Afghanistan is a multi-national country.‖ In this article, state was bound to ensure the development of all nationalities of Afghanistan. As the socialist government was following the Marxist policy regarding nationalities, this can be argued that language was used as defining a feature of the nationalities. This constitution declared respect for human rights contained in the UN charter ad declaration of human rights. This constitution recognized national status for ethnolinguistic groups (though official status was allotted only to Pushto and Dari). However, in practice apart from Pushto and Dari Uzbeki, Turkoman and other languages were promoted through education and media. Detractors of the socialist government termed a policy of divide and rule. Due to the militant insurgency in rural areas, the political implication of the ethnolinguistic rights remained limited to urban areas.

Militant insurgency gradually spread to whole Afghanistan. The insurgents popularly known as Mujahidin occupied Kabul in 1992 and

92 ended the rule of leftists in Afghanistan. The Mujahidin rule renamed Afghanistan as the Islamic State of Afghanistan. Mujahidin comprised a loose coalition of rival insurgent groups. Ethnolinguistic orientation was visible in this divide. Disunity among Mujahidin soon surfaced as the civil war of decentralized warlords. Taliban became the most successful (Pashtun) militant group as they successfully overpowered their opponents in Afghanistan. In their regime, the existing polarization in Afghanistan further intensified and divided Afghan population into Pashtun and non-Pashtun ethnolinguistic categories. However, international intervention after the tragedy of September 11, 2001, helped the resisting northern alliance to expel Taliban from power. Post-Taliban politics in Afghanistan remained heavily under the dictates of US-led alliance of ISAF. An interim unity government was installed, that was followed by proper election and ratification of the constitution of 2004. This constitution remains the most detailed constitutional attempt in Afghan language policy. From earliest constitution to the latest one, we find a tacit affirmation of ethnolinguistic division. Afghan constitutions‘ ambiguity in ensuring equality of ethnolinguistic groups through the allocation of equal (group based) rights and the political culture of ethnolinguistic domination remain potent reasons for the failure of constitutional rights to protect the interest of the dominated ethnolinguistic groups. The gap in constitutional intent and political culture remains a source of weakness in the constitutional history of Afghanistan.

Afghanistan constitution, 2004 comprises 162 Articles divided into twelve chapters. Article 16, concerns status and function planning of Afghan language. It states:

―From amongst Pushto, Dari, Uzbeki, Turkmani, Baluchi, Pachaie, Nuristani, Pamiri and other current

languages in the country, Pushto and Dari shall be the official languages of the state. In areas where the majority of the people speak in any one of Uzbeki, Turkmani, Pachaie, Nuristani, Baluchi or Pamiri languages, any of the aforementioned languages, in addition to Pushto and Dari, shall be the third official language, the usage of which shall be regulated by law. The state shall design and apply effective programs to foster and develop all languages of Afghanistan. Usage of all current languages in the country shall be free in press publications and mass media. Academic and national administrative terminology and usage in the country shall be preserved.‖

In this article certain article bear directly on LPP rights and restrictions. Article 35 states, ―…. Formation and operation of a party on the basis of tribalism, parochialism, language, as well as religious sectarianism shall not be permitted.‖ This articles though grants the right of association to Afghans. Making a party for the promotion of disintegration on linguistic lines is prohibited. Article 135 states, ―If a party in lawsuit does not know the language, the right to know the materials and documents of the case…., shall be provided in the party‘s mother tongue through a translator appointed by the court.‖ This article provides the right of due procedure to ethnolinguistic minorities in a law suit. Article 47 states, ―The state shall devise effective programs for fostering knowledge, culture, literature and arts. The state shall guarantee the copyrights of authors, inventors, and discoverers….‖ This law guarantees intellectual copyrights, and among other points, the state accepts the responsibility to make effective programs for culture, arts, and literature. Article 75, Clause 5, states, ―The Government shall

94 devise and implement social, cultural, economic and technological development programs‖ makes the state responsible for the development of culture, economy, and technology in Afghanistan. When this authority read along Article 135 is to partially devolve to local administration while keeping the spirit of centralism intact. Articles 143-45 define the state of emergency as suspension of constitutional rights when it is enforced by National Assembly. An emergency will suspend application of the constitution, implying the suspension of the language related rights as well. Article 58 requires the constitution of an ―Independent Human Rights Commission of Afghanistan‖, for monitoring ―respect for human rights in Afghanistan‖. As it is established in preamble to constitution, that Afghanistan would observe ―United Nations Charter as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights‖ and, ―Form a civil society void of oppression, atrocity, discrimination as well as violence, based on rule of law, social justice, protecting integrity and human rights, and attaining peoples‘ freedom and fundamental rights.‖ The role of Independent Human Right Commission of Afghanistan (IHRCA) becomes important in the removal of ethnolinguistic discrimination. The articles related to education, directly impact LPP. As, in Article 43, it is stated:

―Education is the right of all citizens of Afghanistan, which shall be offered up to B.A. level in the state educational institutes free of charge by the state. To expand balanced education as well as to provide mandatory intermediate education throughout Afghanistan, the state shall design and implement effective programs and prepare the ground for teaching mother tongues in areas where they are spoken.‖

Article 44 necessitates for the state to provide a balanced education and provide a mechanism for its improvement. It states, ―The state shall devise and implement effective programs to create and foster balanced education for women, improve education for nomads as well as eliminate illiteracy in the country.‖ In addition to this Article 45 states, ―The state shall devise and implement a unified educational curriculum based on the tenets of the sacred religion of Islam, national culture as well as academic principles….‖ Here a single curriculum suggests that it is to preserve religion and culture of Afghanistan as well. In Article 46, it is stated, ―Establishing and administering higher, general and specialized institutions shall be the duty of the state….. The state shall permit foreign individuals to establish higher, general and specialized institutions in accordance with the provisions of the law.‖ This article avoids granting equality to all and leaves it for later legislations.

To sum, political scene of Afghanistan remained divisive and volatile after the coup of 1978. Ethnolinguistic equality was attempted by PDPA as more space (in contrast to earlier constitutions) was provided in the constitution of 1990. Insurgency neutralized the positive integration LPP efforts of PDPA. Mujahidin who were against PDPA were also suffering from division along ethnolinguistic lines. The constitution of 2004 remains the best example of inclusive legislation in Afghan constitutional history, as it gave regional official status to Uzbeki, Turkmani, Pachaie, Nuristani, Baluchi and Pamiri. During this period we find increased positive integration in LPP at the legislative level. The political unrest and schism, however, limited this effect. 3.3.1. Autochthonous Languages This subsection explores elements of integration in Afghan LPP for autochthonous languages during 1978-2000. PDPA became the official ruling party of Afghanistan after Saur Revolution. PDPA followed Soviet experience aided by Marxist

96 philosophy about language question in finding a solution to the problem of ethnolinguistic domination in Afghanistan. Therefore it was aimed to promote equality of all nationalities (treating ethnolinguistic features along territoriality as qualifying criteria for the definition of nationality). Bhattacharya considered it a duplication of Soviet nationality policy.256 This policy was intended to promote the positive integration of the Afghan ethnolinguistic minorities with the center, thus reversing the earlier policy of Pashtun nationalism.257 By recognizing language rights for minority languages, the revolutionary government made a historic effort to promote a holistic culture and language policy 258 and thus granted national status to Uzbeki, Baluch, Turkmen and Nuristani along with Pushto and Dari languages in 1978. PDPA was the union of ―Khalq‖ (people) and ―Parcham‖ (banner) factions. Pashtun and non-Pashtun were concentrated in these two factions respectively. In theory, both factions were equal but in practice, this became an alliance where ethnolinguistic Pashtuns were dominant.259 The Hazara leader and Chairman of the Council of Minister in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (1981-88), Sultan Ali Keshtmand (Chairman, Council of Ministers, 1981-1990), in 1991 accounted his resignation by blaming the that Pashtun got undue favors to Pashtuns. He demanded that a federation on the model of Switzerland be made in in Afghanistan.260 During the rule of PDPA, programs in minority languages were aired on Radio Afghanistan.261 Million books in Pushto, Dari, Uzbeki, Turkmeni and Baluchi

256 Sauri P. Bhattacharya, "Soviet Nationality Policy in Afghanistan," Asian Affairs 15, no. 2 (1984/06/01 1984). 257 Rasuly-Paleczek, "The Struggle for the Afghan State: Centralization, Nationalism, and Their Discontents," in Identity Politics in Central Asia and the Muslim World. The Struggle for the Afghan State, 158-60. 258 Eden Naby, "The Ethnic Factor in Soviet-Afghan Relations," Asian Survey, no. 3 (1980): 238. 259 Emadi, "Ethnic Groups and National Unity in Afghanistan." 260 Yunas, "Afghanistan's Minority Nationalities," 185. 261 Khalilzad, "Anarchy in Afghanistan," 39.

97 languages were published to facilitate literacy.262 LPP in PDPA rule promoted minority language speakers in the government focusing on defense and administration.263After the establishment of Afghanistan as a modern state for the first time in the reign of socialist, non-Pashtuns gained political power and significant hold in government. The removal barriers, the introduction of minority languages in education and political empowerment became the elements of inclusion based positive integration of the ethnolinguistic minorities. However, the social unrest, especially large-scale migration to Iran and Pakistan provided these neighbors to use ethnolinguistic factor to their advantage and destabilize Afghanistan. Thus foreign interference and opposition of rural population especially Pashtuns and Tajiks became exclusion based elements of negative integration. After the Soviet forces left Afghan soil, the Soviet-backed government continued for three more years, providing enough time for the emergence of mistrust and disunity among ―Mujahidin‖ to surface.264 The conflict soon turned into civil war. Thus the blowback of Abdur Rahman‘s policy of ―internal colonization‖ was felt in the conflicts of 1990s.265These ethnolinguistic conflicts indicates negative intranational integration. During the period of civil war in Afghanistan, the progress that Afghanistan made in education was completely lost. As all institution either closed or shifted to neighboring states, Afghan students were a force to migrate in pursuit of education.266 The education abroad was detrimental to Afghan national identity due to a high degree of

262 Government of Afghanistan, Da Aghanistan Kalani (Kabul: Committee Dawlati Taba wo Nashr, (1360 HS) 1981), 443. 263 Khalilzad, "Anarchy in Afghanistan," 40. 264 Ibid., 43. 265 Rasuly-Paleczek, "The Struggle for the Afghan State: Centralization, Nationalism, and Their Discontents," in Identity Politics in Central Asia and the Muslim World. The Struggle for the Afghan State, 153. 266 Ekanayake, Education in Doldrums: Afghan Tragedy, 41-2.

98 subversion. The medium of instruction for example in Pakistan was Urdu. Removal from national languages and subverting contents promoted negative integration among the enrolled Afghans. The Western provided material also was loaded with extremist material that turned them into extremists.267 Taliban harbored strong suspicions of non-Madrassah education.268 The period of Taliban rule informally followed the policy of using Pushto as the official language (as a large number of Taliban leadership and foot soldiers were Pashtuns who lacked competence in other languages).269 The Taliban policy positively integrated the insurgent Pashtuns, its extremist outlook alienated a large number of moderate Pashtuns and non-Pashtuns. The persecution of Hazara also implied an ethnolinguistic factor. The emergence of largely non-Pashtun Northern Alliance in Afghanistan indicated the unity of non-Pashtun ethnolinguistic groups against Pashtun Taliban. The armed conflict here becomes the strongest element of negative integration in Afghanistan. Successive governments of Zahir Shah, Daoud (Democratic Republic of Afghanistan), Socialists (People‘s Democratic Republic of Afghanistan), and Mujahidin (Islamic State: 1992-95) followed the policy of using Dari, Pushto and English languages on banknotes.270In economics, therefore, we find the continuation of older language policies. To sum up, this subsection affirmed that PDPA, following the Soviet Nationality Policy promoted positive integration of all ethnolinguistic groups. However, domination of Pashtun in PDPA created a negative intranational integration that was further enhanced by the armed

267 Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia, 2nd ed. (New York: I.B. Taurus Co Ltd, 2000), 17-29. 268 Khalilzad, "Anarchy in Afghanistan," 45. 269 Rashid, Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia, 101-2. 270 Enif, Evolution of Coin & Banknote in Afghanistan, 62-4, 67-8, 75-88, 91-4, 97- 100, 03-4.

99 insurgency in rural areas especially by the ethnic Pashtuns who did not agree with the political doctrine of the ruling elite. The negative intranational integration intensified as the armed conflict became widespread. Later in the era of Mujahidin government and regime of Taliban, the negative integration reached its highest point. 3.3.2. Exochthonous Languages This subsection explores national integration in Afghan LPP for exochthonous languages during 1978-2000. After 1978 when the successful Saur revolution resulted in the ascendance of PDPA to power, the earlier trend of going to the Soviet Union for education and training accelerated. This increased contact helped in the spread of Russian language in Afghanistan. Soon it replaced other foreign languages. With Soviet sponsorship learning of Russian language also took place in Afghanistan, for example, the Russian language center in Kabul University. Further encouragement through the liberal amount of scholarship was available to Afghans. The socialist government as a matter of routine published the news of sending a large number of students to the Soviet Union for higher education. In one such case, a report of fifteen thousand students was published in Kabul News Time.271Further, as a matter of routine official documents were translated into Russian for the consideration of Soviet officials.272 This shows domain of technology and education were conquered by the Russian language, as the need for learning English decreased when the Russian language offered it for free. To counter this anglophone states sponsored English language learning in refugee camps under the humanitarian aid programs. Apart from encouraging schools in refugee camps, Pakistan allowed afghan

271 Reporter, "15000 Students Passed One Year Course and Ready to Proceed to Soviet Union for Higher Education," Kabul News Times, February 18, 1985. 272 Baha al-D n Majr and S. M. . Elmi, The Sovietization of Afghanistan (Peshawar, Pakistan: Distributed by Afghan Jehad Works Translation Centre, 1987), 75.

100 refugees to enroll in her schools. As English is part of all formal school this also enabled Afghans to learn the English language.273 Anglophone states used humanitarian aid as a political weapon to indoctrinate Afghan children with extremist militant ideology. English language learning in Pakistan continued that was used as stepping stone in seeking asylum and career in the West (where English had acquired the status of lingua franca). Therefore, the political elite incumbent in Afghanistan promoted the Russian language, and the non-elite got the English language in exile. Indoctrination inherent in English language teaching materials made exochthonous LPP that was supported by the hostile states to incumbent Afghan government resulted in alienation and hostility. As the socialist government focused on eradication of illiteracy, they allowed learning of modern European languages,274 including the English language.275 In addition to ELT (English language teaching), programs for mass literacy were initiated. In one such program, four thousand students completed Spanish language learning.276 Taliban were suspicious of the intentions of foreigners. In their rule the only allowed humanitarian aid to distributed under their supervision. The imposed a blanket ban on moderns schools of foreign origin. In their period Pakistan became the major destination for Afghan to seek education. At this time language institution targeting Afghans opened in Peshawar and other western and southern cities.277 Languages and literature school was established in 1945 at Kabul University. It served the purpose of a bridge between local and foreign

273 Ekanayake, Education in Doldrums: Afghan Tragedy, 141. 274 News Desk, "New Education Policy Introduced to Give Better Opportunity of Literacy of People," Kabul Times, March 13, 1985. 275 News Desk, "English at Kabul University," Kabul News Times, March 24, 1985. 276 Reporter, "New Academic Year Begins," Kabul News TImes1985. 277 Ekanayake, Education in Doldrums: Afghan Tragedy, 154.

101 culture and languages278 and continued to do so till Taliban took over Kabul. It closed down during their reign but reopened after their fall. MA program was launched at Kabul University in 1985 in the Russian language, with an average of 60 students graduating annually till 1992.279 Civil war and fierce ethnolinguistic competition marked the sociopolitical scene of Afghanistan during this period. Socialist government looked to the Soviet experience in LPP and borrowed their values for giving equal status to all languages, though rampant insurgency did not allow them to act on what they claimed. The Mujahidin period was a period of chaos and LPP was in doldrums, as the state structure completely collapsed. The Taliban regime also faces the same problem of Mujahidin government, but their brutal oppression, xenophobia and obscurantism made them the nightmare for other ethnolinguistic minorities. Russian became a dominant foreign language in Afghanistan, thanks to liberal support in education, army and technical fields. However, the large number of refugees who came to Pakistan were exposed to Pakistani education where English was dominant language. The era of Mujahidin and Taliban saw a complete destruction of education and communication in Afghanistan. The desire to seek asylum and migrate to the Western countries made English a promising choice in refugee camps. Language policy became at best unplanned and mixed with ethnic and religious factors, and played a role in the formation of alliances and competitions. The ethnolinguistic factor became an aggravating factor of division, suppression and negative integration in Afghanistan.

278 Muhammad Ismail Yoon, Da Kabul Puhantoon Da Zhabo Aw Adabiato Pohanzai Da Panzoso (1323-1373) Kaloono Pukhto Kitabhud (Literature Academy of Kabul University Fifty Years Pashto Quide) (Peshawar: Yoon Cultural Foundation, 2000), 14. 279 Ibid., 19.

102

To sum, this section identified positive/negative integration elements in the Constitutional Movement (and the resulting constitutions of 1923, 1964, 1976, 1990 and 2004). Dari language continued its historical role of communication in the elitist dominated early phases (First and Second Mashroota) of Constitutional Movement. Therefore, it effected positive integration of elitist center only, while the exclusion of other languages resulted in the negative integration of their speakers. The government of PDPA actively promoted the Russian language in Afghanistan in domains of education, media, and government. Positive intranational and international integration of urban population especially in Kabul resulted from Soviet model of LPP. The rural resistance to ruling elite also targeted the Russian language, therefore, negative integration resulted there. Selective focus on the Russian language resulted in negative international integration, especially with the anglophone capitalist world. A large number of Afghan refugees in Pakistan were exposed to English language and anglophone aid that positively integrated them with the anglophone capitalist interests. The promotion of two languages with divergent political and economic ideology also resulted in the intensification of conflict, acting as an element of negative intranational integration.

3.4. CONCLUSION This chapter established the presence of both positive and negative integration in Afghan LPP for autochthonous as well as exochthonous languages. The international and intranational dimensions of national integration were also established. LPP for autochthonous languages established that Dari language dominated in domains of power (government and education) in the beginning of the twentieth century. Later, Pushto emerged as the foundation of a new policy of redefining Afghan national identity. This policy increased the positive integration

103 of Pashtuns through political empowerment. The non-Pashtun exclusion showed presence of negative integration. Their resistance to Pashtun domination indicated negative integration. Later, the government of PDPA attempted intranational positive integration with the communist bloc by promoting a Soviet style policy of promoting all territorial nationalities in Afghanistan through political empowerment and representation in education and media. However, resistance to PDPA policies produced negative integration through insurgency and violence. The language planning activities were also reflected in the history of Afghan constitutions. The constitution of 1923 ignored language question, while constitutions of 1964, and 1976 legitimized domination of Pushto and Dari only. The constitution of 1990 though legitimized Pushto and Dari as official languages, the pursuit of Soviet nationality policy meant the inclusion of minority languages in domains of power. The constitution of 2004, becomes the best legal document as it recognized regional official status for some of the minority languages. Thus LPP for autochthonous languages has gradually shifted in Afghanistan from the practice of negative integration (by supporting one language) to positive integration (by giving official status to eight languages). Afghan LPP for exochthonous languages produced a positive integration of urban Afghan population with the Soviet Union internationally through the promotion of Russian language. Intranational integration was effected among the local supporters of socialism by providing them Russian as a lingua franca. However, dissociation from the capitalist anglophone West produced negative integration with them. The promotion of English language among refugees in Pakistan also added to negative integration in Afghanistan.

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CHAPTER IV

ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF AFGHANISTAN: EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT

4.1. INTRODUCTION This chapter discusses Afghan education and government to understand the role of English language in the national integration of Afghanistan.280 It assumes the centrality of education (as an instrument of language cultivation) and government (as a source of top-down policies) in LPP. Therefore, it discusses elements of positive/negative national integration. Positive perception in Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010 and Follow-up Interviews, 2010,281 positive representation in English language textbooks for Afghan students and alignment of interest (through political and economic partnership and influence) are considered indicators of positive integration. Negative perception, antagonism to the alignment of interest, exclusion and negative presentation are taken as indicators of negative integration (disintegration) in this chapter.

4.2. EDUCATION This section overviews the role of English in the domain of Afghan education. Appraisal of Afghans curriculum role in the promotion of English language is triangulated by the finding that are based on analysis of Survey of Afghan LPP Perception, 2010. Finally prescribed English textbooks of Afghan government schools are critically

280 See Chapter. I, section.1.2.1. where it is established that this thesis would refer to international and intranational aspects of integration through the label of ―national integration‖. The use of ―international‖ or ―intranational‖ before ―national integration‖ would indicate focus on that particular direction of integration. 281 See Appendix A, B and C

105 analyzed to understand the discourse of integration therein (section 5.3.) The English language is part of the official curriculum and it is taught from grade IV to grade XII as a compulsory course. Late introduction of English language (at Grade IV) as a subject (while Dari/Pushto for writing textbook for the rest of subjects) makes English a foreign language in the formal public education of Afghanistan retaining the significance of Dari and Pushto at secondary and higher secondary level schooling. English language textbooks for Afghan students is bilingual (Dari-English and Pushto-English) for grade IV to grade VI. This indicates a gradual transition from the national languages to the English as a foreign language. English is treated in the strategic plan as a foreign language.282 Among national languages, at the secondary level, two languages are prominent, which establishes the view that two languages i.e. Dari and Pushto are dominant languages in the domain of education.283 All science subjects are in Dari and Pushto language.284 This poses a problem in students‘ transition from higher secondary level to university education where English is medium of instruction for natural sciences. The aim of promoting national unity through the courses is enunciated in the message of the minister of education.285 The censoring of ethnolinguistic dissent along with blacking out the

282 Ministry of Education, National Education Strategic Plan for Afghanistan, by Ministry of Education (Kabul: Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, 2007). 283 Sayed Nematullah Mushtaq et al., English for Afghan Elementary School: Grade 4 Pashto, ed. Abdul Ghafoor Ghaznawi, Mohammad Sediq Patman, and Abdul Zahir Gulistani (Kabul: Ministry of Education, Department of Curriculum & textbook development, 2010). ; Sayed Nematullah Mushtaq et al., English for Afghan Elementary School: Grade 4 Dari, ed. Abdul Ghafoor Ghaznawi, Mohammad Sediq Patman, and Abdul Zahir Gulistani (Kabul: Ministry of Education, Department of Curriculum & textbook development, 2010). 284 Gul Ahmad Saghari et al., Fizik Sinf 12 [Physics Class 12], ed. Gul Ahmad Saghari (Kabul: Ministry of Education, Department of Curriculum & textbook development, 2011). 285 Sayed Nematullah Mushtaq, Jamshid Zaynal, and Frishta Kazimi, English for Afghan Student's Book: Grade Seven, ed. Abdul Hakim Mujahid and Ghulam Rabbani Ludin (Kabul: Ministry of Education, Department of Curriculum & textbook development, 2011), e.

106 period from 1973 – 2001 in textbooks for English shows an effort to promote positive national (intranational) integration through reconciliation of contesting ethnolinguistic groups. The prompt, ―English promotes quality education in Afghanistan‖ was added in Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010 to find out popular opinion about the relation between quality of education and English language. In this study most respondents81.4% considered English language essential for enhancing the quality of Afghan education. The prime educational institutions like Kabul University and Polytechnic Institute were destroyed by 20-year long civil war. The efforts of modernization and progress made in the twentieth century came to nothing at the end of civil war. Modern education in the twenty-first century has assumed for Afghans a completely different concept. The majority of them in Pakistan and some in the Western countries observed the advancement in education there. The presence of English as a medium of instruction for science, technology and medicine etc. would have been a reason for their agreeing that English language is required for raising the standard of education in Afghanistan. Realizing this importance of English language, president of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai announced in a three-day seminar on reforms in learning and employment system that it would be the medium of instruction for medical and engineering learning.286 Foreign languages in LPP also present a threat when viewed from the perspective of linguistic imperialism. In the case of Afghanistan, the fear of forming an elite class that would work for the interests of anglophone west becomes valid in the argument that points to English as becoming a tool of aligning the Afghan center with the wealthy

286 Afghanpaper, "Ba Himmat Raees Jamhor Karzai Angleesi Zubane Rasmi Me Shud!!! (Trhough the Efforts of President of State Karzai, English Has Become the Official Language of Afghanistan)," Shabka Itla'a Rasani Afghanistan, (4-4-1391 HS), 2012, accessed July 11, 2016, http://www.afghanpaper.com/nbody.php?id=37723.

107 imperialist anglophone states against their own people. In such condition, English language can become an instrument of promoting inequality, as those who do not learn English or learn in such conditions that their proficiency remains below that achieved by the graduates of the elitist schools, these people are marginalized on the basis of unequal access to quality learning. Parallel streams of elitists learning places and non-elite state-run public schools are an indicator of producing this inequality. For those who consider the anglophone states as invaders, their language also becomes a symbol of their domination. However, minority language speakers in Afghanistan consider learning English like Dari as an asset. For ethnolinguistic minority, English language appears appealing as it is not associated with any group in Afghanistan, and its learning empowers the speaker. Support for learning English, therefore, for ethnolinguistic minorities become a way to resist the hegemonic oppression of the major ethnolinguistic groups of Afghanistan. Further, English language would ensure their access to the domains of power. To sum, this section established that majority of Afghan considered, English language improves the quality of Education. Afghan curriculum includes English as the only foreign language making it an important integrative link between Afghanistan and the international community on one hand and the role of English in the forming of a local professional elite also become significant as English is the language of tertiary education in Afghanistan. The threat of inequality (indicating negative integration) emerges from assigning English language to higher education where the representation of all strata is not equal.

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4.3. DISCOURSE OF INTEGRATION IN AFGHAN ENGLISH LANGUAGE TEXTBOOKS This section focuses on positive/negative integration discourse with the help of textual analysis of English language textbooks taught in Afghan schools during 2002-2010.287 This section presents integration as a product of contested domination where the dominant elite exercise power for the legitimization of their domination in the formulation of positive/ negative integration discourse of the English language textbooks taught at Afghan schools. In the course of establishing legitimacy, divergent views are delegitimized and suppressed. The elite dominated production of national integration ideology reflexively redefines the elite as well when the new ideologies of identity substitute the existing ones. English language textbooks as part of formal state education in Afghanistan become a powerful tool of legitimizing the ideology of integration. Those features that are presented in favorable light become elements of positive integration (ideology). CDA highlights marginalization, inequality, and exclusive domination as negative integration. The following analysis focuses the discourse of integration in the domain of social change, politics and economy. This discussion is divided into a preliminary review of western sponsored ELT textbooks, followed by analysis and discussion of elements representing positive and negative integration. Anglophone sponsorship of English language textbook for Afghan public schools can be divided into two phases. The first phase focused mostly on Afghan ethnic Pashtun refugee education in Pakistan. Those textbooks were developed in the United States with a view to political propaganda for promoting militancy. Contents of English-language textbooks288 of this period (1980-1990) were therefore loaded with the

287 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) discussed in Chapter. I Section 1.2.4. is used 288 ―Afghan Learn English‖ series.

109 ideology of Jihad, violence and hate intended to produce negative intranational (by promoting sectarianism and ethnic divide) and international(by promoting hatred for foreigner non-Muslims) integration.289 The textbooks of Mujahideen period produced a positive integration between jihadist and other extremists. During Mujahidin period English was introduced in grade seven. The current English language textbooks introduced in restoration period (at grade IV) attempt to promote peace while discrediting militancy. In current textbooks, reversal of the earlier ideology of integration is attempted. The following analysis begins with a visual discourse on the front cover of textbooks. English language textbooks of grade four and five carries photographs on front covers showing a mixed gender (boys and girls) classroom that is taught English language (alphabets in grade four textbook and basic declarative sentence in grade four textbook) by a male teacher who stands in front commanding the attention of students. The teacher wears Western dress. The classroom is neat and tidy. This image carries aspects related to integration. Frist, mixing of gender in classroom reflects positive integration with the dominant Western norm of gender mixing and gender equality. Second, the dominant position of the teacher in classroom depicted through gender and the commanding position of the teacher (standing in front and pointing out) and attentiveness of students present teacher in the role of a patriarch leader intended to be followed obediently and emulated by students. This role model is however clad in a western dress instead of traditional Afghan dress and points to basics of English language literacy. A covert

289 See chapter IV section 4.4.2. for detail on ELT situation in refugee camps. Further, the MA Dissertation of Peyawary explores inappropriateness of the English language textbooks that were taught in refugee camps of Pakistan to indoctrinate Afghan children. See in Ahmad Shah Peyawary. "The Appropriateness of the Vocabulary and the Topics Contained in the Grades 7-12 English as a Foreign Language Textbooks in Afghan Mujahidin High Schools in Pakistan to the Objective of Current Afghan Education. ." University of Manitoba, 1992.

110 confirmation of western domination in culture (conveyed through dress) and knowledge (conveyed through the English alphabet pointed out by a teacher in a leadership role). By the visual representation of this domination, students are indoctrinated to accept anglophone superiority and invest their time and energy in learning the English language. The positive integration of students who read this book with Western knowledge and cultural values is expected to result. This visual mode of discourse uses foregrounding of western symbols and backgrounding of indigenous languages and values to recontextualize ideological orientation to West in a favorable light. Front cover of grade six carries picture of a female only classroom where a female teacher wearing traditional Afghan dress stands in front of students, facing them and away from a blackboard that carries a line on the top, ―in th[Sic] name of God‖ This image on the cover page sixth grade textbook further affirms the positive integration intent of Afghan authorities. First, the emphasis on girls learning English from a female teacher falls in line with the Western efforts of promoting gender empowerment through education. The Islamic dress of the students, teacher and representation of gender segregation (at a level whose students require veiling according to conservative Afghans) juxtapose Islam, Afghan culture and English language learning together: reflecting their mutual compatibility. The writing on the blackboard shows ―God‖ in the transcribed line, instead of ―Allah‖ that is normally associated with the conservative intelligentsia who consider writing ―God‖ as misleading. Therefore, the word ―God‖ as lexical choice presents a moderate form of Islam that is averse to extremism and militancy, the goal pursued by Western donors and forces in Afghanistan. This shows a positive integration with Western political goals in Afghanistan.

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Visual content on the front cover of grade 7 English language textbook contains four encircled images. On the top is a monochrome image of old Kabul, the second depicts a girls classroom, third depict a tent camp of Afghan nomads and bottom most shows a modern shopping mall with escalators and transparent tube lifts. The series clearly show a chronology of development and economic prosperity. While the monochrome picture shows desultory look the outskirts of the capital, the middle two picture convey a message of the centrality of education and adherence to cultural heritage as desired ways of transformation into a golden future of development (in lifestyle and infrastructure). The contents of the bottom most image are given a golden hue to stress this point. The picture emphasizes the role of education in effecting transformation while the contents of the third image pose Afghan heritage to be compatible with the intended goal of economic prosperity. The central text‘s (showing the book is of English language while the hue of the font is golden) emphasize the role of English as a link between the images. All images collectively endorse the positive integrative role of English in achieving the domain of economy. Visual contents of grade nine contain four encircled images. The top most image is that of holy mosque of Mecca, followed by the image of historical Shah-do Samshira mosque in Kabul. The third image depicts a miniature globe encircled by three hands.290 The fourth picture depicts the Pashtun Sufi poet Rahman baba. The juxtaposition of these images with English language textbook script in the middle foregrounds the compatibility of local aspects of Islam (shown through a Sufi Pashtun poet, and a historical mosque in Kabul related to the glory of Mughal ruler Babur‘s cousin) with global concern and

290 Image bears watermark of fotolia a subsidiary of US software firm Adobe. That suggest integration with US technology. Other sources suggest that the image of three hands encircling globe show recycling and concern for global environment protection and ecology.

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Muslims world in the context of English language. English language is therefore loaded with symbolism of positive integration of local practice of Islam in Afghanistan with global concerns while remaining loyal to the Muslim world. These visual contents create an Afghan conception of harmonizing global commitments with local and global practices of Islam. Similarly, visual content on the front cover of English language textbook contains three images. Two images depict local heritage while the third image shows the three hands and miniature globe image again. The juxtaposition of local and global foregrounds the positive integration of local heritage, culture and environment with the global ecological concerns through English language learning. Visual contents of grade eleven English language textbook contains three images. First, the three interlocking circles of Olympics occupy the topmost position. In the middle right is placed a computer generating graphic closely resembling Kabul City Center. The middle left side is assigned to the symbolic representation of global ecological concern through three hands encircling a miniature globe. The first image foregrounds international cultural integration (symbolized through sports. The second image foregrounds integration with international commerce for economic development and luxury of modern lifestyle. The third image foregrounds Afghanistan‘s commitment to the global environment concerns. The three images position around the text ―English for afghanistan [sic]: Student‘s Book Grade 11‖ foregrounds English centrality to integration in the interlinked areas of economic, cultural and global citizenship. Visual contents on the front cover of twelfth grade English language textbook juxtapose higher education, Islam, and global citizenship. The images of a university, the holy mosque of Mecca and image of globe encircled

113 in three hands foreground the interdependence of these three aspects of positive international integration. The visual contents on the front cover show a gradual shift in recontextualization of integration. This starts at local level (foregrounded in the English language textbooks of grade four, five and six through presentation of a local classroom with some features shows domination of English-speaking West) then moves to national integration in the textbooks of grade seven and eight (through portrayal of integrative aspect of national history and collective future prosperity) and finally focuses on international integration. International integration is conveyed in the visual contents of textbooks of grade nine, ten, eleven and twelve. The international integration visual discourse foregrounds three themes, first integration with the Muslim world, second integration with the world as a whole (without distinction of religion) and thirdly the positioning of Afghan identity based local heritage and culture in the global. English language is presented as a neutral communication tool that would be instrumental in achieving the goals of local, national and international integration. Emphasis on the positive integration ignores the voice of conservative section of Afghan society. The imagery while emphasizing the urban development marginalizes the rural periphery by depicting urban development as the desired future, and the rural areas as undesired past and present that require change. Therefore, the ignored and subordinated position of rural areas and the conservative sections of society is stigmatized through foregrounding of their undesirable features and backgrounding their views that antagonize Western political and economic values. After analysis of the visual contents in the prescribed English language textbooks in Afghanistan, the following discussion focuses on the textual analysis of these textbooks. As previously practiced in this

114 section, the following analysis and discussion first focuses on the individual textbooks and then a collective overview is presented. English language textbook for Afghan students, grade 4 teaches English Alphabets through accompanying images. Lexical items shows: dominance of modern health in ―N‖ for nurse (p.14), dominance of Western technology in ―M‖ for mobile phone by showing a Norway- based cellular phone manufacturer, Nokia (p.13) and domination of Western architecture in ―H‖ for hotel (p.8) and domination of Western drinks in ―G‖ for glass that shows the popular American morning drink of orange juice ( p.7). The English language is used for national integration by making students practice English through Afghan cartographic information about names of Afghan cities and provinces (pp.27-30). English language textbook for Afghan students, grade 5 contains bilingual lists for Dari and Pushto-speaking students.291 This practice produces positive integration for Dari and Pushto speakers while those who speak other languages are marginalized. Dari and Pushto are presented as majority languages by restricting translation from and into Dari and Pushto. The absence of linguistic support to minority language speakers this book intends positive integration through English for Dari and Pushto speakers and negative integration for students who speak minority languages. This textbook uses Dari / Pushto instruction that guide students in the completion of learning task (e.g. pp.48-9). By completely censoring ethnic identity of the character of the book the predominant use of Dari and Pushto make Tajik and Pashtun as the default ethnic identity of the character presented in a favorable way. English learning is associated power and the default use of Pushto underlie a negative assumption that those who are not Pashtun cannot

291 English and Dari for Dari speakers version. English and Pashto lists for Pashto speakers version.

115 become a doctor (a prestigious profession). For instance, on page 78 it is mentioned, ―Zaki Jalali and Zalmai live in Paktika. They are good friends and both speak Pushto and English." Next, on page 90 Zaki Jalali declares, ―I do not want to drive a truck; I do not want to cook. I do not want to take care of children. And I do not want to wash dishes!‖ The presence of exclamation and emphatic negative implies that these are the unwanted subordinated social position that is to be filled up by minority non-Pushto speakers. Like English textbook for Afghan students, grade 5, the English textbook for Afghan students, grade 6 also limits the use of local languages to Pushto and Dari. This textbook represents the domination of urban areas through the images of High- rise urban architecture (p.102) and discussion about the modern urban marketplace as place plenty and prosperity (pp.105-7). The chapter ―Food‖ juxtaposes local cuisine Naan with western Barbeque and coca cola. Barbecued steak, coke and bottled water (p.136) are signified through the context of a hotel where waiter takes order after serving menu signify the connection of English language with globalization in cuisine. The local and global aspects of food are presented as compatible and thus Western food is integrated into the local while making it part of global economy related to hospitality and food tourism business. English textbook for Afghan students, grade 8 includes a chapter on various manners of greetings practiced internationally (p.55). The images include Japanese/Chinese (bow), Afghan (hug), Indian (press palms together), Western (shake hands and pat on the back), indicating positive international integration at the social level. Unit 6 includes the experience of studying in an international educational institution in Oxford (UK). Here the experiences of meeting and learning nationals from different nations are reported as positive integration, ―Going to an International School helped me learn about different greeting customs.‖

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(p.57). Here the pronoun ―me‖ implies any Afghan who enters and stay in an anglophone university would benefit from the experience. The Oxford International School in this passage, ―At Oxford International School, I learned that customs differ from one country to another.‖ typifies the dominance of anglophone world in the provision of internationalist experience. The English textbook for Afghan students, grade 9 includes a thought bubble of Mickey Mouse (a Hollywood cartoon character) to choose between prestigious professions of doctor, teacher, and engineer (p.11). The choice of this vocabulary present English as a means to better careers. The passage on page 15 that implies the dominance of English language in the provision of higher qualification that ensures higher income through a career in health, education and law (used as examples). Page 17 contains discussion between two students. They have to choose between English and German language course. The remark about German language learning is followed by an exclamation of shock. English presented as the rational choice with an encouraging ending, ―That sounds great. When do we sign up‖. In this dialogue, English language is presented as an easier to learn in comparison to German. This statement intends to persuade students to consider English a better choice in comparison to other foreign languages (here German is used as a connotative term for all foreign languages). The story of David Copperfield present English society to suffer from tragedies, losses and disappointments (approximating British society to that Afghan society in bleakness). The courage and perseverance of hero make him bear the economic and social stress of being orphan and immigrant. The focus on the somber aspects of English society attempts to present English in humane way so that Afghan students would find it easy make David Copperfield their ideal in hard work.

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The English textbook for Afghan students, grade 10 includes an interview between and English man and Afghan. Stylistic aspects of reality TV talk show are employed for making the message forceful. The discussion establishes the superiority of British education (p.28). The discussion British education is then followed by a discussion on in education in the USA. The information focuses on flexibility of studies in American universities and diversity of subject choices. While the earlier English textbooks prepared students to link British and American education with better studies, better jobs and consistently stressed students to become engineers and doctors. This passage presents the USA as a destination of choice for Afghans in higher studies. A textual analysis of the relevant passages reveal the role of English in international integration by promoting interest in English sports. The interview in unit eleven simulates a real interview where the head of an English language institute highlights plenty of future careers for those who learn English language from native English speaking teachers, ―Mr. Hamidi: Any Other difference you have forgotten…Mr. Omer: Mmm, yes once per month they have and English teacher who from Britain….‖ (p.128). As this is the summing up comment, it signifies that the most important aspect of learning English is to learn it from a native speaker of English. This statement establishes the domination of anglophone citizens in Afghan English Language Teaching (ELT). Thus it allows the elite to integrate with the implied benefits of English language learning while those who cannot support the high cost of such programs are excluded and thus a negative integration is implied for them. English textbook for Afghan students, grade 11 suggest integration between Afghanistan and USA in the field of technology and discovery of natural resources (in the larger domain of economy). Presenting the USA as a friend helping in the development local resources. Discovery

118 of petroleum natural gas is presented as an example of the beneficial positive integration. While the role of USA is focused the earlier work Soviet geologists in field survey is ignored (p. 107). This discussion suggests economic integration, and also relieves pressure on the USA as an exploiter of Afghanistan. However, negative integration with other states (Russia) is implied. English textbook for Afghan students, grade 12 contains discussion on the internet in unit six, lesson 4 present internet as a source of power and knowledge. The suggested sites are all in English language. The suggested internet hyperlinks include US-based Olympics (sports), HowStuffWorks (education), national geographic (education), Encarta (education) and Disney (entertainment) web portals, along with one website of Britain related to news (BBC). While the ease of use and empowerment resulting from the use of the internet is identified in the passage, all websites are English language hosted in two major anglophone states. Thus positive integration with two anglophone states is intended in this textbook. However, this positive integration is limited to those who can use the internet. Internet users have not exceeded 6% of total population of Afghanistan till 2016. This means that the positive integration is selective. The non-user, therefore, face negative integration in this passage through exclusion. All books share common themes and images in the preliminary pages (before the start of main lessons). The message of the minister as preamble is published in Dari/Pushto in the textbooks of Grade IV-V, while textbooks of Grade VII-XII contained only English translation of the message. This showed a difference in the addressed audience with early grades message local and advanced grades message targeted foreign audience. Textbooks of Grade IV-VI are bilingual in Dari/Pushto and English, and monolingual for Grade VII-XII. In

119 textbooks of Grade IV-VI, each unit begins with the map of Afghanistan. The foreword of each textbook is identical (contained on page ―e‖). It is from the Minister of Education. While for the textbooks of grades IV to VI it is in Pushto (for Pushto speakers) and Dari (for Dari speakers), for grade VII to XII the same message is in English (Translation of Dari/Pushto version). The sentence, ―In our country the new curriculum is designed in accordance with the modern academic development and needs of the people.‖ uses copula form ―is‖ indicating the certainty of a true logical premise, indicating a need for change to modernity for Afghans through the approved English language textbooks. The following sentence links this modernity to ―scientific development‖ and ―progress‖. The importance of textbooks is heightened through the choice of lexical items: ―scientifically‖, ―precisely‖ and ―according to the requirements‖. The last sentence of the first paragraph claims the neutrality of the textbooks in terms of political ideology. The first line of the second paragraph, claims the textbooks to be ―precisely projected in accordance with these stipulations and qualifications‖. The use of technical vocabulary ―precisely, stipulation and qualification‖ heightens the authoritative tone that the textbooks are the best in quality and implies obedience (being a message of education minister and use of these categorical terms) from teachers to make students believe so. The ―active teaching method‖ refers to the activity based learning, but in such activities, the teaching guide and curriculum plan are to be adhered to (minimizing the role of counter-discourse in the interpretation of the textbook ideology). This means the minister intends the students to blindly follow the ideologically loaded contents of the textbook. The minister introduces a list of ideological contents and terms accepting them as a means of achieving positive national integration. This list includes, ―Islam and sense of patriotism‖.

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However, in the same list, he also includes some elements that may be interpreted as contradictory to Islam and sense of patriotism. For example, the element of ―scientific standards‖ requires ethos of objectivity and verifiable proof that contradicts the subjective belief needed for faith and patriotism. The ending paragraph thanks the anglophone donors of the textbook development by calling them ―other friendly countries‖ instead of naming them. Making the indirect reference indicate that some of the students, parents, and other conservative stakeholders would react negatively to the mention of USA, UK, Canada and Australia. By calling them the friendly direction of the discourse of integration is set to favor these friendly countries over other states in the international community. From grade VII onwards all English language textbooks for Afghan students include ―Rational[sic] for English language‖ in six points. These six objectives include communication, transfer of knowledge and technology contained in English to Afghanistan and to learn about great people (writers, thinkers, scientists etc.). These points relate to the integration of common people internationally (through communication with others) and locally by adding to the collective welfare through knowledge transfer into Afghanistan. The elite integration is indicated in point ―d‖, ―It can help our statesmen understanding international law and culture and consequently, improve international relations of Afghanistan with the nations of the world.‖ Economic integration through English language is indicated in ―e‖, ―It can help our people to promote their business and strengthen the economy of the country.‖ The last and concluding point addresses the integration of the conservative people (who have acted in this study as the major opposition to English medium education and schools). In point ―f‖ it stated, ―It can help our religious scholars to communicate [with] the people of the world, comprehend their culture and the way of life…. Consequently, promote

121 mutual understanding and conviction.‖ The first three points of the objectives are intended for learners of English language (called students) and last three exclusively target business elite (as international business is not possible for non-elite), political elite (as most Afghans are not ―statesmen‖), and religious elite (common people and most of low ranking ―mullah‖ cannot tour the world). Therefore, the objectives are elitist and exclusive. These points attempt a positive integration of the elite with the international community, however, the negative intranational integration by excluding non-elite). The trickle- down effect intended in the first three points, would produce inequality as those who learn English would have a monopoly on knowledge and those who do not learn English would depend on the English proficient for transfer of knowledge (and thereby making technological progress possible). In all English language textbooks, the minister of education‘s foreword is either in Pushto or in Dari. The juxtaposition of Dari and Pushto with English project Dari and Pushto languages to be at par with English in domination (that is presented as a language of power through the symbolism of globalized economy, science, and technology). Other languages are completely ignored. Their backgrounding convey a message of all non-Dari and non-Pushto languages‘ insignificance and subordination. Thus the elitist message in LPP is to project positive integration of Dari and Pushto-speaking Afghans and to exclude other ethnolinguistic groups from power, thereby impose on them negative integration through marginalization (of their language-based identity), and force them into inequality. The presentation of Pashtun and Dari speaking Tajiks are normalized by presenting them as a default Afghan identity of the various characters represented in the English language textbooks. The representation of other ethnolinguistic groups always accompanies a context of non-normal unusual exoticism. For example,

122 in tenth-grade textbook Uzbek is collocated with cooking and being a foreigner. In the textbooks of grade four and five Nuristan is presented as a province in this context people inhabiting this area are completely backgrounded, and then no reference is made to them thereby making them negligible otherness. In contrast to this, Pushto and Dari collocate with each other and English, occurring in all textbooks it is presented as the normal identity of an Afghan showing versatility, productivity, dominance, and power, through a total of 54 citations of Pushto and 33 of Dari language. After analysis and discussion of English language textbook for Afghan students, the following paragraphs concludes discussion in the subsection. The discourse of integration in these textbooks was conveyed through the visual contents (especially on front cover), lexical choices (that were loaded with ideology) and ideologically motivated front matter (the message of the minister of education and the stated objectives of the textbooks). Elements of positive integration, as well as negative integration, were found in the textbooks. The textbooks produced positive integration as anglophone states are presented as friendly and various aspects of reality are recontextualized to produce the impression of common grounds. Islam, history, culture, economy and current political realities are transformed to produce this impression of commonality and compatibility of Afghan version religious faith (by foregrounding the moderate aspects of Islam and backgrounding the conservative anti-west interpretations of Islam), history (by avoiding references to historical episodes that produce an image of western imperialism), culture (by promoting Western cultural symbols such as food, architecture, sports and western superiority in education), economy (by promoting global capitalism, anglophone leadership in technical and scientific education) and current political realities (by backgrounding local antagonism to anglophone presence and

123 interference in politics) with anglophone worldview. Negative integration is effected by inequality and selective inclusion in target strata of positive integration. While the elite is presented to benefit from English language learning the Afghan non-elite are ignored. Pashtun and Dari speaking ethnicities are centralized while other ethnicities are marginalized. Urban areas are given projection through presenting them as hubs of modern development while the lack of it is associated with rural areas. The objectives of English textbook identifies statesmen, religious leadership and elite businessmen to directly benefits from English language learning. A trickle down model is implied for the non-elite marginalized Afghans to benefit from the transfer of knowledge into Afghanistan through those who are proficient in English language.

4.4. GOVERNMENT This section focuses on the role of English LPP in the national integration of Afghanistan in the domain of government. First, a holistic review of government is presented. This discussion begins with treating government as a single domain in order to provide a holistic view. In this holistic discussion, emphasis on the role of reconstruction of government domain by anglophone states indicates the use of English in official communication underlying positive integration of Afghan center with anglophone states. English proficiency distribution among Afghan elite and non-elite is included to verify the presence of inequality in the distribution of English and highlight negative integration.292 Assessment of perception about the ability of English as the official language of Afghanistan to remove ethnic conflict is included in this discussion. As discussed earlier in the introduction to this chapter agreement is interpreted as support implying positive

292 In this section elite include political office bearers and power brokers while non- elite include the participant of survey of Afghan LPP perception, 2010.

124 integration and disagreement is interpreted as opposition implying negative integration. This discussion later shifts to an analysis of the role of English in the branches of government such as the judiciary, legislative and executive are separately discussed. The government is defined by Raadschelders as the fusion of administrative and political functions in a state.293 Language as a political tool of administration relates to the modern nation-state,294 making government an arena for (positive and negative) integrative practices. Governance as the provision of services remains the most conspicuous LPP feature of government where competition for domination becomes critical for national integration.295 De facto use of a language in governance increases its power that translates into dominance. This Afghan domain exposed to English language with the formation of diplomatic ties with British India in the 19th century when Amir Sher Ali Khan ordered translation of English books on the military.296 The influence continued to grow,297 and the arrival of the anglophone states in post-Taliban Afghanistan provided it a fresh impetus. Therefore, it can be assumed that English language has played a historical role in the positive integration of Afghan government with anglophone states. After Taliban, the US-led coalition forces and donors relied on English as working language of communication and documentation. As anglophone states had extensive experience of participating in post- conflict scenarios, and they had promoted English language in the post-

293 J.C.N. Raadschelders, Government: A Public Administration Perspective (M. E. Sharpe Incorporated, 2003), p.47. 294 See chapter. II section 2.2. for the political role of language in the rise of modern national state. 295 See chapter. II section 2.3. for domination as product of exclusion and inequality that are treated in this chapter as negative integration. 296 Angus Hamilton, Afghanistan, vol. XVIII, Oriental Series (Boston: J.B. Millet Company, 1910), 266. 297 See chapter IV.

125 conflict societies as part of reconstruction and restoration projects,298 in post-conflict Afghanistan, they did the same by promoting English in communication, documentation and capacity building training for the restoration of peace and government institutions. Government institutions were rebuilt from scratch that afforded extensive and intensive contact between Afghans and anglophone agencies through the medium of English language (the non-anglophone agencies also used English by default). Projects were started to develop the capacity of Afghan institution for bringing peace and delivering good governance. These projects spawned initiatives for the development of Afghan national institutions with a focus on security, rule of law and human rights. All these aims were essentially based on the Western ethos of governance.299 During the official stay of English speaking Western officials in Afghanistan, shortage of time did not allow them to learn Dari or Pushto. Their reliance on translators made communication and negotiation with local people a great problem as the translators were amateur, and proved unreliable in a testing environment.300The researcher was informed in Follow-up Interviews, 2010 that English language skills in reading, writing, listening and speaking became an asset during the period of this study, ensuring a good position in public and private sector in major cities, especially Kabul. This need was due to demand for drafting and interpretation requirement of government institutions and non-governmental organizations with the international organizations and donor states.

298 Hywel Coleman, ed. Dreams and Realities: Developing Countries and the English Language, Teaching English (London: British Council 2011). 299 Counterinsurgency, security, peace, transparency, accountability, human rights and rule of law were the mainstay of Western inspired features of internal (intranational) integration in Afghanistan. 300 Ian P. Jones and Louise Askew, Meeting the Language Challenges of Nato Operations: Policy, Practice and Professionalization, Palgrave Studies in Languages at War (2014: Palgrave MacMillan).

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The rise of English language domination is indicated by increasing number of officials and members of parliament claiming proficient in it. A database of 3341 profiles of powerbrokers in Afghan government executive, legislative and judiciary besides non-state actors such as warlords, militants, clerics, and power brokers—who were active during 2001-2010-was analyzed for exochthonous language proficiency (focusing on English, Russian, French, German, Arabic and Urdu). Out of all 3341 profiles, 2210 mentioned their ethnicity while the rest did not. Those who indicated their ethnicity were included in the analysis for further stratification (of ethnicity). It was found that 49% (1092 out of 2210) of the total selected elite301 had proficiency in English language (information about the level of proficiency was not available), Urdu, German, Arabic, Russian and French. 48% (513/1092) of those who claimed proficiency in exochthonous languages mentioned proficiency in English. Out of all profiles included in the study (marked for ethnicity) English language proficient elite comprised 23% (513/2210). Out of those who claimed English language proficiency, 45% had visited and stayed in the anglophone states. In ethnic stratification of those who had stayed in anglophone states, 30% were Pashtun, 8% Hazara, 50% Tajiks, 9% Uzbeks and 5% belonged to other ethnicities. Out of those who claimed English language proficiency 81% were office bearers in government such as presidents, prime ministers, ministers, governors, parliamentarians, diplomats, judges, senior bureaucrats and personnel of defense forces while the rest had a non-formal political role as the elite of political alliances and parties. The ethnic break up is provided in Table.3 and area of government they served is provided in Table. 4.302

301 The consulted database included persons who occupied or performed elite political positions/ roles. 302 Bruns V. Erek, Who Is Who in Afghanistan?-Biographies of Important People, Who is who in Afghanistan (Germany Bruns V. Erek, 2016).

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Table 3. Ethnic stratification of English language proficient elites303

Ethnic group Count Percent

Pashtun 248 48.3

Tajik 142 27.4

Hazara 79 15.4

Uzbek 29 5.6

Turkoman 3 0.6

Other Ethnic 12 2.3 minorities

Total 513 100

Table 4. Distribution of English Proficient Ethnic Groups in Government304

Legislature Force Executive Justice Other Total

Pashtun 74 11 81 10 72 248

Tajik 33 7 73 2 27 142

Hazara 59 1 17 2 0 79

Uzbek 13 3 13 0 0 29

Turkoman 1 0 2 0 0 3

Other 8 0 4 0 0 12

Total 513

303 Ibid. 304 Ibid.

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Table. 3 provides detail of English language proficient government officials stratified into ethnic groups. Pashtun lead this table with 48% share. They are followed by Tajiks, Hazara and Uzbeks with 27%, 15% and 6% share respectively. These four ethnic groups comprise 97% of government officials. There are constitutionally recognized 14 ethnic groups in Afghanistan.305 The share of ten ethnic groups in Afghan elite is, therefore, 2.9%. The two main ethnic groups dominate the category of government English speaking officials with 75% share, and the addition of Hazara make it 90%. As each ethnic group has a distinct language, therefore, it is assumed the share of Dari and Pushto dominate with more than 75%. Within Pushto and Dari language, Dari is presumed to dominate as most officials interviewed (in Follow-up Interviews, 2010) for this research preferred Dari over other languages, and Pushto remained the second choice, while other languages were not preferred in interviews. Table. 4 represents ethnically based representation of English language proficient speakers in three branches of government. The category ―other‖ indicates powerful political role as the leadership of political parties and pressure groups. Pashtun dominates all three branches and the fourth category. Tajiks follow next and Hazaras have third place. Among Hazara and Tajik, the English proficient officials are not evenly distributed in three branches. Tajik English-proficient officials are concentrated more in executive (51% of total Tajik officials), and in contrast to them the majority of Hazara (75%) are concentrated in the legislature. Among Uzbeks, there is a concentration in two subdomains i.e. legislature (45%) and executive (45%) and roughly same is the case with Turkoman and other ethnic minorities. The category of force includes ANA (Afghanistan National Army), ANP (Afghanistan National Police) and NDS (National Directorate of Security). This category has none of English language

305 See chapter. II. Section 2.2.

129 proficient officials from ethnic minorities and Turkoman, and meager representation of Hazara (1%). In this category Pashtun are numerically dominant, followed by Tajik and then Uzbek ethnic groups. However, out the total Pashtun and Tajik English-proficient officials, it is only 4% while for Uzbek this is 10%. The Uzbeks higher ratio of presence in this subdomain may be attributed to English language and reflect the fact of higher representation of non-dominant ethnic groups in government after the defeat of the Pashtun-dominant Taliban at the hands of non-Pashtun Northern Alliance. In the category of Judiciary Uzbeks, Turkoman, and other ethnic minorities are absent. This shows their lack of access to English language learning resources in this subdomain. Similarly in the category of pressure groups and political leadership only Pashtun and Tajiks English proficient persons are dominant and Hazara, Uzbeks, Turkoman and other ethnic minorities are absent. From this distribution of power, it is obvious that Tajik and Pashtun have domination in the domain of government, while other ethnic groups face significant barriers. These tables also show an upward mobility and positive integration of Uzbek and Hazara through English language. The scenario built by these profiles reflect best the urban center while the meager opportunity of English language learning in rural periphery remain excluded and therefore show a trend of negative integration. After establishing the dominance of English in the domain of government, the following discussion on government relies on the perception of common Afghans (non-elite) about the role of English as a force of positive integration. Agreement to the integrative role is interpreted as a trend of positive integration while disagreement is considered as a trend of negative integration. To assess the distribution of English language in Afghan non-elite, ―Survey of LPP Perception, 2010‖ was stratified to establish a relation

130 between English language competence, ethnicity and rural-urban divide (Table.5). Table 5. Survey of Afghan LPP, 2010 and Ethnicity, rural-urban distribution in English language competence Second exochthonous language of the respondents (First rural urban Total choice in communication)

Pashtun 5 25 30 Tajik 4 37 41 Uzbek 0 9 9 Ethnicity English Turkoman 0 7 7 Hazara 1 14 15 other minorities 0 4 4 Total 10 96 106

Table. 5 represent those respondents who indicated their competence in English language. Those participants who indicated other languages (such as French, German, Russian, Arabic and Urdu) are not mentioned in this table. Out of 90 Pashtuns, 83 Tajiks, 18 Uzbeks, 8 Turkoman, 18 Hazara and 9 other minorities, English language is mentioned as the first choice among exochthonous languages by 30 (33%) Pashtuns, 41 (49) Tajiks, 9 (50%) Uzbeks, 7 (87%) Turkoman, 15 (83%) Hazara and 4 (44%) other minority ethnic groups. Among those who mentioned English as their first choice in Exochthonous second language competence, 16% Pashtun mentioned their residence in rural areas against 84% urbanites. Among Tajiks 10% were rural and 90% urban. All Uzbek, Turkoman and other minority English speaking respondents were urbanites, while among Hazara 93% were urban. These figures show that no more than 10% of all ethnic groups (with exception of Pashtun among whom 16% were rural) were rural. It can be concluded that English language is concentrated only in urban spaces, therefore,

131 the impact of English language would be more visible in urban areas of Afghanistan. To assess Afghan perception about the role of English in the removal of inter-ethnic conflicts, a prompt, ―English to be made official language to resolve inter-ethnic conflicts‖ was included in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖. The majority of respondents (67.8%) agreed that English should be used in the offices of Afghanistan, for resolution of ethnolinguistic conflicts. As illustrated in Table. 5. response to this statement is stratified on the ethnic and rural-urban basis. 86.8% urban respondents agreed as compared to 38% of the rural sample. The disagreeing respondents‘ ratio in an urban area was 13% and it was 62% in rural areas. Keeping in view the nature of the sample, significance for rural population amplified. The ethnic aspect of results shows that 46% Pashtun disagreed, while 54% agreed. Those Pashtun who agreed, the majority of them (87%) were urban whereas the majority (70%) of Pashtun disagreeing respondents was rural. 72% of Tajik agreed to the prompt. Among Tajiks agreeing majority (74.5%) belonged to urban areas and disagreeing majority (62%) belonged to rural areas. The case of Uzbek respondents is different as 77.8% agreed, the agreement ratio in an urban area was 92% while 25% of disagreeing respondents belonged to rural areas. 87.5% Turkoman agreed with the statement, while the only (100%) disagreeing respondent belonged to rural areas. 93.8% Hazara agreed to the statement, 93.3% of them were urban or expatriates. 75% of other ethnic minorities also agreed to the statement, and all of them were urban. All of the disagreeing respondents were also urban. The only rural minority respondents agreed. In this analysis urban and expatriate categories are merged. However, among Tajiks 34.5% of agreeing urban respondents were expatriates. This ethnic and rural-urban stratification of responses shows a cleavage between the orientation of

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the urban and rural respondents to English language official role. While majority or urbanites support this idea, the majority or rural respondents disagreed. The ethnic groups also show the difference in their acceptance and rejection of English as an official language in Afghanistan. Pashtun population, being the major ethnolinguistic group has a leading in disagreement as 46% of 85 respondents (out of 211 valid responses) were recorded to disagree with the proposal. Tajik were close to the average overall response, whereas the non-dominant groups like Hazara, Uzbek, Turkoman and other ethnolinguistic minorities had a very high agreement with the proposal. Looking at their responses from a historical perspective, it might be a way of expressing their resistance to the perceived Pashtun hegemony, and similarly, Pashtun rural rejection of English might be interpreted as a counterhegemonic sentiment against the anglophone world. Rejection of official role for English by Pashtun might be a way of resisting the political domination. However, the urban Pashtun response being different from rural rejection show that urban Pashtuns have aligned their interests with anglophone domination, and they perceive a positive role of English as an official language in ending the ethnic conflicts. This may be interpreted as their neutrality in inter-ethnic conflicts, as compared to the more entrenched position of the rural population. Table 6. Stratified Perception about making English official language on ethnic and rural-urban bases

Rural and Urban residence rural urban expat Total

Afghanistan. the andcompetition promote resolveinter would ofAfghanistanlanguage English official Making the Disagree Pashtun 35 4 0 39

national Tajik 13 5 3 21

integrationof Uzbek 1 1 2 4 Ethnicity Turkoman 1 0 1

ethnic Hazara 1 0 0 1

other minorities 2 0 2

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Total 51 12 5 68

Agree Pashtun 15 29 2 46

Tajik 14 22 19 55

Uzbek 1 13 0 14 Ethnicity Turkoman 0 7 7 Hazara 1 12 2 15

other minorities 5 1 6 Total 31 88 24 143 Pashtun 50 33 2 85 Tajik 27 27 22 76 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 8

Hazara 2 12 2 16 other minorities 7 1 8 Total 82 100 29 211

As the majority of respondents‘ agreement indicates an integrative role for English language, the inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic disagreement in acceptance of English indicate that English language has to face a complicated ethnic and rural-urban class-based response. In such situation, an equal availability of English language to all Afghans (as is envisioned in official documents) would be a challenging task. The current encouraging atmosphere is largely dependent on the support of the anglophone world. As 32% opposed the idea: for them, English language itself is part of the problem by effecting imbalance in the power of ethnic groups. To sum up discussion on the role of English in the domain of government up to the present position a significant role of anglophone states was found in the reconstruction and capacity building of Afghanistan. The Western orientation was detected in emphasis on their political and strategic objectives. It was noted that this influence was

134 greater in urban places in contrast to rural spaces indicating an uneven pattern of integration. The pattern of distribution of English language proficiency among Afghan government officials as political elite revealed that it was higher among all ethnic group in comparison to other foreign languages such French, German and Russian. As the government elite concentrate in an urban area, therefore, it implied an urban-based positive integration of Afghan elite with anglophone states. English language proficiency distribution among non-elite Afghans also concentrate in urban areas for major ethnic groups i.e. Pashtun and Tajiks, while for minority ethnic groups all claimants of English language proficiency were urban. The pattern of non-elite English language proficiency establishes the pattern of the elite that English language proficiency for minority ethnic groups excludes rural areas, whereas it being concentrated in the urban area indicate the positive integration of Afghan urban areas with the anglophone world while through the exclusion of rural areas especially the rural minorities they show an inclination to negative integration. Reflection of this inequality was present in responses to making English official language. While rural Pashtun rejected English language, ethnic minorities accepted it. The urban population favored the official role for English language in Afghanistan, and rural population opposed this role. The following discussion now focuses on sub-domains of government. This discussion includes legislature, executive and judiciary. 4.4.1. Legislature The role of English LPP in the subdomain of the legislature is explored in this subsection. After a brief description of Afghan legislature, the influence of anglophone states in the reconstruction efforts of the legislature is discussed as an indicator of integration. Analysis of perception about the integrative role of English in Afghan legislation is

135 included. Agreement to the statement is taken as an indicator of positive integration and disagreement is considered as negative integration to the suggested introduction of English for improvement of legislation in Afghanistan. In democratic Afghanistan, the legislature (National Assembly) as a source of all policies of the executive, remains an important source of language policy as well. Chapter five of the current constitution of Afghanistan empowers National Assembly to be ―the highest legislative organ‖ expressing the will of Afghan people. Afghan legislature is bicameral with a lower and upper house. The lower house is called ―Wolesi Jirga‖ (House of People) and its members are directly elected by Afghans in the election, and they represent a constituency in assembly. The upper house is called ―Mesharano Jirga‖ (House of Elders) and two third of its members are indirectly elected by district and provincial councils while the remaining members are selected by the head of the executive. According to the constitution of Afghanistan, 2004 National Assembly of Afghanistan is empowered to ratify, modify or abrogate laws and legislative decrees. It is entitled to discuss and approve of all social, cultural, economic and technological development programs. This constitution also empowers it to approve the budget, create or abrogates administrative bodies and ratify international agreements and treaties. The format of the post-Taliban legislation is heavily inspired by the bicameral legislature of the anglophone states. Further, a certain constitutional provision such as constitutionally condemning terrorism can be easily attributed to the anglophone states dictate of war on terror. This indicates a strong political integration of Afghan legislature with anglophone states‘ interests. The operational language of ISAF, UNAMA and Operation Enduring Freedom remained English in Afghanistan. Centrality of these mission to rebuilding of constitution, Loya Jirga (the body to approve constitution,

136 interim and transition setup) and legislative implies that those who were proficient in English positively integrated with the new setup (as English helped their inclusion), and those who were not so proficient could not directly communicate and interact with English speaking officials of these missions. The impact of English mediated integration can be seen in the earlier discussion of Afghan government where a significant parliamentarians had English language proficiency. Okafo considers Afghanistan Constitution, 2004 as a product of US military intervention, and its development was directed by the US. He finds in the second chapter of this constitution, a copy of ―United States Constitutional Bill of Rights‖. 306In later development of law in Afghanistan, anglophone influence can be detected. For instance, Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Procurement Law, 2008 in article 5 defines procurement language. English language is made the language of documentation by default (with translation into Dari and Pushto). Giving English language legal protection in official processes indicate the legal system‘s integration with the international community through English language. Further, it was obligatory in the transitional and interim period to translate official documents into English language, for consideration of ISAF and other international bodies. This steeply increased demand for translation services.307 As legislation was the primary focus in that early period of restoration of Afghanistan, this condition of translation into English would have produced the effect of positive integration by encouraging participation of those Afghan experts in early legislation and development of constitution who were proficient in documentation and communication in English language.

306 Nonso Okafo, Reconstructing Law and Justice in a Postcolony (New York: Routledge, 2016).41. 307 Jones and Askew, Meeting the Language Challenges of Nato Operations: Policy, Practice and Professionalization.

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The following discussion focuses on Afghan perception about the influence of anglophone world in legislation. This influence was pertinent for creating a favorable context for English language diffusion in Afghanistan. The prompt, ―English language would improve legislation process in Afghanistan‖ in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ assessed popular opinion about the effectiveness of legislation and the role of English language. Here most of the respondents (81.4%) favored the role of English for improvement of Afghan legislation, thus majority favored positive integration of Afghan legislation and the anglophone world. The ethnic and urban-rural stratification reveal an uneven response pattern. 72.6% of agreeing responses were situated in the urban area whereas 85% of disagreeing response were situated in the rural area. Out of agreeing Pashtuns 55% were urban while 88% of disagreeing Pashtuns were rural. Out of all disagreeing respondents, Pashtun were 67.6%, followed by Tajiks (32.4%). Among Tajiks disagreeing portion was also predominantly rural (78.5%), while the agreeing respondents were predominantly urban (74%). All Uzbek, Turkoman, Hazara and respondents belonging to other minorities agreed. This scenario makes Pashtun and Tajik as the whole opposition to the idea of using English language for the improvement of the legislature. As Dari and Pushto languages are constitutionally recognized official and national languages, their resistance to the domination of English in the subdomain of the legislature is understandably an effort to protect the present domination of Dari and Pushto. Though Afghanistan constitution, 2004 also recognizes the regional official position of Turkmani, Uzbeki and Hazargai, none of the respondents opposed the statement of improving legislature through English language. In the context of intranational ethnic tension, these minority or minoritized ethnolinguistic groups find in English an opportunity to resist Pushto and Dari hegemony. In Follow-up

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Interviews, 2010 the supporters of English language argued that legislation in Afghanistan had a conservative outlook. The human rights oriented secular basis of legislation needed awareness and knowledge of the Western legal documents and the legal history. English was considered necessary as it had already a great number of such materials that is easily available. A significant part of Afghan law was drafted on Western lines, for example, Italy developed parts of it through International Development Law Organization,308 while Afghan modernists also contributed in this process.309 Therefore, it can be argued that Afghans need to know about the Western advancement in legislation. English language resources are abundant and easily accessible over the internet. Table.7. provides the ethnic, rural-urban stratification of responses to the use of English language for improving legislation process in Afghanistan. Table 7. Ethnic, rural-urban strata and Role of English in improving legislation

rural urban Total English language Disagree 23 3 26 would improve Pashtun legislation process Agree 26 32 58 in Afghanistan Total 49 35 84 Ethnic English language Disagree 11 3 14 ity would improve Tajik legislation process Agree 17 49 66 in Afghanistan Total 28 52 80 Uzbek English language Disagree 0 0 0

308 Martin Lau, Islamic Law and the Afghan Legal System (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 2003), 1, accessed July 10, 2016, http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/APCITY/UNPAN018244.pdf. 309 Astri Suhrke and Kaja Borchgrevink, "Negotiating Justice Sector Reform in Afghanistan," Crime, Law and Social Change 51, no. 2 (2009): 211.

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would improve legislation process Agree 2 16 18 in Afghanistan Total 2 14 18 English language Disagree 0 0 0 would improve Turkoman legislation process Agree 1 6 7 in Afghanistan Total 1 6 7 English language Disagree 0 0 0 would improve Hazara legislation process Agree 2 15 17 in Afghanistan Total 2 15 17 English language Disagree 0 0 would improve other legislation process Agree 9 9 minorities in Afghanistan Total 9 9 English language Disagree 34 6 40 would improve Total legislation process Agree 48 127 175 in Afghanistan Total 82 133 215

To sum this subsection established that English language as the working language of the international coalition played a significant role in the development of legislature and constitution in Afghanistan. The practice of translation of legal documents into English positively integrated those Afghan legislators and experts who were proficient in English with anglophone states. Some Afghan laws even required drafts of documents in English with translation in Dari and Pushto. The survey data concerning Afghan perception about the use of English for improving legislation process in Afghanistan produced an agreeing response from urbanite ethnolinguistic minority segment of respondents

140 indicating their positive integration. Whereas the majority of Pashtun and Tajik rural respondents rejected this proposal and thus showed negative integration. 4.4.2. Executive This subsection explores English LPP in the subdomain of the executive. This discussion highlights the promotion of English language by anglophone states as a component of capacity building trainings for administrative officials for better governance and trainings targeting Afghan security forces. Discussion of Afghan government highlights integration through the promotion of English language. Perception of Afghans perception about the role of English language in modernizing governance is also explored. The prompt ―English language would modernize the governance in Afghanistan‖ was included in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ to gauge Afghan opinion about English language as a tool of modernization of governance. Majority of the respondent (83.1%) trusted English as a tool of modernization of governance. As governance provides contact between people and executive, therefore, it provides an overlap between the intranational and international direction of integration. Here the positive perception of Afghan population about the modernizing role of English language indicates the role of positive integration for English language at international and intranational levels. As discussed earlier in this chapter, Afghan executive faces a number of challenges. The present response shows Afghan belief in the capacity of English to help in solving these problems. As Afghans see in anglophone states a model of modern welfare states, they informed the researcher in Follow-up Interviews, 2010 that English language would make the Afghan officials more professional and less corruptible. The interviewers further reported that English language provide a chance to higher skills and quality

141 education, therefore, modern institutions for training officials must be the one where medium of instruction was English language. These comments show the popularity of Western system in Afghanistan. The cause of such popularity is efficiency, equality and fairness of these institutions. Through English language, they hope that the officials would acquire some ethical aspects of professionalism. To Afghans, modernization of institutions also means the introduction of modern technology. This technology is dependent on the skills and knowledge. The ease of access that English language would provide in the efficient utilization of technology and benefitting from technical advancement in the developed state through trainings and capacity building. Normally the best trainings nowadays attract students from different parts of the world. In the multilingual context of such trainings, workshops and seminars the working language becomes English. As the anglophone states host some of the best scholarship and institutions of higher education, the non-anglophone states also have adapted to the changing circumstances. France, Germany, China and Japan host institutions of higher learning where the medium of instruction is English language. The monopoly of English language in institutions providing higher skills and training in administrative sciences make the response of Afghans to this query sensible. The rural-urban and ethnic stratification of responses to the prompt, ―English language would modernize governance in Afghanistan‖, indicate cleavage between strata. The disagreeing response largely localizes in the rural Pashtun (70%) and Tajiks (30%). The urban population of all ethnic groups predominantly supported the idea, that English language would modernize Afghan governance. Table. 8 shows stratification of rural-urban and ethnic responses.

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Table 8. Modernizing role of English: rural-urban and ethnic stratification

English language would modernize the governance in rural urban Afghanistan Total Pashtun 23 2 25 Ethnicity Tajik 10 1 11 Disagree Uzbek 0 1 1 Total 33 4 37 Pashtun 26 35 61 Tajik 17 52 69 Uzbek 2 15 17 Ethnicity Agree Turkoman 1 7 8 Hazara 2 16 18 other minorities 0 9 9 Total 48 134 182 Pashtun 49 37 86 Tajik 27 53 80 Uzbek 2 16 18 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 8 Hazara 2 16 18

other minorities 0 9 9 Total 81 108 219

Moreover as the charge of reconstruction in Afghanistan was with ISAF. This missions focused on capacity building of Afghan administrators by including English language in their training programs, as an understanding of the concept is done best when the language in which such concepts evolved, in the case of ISAF, it turned out to be English language. In one such case, NATO arranged a training program for Afghan pilots, technicians and personnel of aviation. The instructors began the program with first teaching English language skills to the participants, before giving them lessons about the actual contents related to aviation. The reason for making such decision was the fact that at international level English is the standard language of

143 communication between the ground staff and airborne crew.310 According to Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS), different ministries were pointed out for the teaching of English as part of the capacity building of the staff and office bearers. The ministry of Health and Information and Communication Technology (ICT) were specifically mentioned for the implementation English Language Teaching (ELT) in Afghanistan National Development Strategy for the year 2008-2013.311 Military constitute an important area in the executive. Being central in power structure of the state, the military utilizes language as a strategic asset. In Afghan Air Force (AAF) for example, the promotion depended on technical knowledge of aircraft, which was impossible to gain without proficiency in English language. Further, English language proficiency assured after-retirement lucrative employability in Middle Eastern states.312 Further, the predominance of Tajiks and Uzbeks, at the expense of Pashtuns who traditionally dominated Afghan military, causes resentments.313Till 2012 United States had taught English language courses to 6277 AAF personnel.314 The case of AAF personnel learning makes it obvious, that English had a subnational role of improving chances of promotion. The international aspect of English is visible as the chances of international professional career are reported

310 NATO, "Language Team Seeks Proficient Afghan English Speakers for Aviation," Allied Command Operations, accessed July 9, 2016. http://www.aco.nato.int/langage- team-seeks-proficient-afghan-english-speakers-for-aviation.aspx alternate site https://web.archive.org/web/20120113092135/http://www.aco.nato.int. 311 Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Afghanistan National Development Strategy 1387-1391 (2008-2013) a Strategy for Security, Governance, Economic and Poverty Reduction (Kabul: Afghanistan National Development Strategy Secretariat,, 2008), 135-42. 312 Antonio Giustozzi and Peter Quentin, The Afghan National Army: Sustainability Challenges Beyond Financial Aspects (Kabul AREU, 2014), 23. 313 Giuliano Battiston, "Limits and Stustainability Challenges for the Afghan National Security Forces," ISPI 270 (July 2014): 7. 314 Department of Defence United States of America, Progress toward Security and Stability in Afghanistan (Washigton, DC.: Department of Defence USA, July 2013), 71-8.

144 to increase, with the learning of English language. The use of English in the modernizing and capacity building programs indicate the formation of a new Afghan urban elite that is multiethnic in nature. This elite due to a common language and work experience would be more aligned to anglophone interests in Afghanistan and the region. However, exclusion of rural Pashtuns and Tajiks would produce inequality. The lighter footprints of English language coupled with resistance to its domination in domains of power by the rural population indicate a grave fault in Afghan English LPP. To sum, this subsection established that Afghan respondents perceived English as means of modernizing governance. They considered knowledge of English language as a way of removing current inefficiency in administration of Afghanistan. However, the positive perception of modernizing role of English language was dominant among ethnic minorities and urban areas. The rural Pashtun and Tajiks rejected this role for English language. On the other hands various efforts to modernize Afghan administration across ministries revealed that English language remained an essential component of trainings aimed at capacity building of officials in Afghan executive. Training Afghan security forces also included English language component. The pervasive use of English in such programs indicate that anglophone world considered Afghan executive an important area to modernize and integrate. 4.4.3. Judiciary Judiciary role as arbiter of disputes is important for regulating language groups‘ competition in Afghanistan; therefore, this subsection explores national integration in the context of English LPP in Afghan judiciary. The result of survey item that explores the role of English in Afghan judiciary is rationalized in the discussion, and thereby the integrative role of English is understood. Anglophone sponsored English language

145 competence training for judges and lawyers are also discussed to highlight positive integration. The prompt ― English language would improve the judicial process in Afghanistan‖ was included in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ to understand how Afghans view the introduction of English (representing positive integration with the anglophone world) for the improvement of judiciary. This response showed the addition of English in Afghan jurisprudence as beneficial with the majority agreeing (81.8%). The ethnic and rural-urban stratification of responses to this prompt showed that all disagreeing respondents were Pashtun and Tajik. Further among these disagreeing Pashtun and Tajik respondents, rural Pashtun and Tajik formed the majority (85%) to reject the idea of utilizing English language for improvement in the judiciary. All Uzbek, Turkoman, Hazara and other ethnic minorities in contrast to rural Tajik and Pashtun rejection indicated positive integration with the anglophone world through agreeing with the prompt. Further, out of agreeing respondents urbanites were in majority. This stratification repeats the findings of responses to the prompt about the utility of English in the executive. The rural Pashtun and Tajik disagreement against the urban and ethnolinguistic minority agreement to the utility of English in judiciary indicate a non-uniform distribution of positive and negative integration pattern. The current nascent stage of English language can accrue these entrenched ethnic and rural-urban positions to English language. The negative aspects in interviews and unstructured prompts of questionnaire revealed that English language was considered unfit for use in Afghanistan government, especially judiciary as it would create a barrier in access to justice by those who disagreed with the idea indicated in this prompt. Further, due to the scarcity of English literacy among legal fraternity and judiciary, English language would complicate the judicial process. The opponents of this idea, also

146 indicated that in local courts English language competence is non- existent. It was suggested by interviewers and questionnaire respondents that English language may be used in specialized arbitration courts in the center, and English law and language be included in the training and academic programs for lawyers and judges to enhance their professional competence. All interviewees rejected the idea that English would improve the judicial process if it became the working language of courts. As professor Eddy reports that the ALE (Afghan Legal English) program of USAID provided teaching of English to legal professionals in Afghanistan and included their tours to US to exposed them to a better legal system and provide them access to better legal materials315 so a justification for the favorable opinion of the majority about the positive role of English in Afghan legal system. In 2006, USAID provided English language and computer training. That year 19 participant lawyers and judges completed the training. One of the judges expressed the utility of this program for improving law and order dispensation in Afghanistan.316 To supporters, viewing the English language as a tool of improvement in Afghan judiciary we find a desire for the modernization judiciary. As Afghan is a mixed legal system, the lack of its efficiency317 may be responsible for view influence of English as a positive development. Those who opposed English language showed a lack of trust in the Western norms as adequate means of dispensing justice to a society that is culturally not congruent to the Western ideals of equality and freedom. The role of English at the end of this research was fairly established. In ―National Priority Program Five‖ the government of Afghanistan, recognized the

315 Jon Eddy, "Rule of Law in Afghanistan: The Intrusion of Reality," Journal of International Cooperation Studies 17, no. 2 (2009): 18. 316 USAID, Frontline (Washington: United States Agency for International Development, March 2006). 317 Lau, Islamic Law and the Afghan Legal System, 2.

147 importance of English language competence along Dari and Pushto. Legislative Drafting Directorate was proposed to be strengthened to make public access to Afghan laws in Dari, Pushto, and English. The Legal Education Training Center (LETC) has been established under the supervision of the Supreme Court. The curriculum that is designed by Supreme Court includes material that is Anglocentric from a cultural perspective: such as gender awareness and international commitment.318 To sum, this subsection established that Afghan authorities considered it important to introduce lawyers and judges to the English language. As the modern technology of computer and internet depend on English language it was found that such courses help. Analysis of responses to utilize English language in the improvement of judiciary indicated a rural Pashtun and Tajik rejection and an urban majority acceptance. The Follow-up Interviews, 2010 indicated that English language for improvement of legal knowledge is a positive thing but using it as a working language in courts would make justice inaccessible to Afghans. The efforts of the anglophone world to sponsor English language learning in the sub-domain of the judiciary can also be interpreted as an effort to produce Afghan leadership in the judiciary that is acceptable to the anglophone world. At intranational level increased efficiency would translate into better access to justice. However, if the English language became part of increasing barrier in this domain, then it would become the cause of grievances and thereby cause negative integration.

4.5. CONCLUSION This chapter identified the presence of positive and negative integration in education and government of Afghanistan. In the domain of

318 Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, National Priority Program Five: Law and Justice for All (Kabul: Governance Standing Committee, 2013)..21,24,45.

148 education predominant positive perception in Survey of Afghan LPP Perception, 2010 indicated positive integration. The textual analysis of English language textbooks (based on CDA) revealed an emphasis on alignment of Afghan religious, social, cultural, political and economic values with the anglophone world. Like education, domain of government (including its subdomains i.e. legislative, executive and judiciary) also showed positive integration as the anglophone political and economic influence in the government formed alignment of interest. However, this positive integration was not balanced and was found to have barriers and exclusions. The unbalanced and non-uniform positive integration pointed the existence of negative integration (disintegration) in Afghan education and government. A textual analysis of the textbooks revealed that non-elite especially the minority ethnolinguistic groups and rural population were backgrounded and presented as insignificant in the discourse of integration. Similarly, those who lacked English language proficiency were marginalized in these textbooks. The minority negative perception of the rural population especially Pashtun and Tajik indicated that negative integration was concentrated in these strata. Further, the English language programs targeted the urban elite (office holders) that implied exclusion of non-elite (common Afghans). This chapter also establishes, an overwhelming positive views (indicating positive integration) about domination of English in education and government. However, concentration of the minority rejection in rural areas, indicated a significant LPP problem.

149

CHAPTER V

ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF AFGHANISTAN: ECONOMY, MEDIA, LANGUAGE-LANDSCAPING AND SOCIAL CHANGE

5.1. INTRODUCTION This chapter discusses domains of economy, media, language- landscaping and social change to understand the role of English in Afghan national integration. This integrative role is studied in identifying the patterns of positive and negative integration. These domains provide a converging point for international and intranational integration of Afghanistan. English as an exochthonous language is expected to play a significant role in the integration of Afghanistan with international community and influence intranational integration as well. The domain of economy is explored with a focus on the function of English as the instrument of economic modernization. The domain of media is explored for its opinion-making capacity, where a sympathetic perception about the anglophone world would indicate positive integration. Within the domain of media, cyberspace is discussed as an English language dependent tool to gain power. Language-landscaping connects the local with the international community as the landmarks are made more accessible to international visitors when they are signposted in English language. The social transformation of Afghan society is explored in discussion on the domain of social change. Here positive view about the use of English is taken as indicator of positive integration, while negative view is taken as indicator of negative integration. The elite (expressed through urban

150 and dominant ethnolinguistic groups) and non-elite319 (expressed through rural and non-dominant ethnolinguistic groups) strata are include in discussion to highlight integration patterns.

5.2. ECONOMY This section discusses the role of English in economic sphere. 320 The adoption of English in global economy is connected with workplace in Afghanistan. Analysis of Afghan perception about the integrative role of English is focused in this discussion. Ethnic and rural-urban stratifications are used to assess the positive/negative integrative role of English language in this domain. Ubiquity of English in this globalized age has reportedly limited the need of language learning for Asian businessmen in international commerce to English language.321 In contemporary workplace, communication problems are solved by hiring translators as communication nodes. Further, using a simplified version of English language (with a restricted vocabulary of 1000 words) can enable learners to successfully operate in the business environment.322 The rise of English in global commerce and markets makes it also relevant to Afghan market that is connected with the global commerce. The need for English in Afghan economic modernization and promotion was felt in 20th century and proposals were made to increase English language proficiency of Afghan businessmen and bankers.323After the fall of Taliban, Afghan authorities have recognized the need of English language in the revival of technical education, business administration

319 Afghan rural areas also have their elite. However, the centrality of urban elite make the rural elite as marginalized and part of non-elite, for more discussion see chapter II, section 2.5.2. and chapter I, section 1.2.1. 320 Corresponding to the domain of workplace/marketplace designated by Bernard Spolsky. See Spolsky, Language Management, 55-6. 321 Ibid., 57-8. 322 Ibid., 55-65. 323 See Chapter II. Especially section 3.4.2. where efforts for increasing English language competence of Afghan businessmen and bankers is discussed.

151 programs, and training in leading profession such computer, medicine and engineering.324 Education along in-service training has traditionally remained the main source of the promotion of English in this domain. In historical context, German, French and Russian languages had competed with English in the provision of technical and vocational training. However after Taliban, as the earlier discussion shows, English language successfully dominated Afghan workplace. Against the background of this enhanced role of English language in the Afghan economy, the perception of Afghans was gauged. The analysis included consideration of ethnic and rural-urban stratification to understand whether integration (here expressed as acceptance or rejection of English language) was uniform or concentrated in the aforementioned strata. Analysis of Sate Bank of Afghanistan (Da Afghanistan Bank) banking law document revealed that all official document were in English, Dari and Pushto, in hard form as well as in electronic form on the internet. A major theme of such laws is to implement the restriction of funding for terrorism. This part of law, though pertinent to the improvement of security of Afghanistan (and thereby bring positive intranational integration in Afghanistan), also serve the interest of United States‘ led war on terror.325Here, the use of English language clearly integrates Afghan economic system with anglophone word‘s war on terror. In Follow-up Interviews, 2010 question about English language use in forms for opening account, transaction documents (such as bank statements) and preferred language in urban centers and

324 See, for emphasis on English in provision of technical education. Afghanpaper, "Ba Himmat Raees Jamhor Karzai Angleesi Zubane Rasmi Me Shud!!! (Trhough the Efforts of President of State Karzai, English Has Become the Official Language of Afghanistan)." Also see, Saif R. Samady, Education and Afghan Society in the Twentieth Century (Paris: UNESCO Education Sector, 2001), http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001246/124627e.pdf. for modernization of Afghan education for economic development through technical and vocation education, and the role of English language. 325 See example of these laws on the website of Da Afghanistan Bank, accessed August 25, 2016 http://dab.gov.af/en/page/laws-regulations/laws

152 periphery was asked. All interviewees (total responses were nine) replied that English is used in all branches (major as well as smaller one in the periphery), however, if a client did not understand, the contents were then translated into local languages. One interviewee informed that Dari and Pushto as official languages are understood in all banks, and it is legal right of the customer to have a translation of bank document in Dari or Pushto. This interviewee informed that among Dari and Pushto, Dari is predominant as in 70% interaction between bank employees and local clients take place in this language. The researcher concluded from these responses that English was predominant in banking as part of the Afghan economy. This implies English as an economic force of globalization connects local Afghan economy with the global finance and commerce of anglophone states. In ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ the prompt, ―English promotes the economy of Afghanistan‖ was included in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖, to ascertain popular perception about the economic value of English language. 84% of respondents agreed to the statement. In contrast to the responses to the use of English in government, 63% of rural respondents considered English to be helpful in the promotion of economy in Afghanistan. However, among those who disagreed that English language promotes economy in Afghanistan, 85.7% were rural residents. The ethnicity based analysis revealed that among disagreeing rural respondents all were Pashtun (70%) and Tajik (30%). Among Uzbeks, all rural (11%), urban (77.8%) and expatriate (11%) agreed. All rural (12.5%) and urban (87.5%) Turkoman agreed. Similarly, all Hazara agreed, with 11.8% rural, 76.5% urban and 11.8% expatriates. In ―Survey of LPP Perception, 2010‖ all ethnic minorities were either urban (88.9%) or expatriates (11.1%). All ethnic minorities also agreed. Here we find Pashtun and Tajik living in rural area resisting the economic role of English language and therefore are showing features

153 of negative integration, whereas the less dominant ethnic groups in Afghanistan i.e. Uzbek, Hazara, Turkoman and other minorities in entirety agreed to the idea of the economic development of Afghanistan through English language. The positive perception about English in economic domain shows positive integration in the less dominant ethnic groups in Afghanistan.

Table 9. Afghan Perception about English language in economic development.

English language Rural and Urban residence Total promotes the economy of Afghanistan rural urban expat

Disagree 21 4 25 Pashtun Agree 30 31 2 63 Total 51 35 2 88 Disagree 9 1 10 Tajik Agree 18 28 23 69 Total 27 29 23 79 Agree 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Uzbek Total 2 14 2 18 Agree 1 7 0 8 Turkoman Total 1 7 0 8 Agree 2 13 2 17 Hazara Total 2 13 2 17

other Agree 0 8 1 9 minorities Total 0 8 1 9 Disagree 30 5 35

Total Agree 53 101 30 184 Total 83 106 30 219

During the period of this study aid by donor states formed a major portion of the Afghan economy. Leading portion of the donation came from the anglophone states. These donors used English as working language and encouraged the local partners to submit project proposals in English language. The local business partners with foreign investors

154 also required English for communication. The acute demand for English language proficiency in job market turned it into a valuable resource. Afghans‘ response here represents this higher demand in the job sector. The arrival of the international community raised awareness of the global aspect of the economy among Afghans. Afghans response shows their awareness about the higher value of English in the global economy. Supporters consider English language as an instrument of economic growth in the urban center that provide a better access to the international business community. Therefore, urban centers are more positively integrated with global economy through English language than the rural periphery. The following discussion focuses on integration of individual Afghans through the English language in the domain of economy. The prompt, ―English promotes the career of Afghan nationally‖ was added to find out, the perception of Afghan people about the value of English language in the promotion of individual careers within Afghanistan (intranational integration). 69.9% considered English as a tool of securing a job in the local job market. This, like the previous response in the current subsection section, indicated the underlying non-uniform distribution of support and opposition to English language. 88% of urban, 87.5% of expatriates and 41% in rural areas agreed that English language promotes career of individual Afghans in the local economy. 12.5% of expatriates, 11.9% in urban areas and 58.8% of rural respondents disagreed. As agreement to this prompt was high in expatriates and urban areas, we find predominant refusal (58.8%) in rural areas. Among ethnic groups refusal among Pashtuns is 42.4%, of whom 87% were in rural areas. Among Tajiks 26% disagreed, of whom 75% lived in rural areas. Among Uzbeks, 28.5% disagreed: 25% of them belonged to rural area, 50% were urban and 25% expatriates. Among Turkoman, none disagreed. Among Hazara

155

6% disagreed and all were urban. Among other ethnic minorities 16.6% disagreed, with none living in rural area. An important feature of ethnic minority disagreement is the concentration of this disintegrative trend in urban areas, in contrast to major ethnic group concentration of disagreement in rural areas. The urban concentration of disagreement (indicating negative integration) among minority ethnic groups showed their awareness about marginalization as they faced discrimination in securing their careers and material interests despite their readiness to learn English language. Therefore, the frustration translating into negative integration among ethnic minorities is high in urban areas. In ethnic stratification, rural Pashtun were the largest single ethnic group that disagreed. The minor ethnic groups‘ higher agreement rate shows that these groups consider English language as means of positive integration within national economy.

Table 10. English language as means of career building in national economy: rural- urban and ethnic stratification

Ethnicity English language Total promotes the career of an Afghan nationally Disagree Agree

rural 27 16 43 Rural and Urban urban 4 24 28 Pashtun residence expat 0 2 2 Total 31 42 73 rural 12 9 21 Rural and Urban urban 3 19 22 Tajik residence expat 1 17 18 Total 16 45 61 rural 1 1 2 Rural and Urban urban 1 9 10 Uzbek residence expat 2 0 2 Total 4 10 14 Rural and Urban Turkoman urban 6 6 residence

156

Total 6 6 rural 0 2 2 Rural and Urban urban 1 12 13 Hazara residence expat 0 1 1 Total 1 15 16

Rural and Urban urban 1 4 5 other residence expat 0 1 1 minorities Total 1 5 6 rural 40 28 68 Rural and Urban urban 10 74 84 Total residence expat 3 21 24 Total 53 123 176

Follow-up Interviews, 2010 revealed that increased use of English in this domain created higher demand in local job market. The rise of knowledge and skill intensive demands of modern job requirements has necessitated quality education for job seekers. In Afghanistan quality education comes from modern educational institutions where English is used as a medium of instruction. Competence in English impress employers as it shows better education and access to knowledge, and ability to communicate with the wider audience. The success rate of English language proficient graduates in getting a good job might be a reason to associate English language with brighter career prospect. The possibility of English becoming a reason for independent careers in business was also observed in Afghanistan. Due to a large number of foreigners in Kabul and urban areas, English language became a source of better income, through interaction in English with the foreigners (for Afghans it is now it is natural to assume that all foreigners would be able to speak English), so the small scale businesses appear to benefit from English language proficiency in the increased visits of the English speaking visitors, who spent in dollars (currency of higher value in comparison with dollar). Medium and large business attempt to attract

157 investors. Foreign Direct Investment is one of such contest where a local business comes in contact with a foreign investor. Large investors such as World Bank use English as working language and demand all proposals that are originally in local language must be translated into English and in the case of dispute the English version of the contract would be considered authentic. Large scale to medium scale investment and business talks leading to such contract are facilitated when the local partner in Afghanistan has the ability to negotiate in English language. The following discussion focuses on the international integrative role of English in the domain of economy. For this purpose, the prompt ―English promotes the career of Afghan internationally‖ was added in Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010 to know how Afghan economy integrates internationally. 86.1% respondents considered English language to be helpful in advancing careers of Afghans internationally. Rural-urban stratification of responses showed that out of 13.8% disagreeing responses 89.6% came from rural residents. Out of 86.2% agreeing responses 70.7% was localized in urban areas. In ethnic stratification, the disagreeing respondents predominantly came from rural Pashtun (90%) and rural Tajiks (88.8%). Ethnic stratification of agreeing responses included urban Pashtuns (52%), urban Tajiks (73%), urban Uzbeks (88%), urban Turkoman (87.5%), urban Hazara (88%) and urbanite other ethnic minorities (100%). Minor ethnic groups had a higher urban rate of agreement. This showed that among urbanites Pashtun and Tajiks did not positively integrate through English with international business and professional career as compared to other ethnic groups. In the post- Taliban period we can say non-Pashtun and non-Tajik groups find a conducive economic environment for international business and academic career and thereby positively integrate.

158

Rural and Urban Total English language promotes the career of an Afghan residence internationally rural urban expat

Pashtun 18 2 20 Ethnicity Disagree Tajik 8 1 9 Total 26 3 29 Pashtun 30 31 2 63 Tajik 18 27 22 67

Uzbek 2 13 2 17 Ethnicity Agree Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 13 2 17 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 53 99 29 181 Pashtun 48 33 2 83 Tajik 26 28 22 76 Uzbek 2 13 2 17 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 13 2 17 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 79 102 29 210

To sum, this section indicated that in the contemporary globalized economy, English language has become an economic asset. Its integrative effects were present both at the local level (intranational) and at the global level (international). Afghans showed positive integration in urban areas, especially among ethnic minorities. Negative integration sentiments were found to be concentrated in rural periphery among Pashtuns and Tajiks.

5.3. MEDIA This section explores the integrative role of English language in Afghan media. Analysis and discussion of Afghan perception focus on integrative aspects of English in Afghan LPP. International support for English in Afghan media and foci of English language domination within Afghan media are interpreted for the presence of negative or

159 positive integration. Positive Afghan sentiment to English language is considered an indicator of positive integration whereas alienation and hatred is considered an indication of negative integration (disintegration). In this discussion, international support for English in Afghan media is considered efforts for promoting positive integration. The increase in the domination of English is considered an indicator that necessitates a negative or positive integration. The discussion here focuses on electronic media and cyberspace to verify the discourse that centralizes English language in modernization and technological development. A prompt, ―English promotes information and communication in Afghanistan‖ was added to ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ to gauge public view about the popularity of English in media and publications. This query produced 82.7% valid responses in support of English in media. The dominance of English in the provision of quality media services is reflected in this predominant acceptance of the role of English in Afghan media. Particularly, in English language dominated Information and Communication Technology (ICT), distinction between local and global has ended. Therefore, at local level Afghan endorsement of global domination of English indicates the positive integration of Afghans with English. Television, mobile phones, satellite broadcast and cyberspace are some of the areas where the access of Afghans is necessary for the rapid growth of knowledge and technology-based economic opportunities in Afghanistan. Association of English and Afghan media dates back to 20th century when Radio programs in Afghanistan, aired adapted works from American works such as, ―Glass Menagerie‖ and ―Desire Under the Elms‖ and they used

160 to be popular among Afghans.326 Support and opposition to English in the prompt, ―English promotes information and communication in Afghanistan‖ was not evenly stratified. Those who opposed English language were mostly rural residents (90.6%). The rural lead opposition to English language was limited to Pashtuns and Tajiks. Pashtuns remained dominant in opposition (75%) while Tajiks remained the non- major minority (25%) in opposition to English language. Urban share of opposition to English language remained very low (9.3%) in comparison to the rural share. The support to English language role in media was predominantly urban. The urban share among supporters was 71.1%. Among Pashtuns who agreed 54% were urban (including 3% expatriates); among Tajiks 72.2% were urban (including 31.9% expatriates); among Uzbeks 88.9% were urban (including 11% expatriates); among Turkoman 85.7% were urban; among Hazara 89% were urban whereas in other ethnic groups all were urban residents. If we look at the rural-urban stratification we find that agreement concentrates more in urban areas whereas disagreement to the role of English in media concentrates more in rural areas. Similarly, ethnic groups also show uneven distribution, the disagreement was limited to Pashtun and Tajiks only while other groups agreed in totality. Table 11 shows this detail.

Table 11.Rural-urban and ethnic stratified perception about English language promotion of media

English language promotes information and Rural and Urban Total communication in Afghanistan residence rural urban expat

Pashtun 22 2 24 Disagree Ethnicity Tajik 7 1 8

326 Nancy Hatch Dupree, "Archaeology and the Arts in the Creation of a National Consciousness," in Afghanistan in 1970s, ed. Louis Dupree and L. Alberts (New York Praeger Publishers, 1974), 220.

161

Total 29 3 32

Pashtun 29 32 2 63 Tajik 20 29 23 72 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Turkoman 1 6 0 7 Agree Hazara 2 14 2 18 other 0 8 1 9 minorities Total 54 103 30 187 Pashtun 51 34 2 87

Tajik 27 30 23 80

Uzbek 2 14 2 18

Ethnicity Turkoman 1 6 0 7 Total Hazara 2 14 2 18

other 0 8 1 9 minorities Total 83 106 30 219

A study on the diffusion of media was conducted in Afghanistan in 2010, wherein the context, actors and thematic analysis of broadcast was provided. It was noted that electronic media had a significant growth form one radio station in 2001 to 175 radio stations, 75 TV stations, 800 print publications and 61% cellular phones spread. The performance in electronic media was superior to Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh. However, the prominence of media made it play a role in threatening national unity. Though a media law was developed but in its essence it curtailed the range and themes related to language.327 Article 11 of the law stated that public media (owned by state) was limited to publish and broadcast in the official languages and those languages given statutory status, whereas private media was given

327 Altai Consulting. and USAID/Afghanistan., Afghan Media in 2010 : Synthesis Report (Kabul: Altai Consulting : USAID, 2010), 22.

162 liberty to publish in any language common in the country (this ambiguity makes the domination of English easier, as it is already enjoying official favor in other domains). Mass media was provided protection from legal actions, and access to information in Article 12 and 13 of the law, and to form a professional union in Article 15. Article 19 and 21 granted permission to foreign media publications and broadcast after obtaining a license from the Ministry of Law and Culture. Article 27 bound print media to publish on topics of national integration, ethical values, culture, rights of vulnerable people but exempts publication in foreign language publications from such limitation. Article 31 limits print media and websites to use only the terminologies (phraseology and orthography) recommended by ―board of High Media Council, High Council of Ministry of Higher Education, Academic Council of Ministry of Education and High Council of Academy of Science of Afghanistan‖.328 Thus making these bodies as the legal purveyor of language planning (both local and foreign languages) in Afghanistan. In the review of this law, the representatives of UNESCO and UNAMA were included in the Media Law Reviewing Committee, besides Afghan National Journalists Union (ANJU).329 The media in Afghanistan assumed an ethnolinguistic dimension when Shamshad TV declared to fight against discrimination against Pashtun communities.330 However, local media showed more restraint in the projection of Taliban by avoiding their publicity.331 The Afghan authorities were struggling to centralize media in Afghanistan and

328 Ministry of Information and Culture, Draft of Mass Media Law, by Media Law Advisory (Kabul Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, 1391 AH(2012)). 329 Altai Consulting. and USAID/Afghanistan., Afghan Media in 2010 : Synthesis Report, 24. 330 Omid Alozai, ―Van Een Disfuctionerend Mediabestel Naar Een Gedegen Publieke Sfeer: Eeen Onderzoek Naar De Invloed De Ahaanse Publieke Sfeer of Het Afghaanse Meidabestel ‖ (Erasmu Unversiteit Rotterdam, 2012), 91. 331 Altai Consulting. and USAID/Afghanistan., Afghan Media in 2010 : Synthesis Report, 29.

163 considered the proliferation of Radio stations as a decentralizing force that needed control.332 Local media remained under the influence of foreign media organizations who promoted their vision through sponsored programs. USAID was one of the main sponsors of the agenda-driven funding. One result of this intervention increased in the demand for English language. That was obvious in the education and professional development of journalist where English language became important, as the available resource were gradually dominated by English language. The professional journalist with proficiency in English earned in thousands of dollars in international media houses, but the lack of such knowledge lead to underpaid employment in local media houses at a petty pay of $60 dollar a month.333 The state broadcasting RTA (Radio Television Milli Afghanistan), had a domination in rural areas but in urban areas it lost ground to private channels.334 Afghanistan state-owned and run Educational Radio & TV (ERTV) was reconstructed with the help UNESCO and Italy. In 2010 it weekly broadcasted for 45 hours (from 15:00 to 21:30). English was the only foreign language that was taught during the prime time (from 20:30 to 21:00) each Friday through Visual Aid English Teaching program. However, the TV access is limited to some urban areas due to lack of rural terrestrial relays, electricity and slot availability on satellites (covering rural Afghanistan). Radio programs of ERTV that has a wider reach in Afghanistan (reaching better to rural population as opposed to limit of TV viewing to urban areas) did not provide time to English language. 335 This illustrates the intention of Afghan elite (as

332 BBC World Service Trust, The Media of Afghanistan: The Challenges of Transition (London: British Broadcast Corporation (BBC), March 2012), 9. 333 Altai Consulting. and USAID/Afghanistan., Afghan Media in 2010 : Synthesis Report, 30-44. 334 BBC World Service Trust, The Media of Afghanistan: The Challenges of Transition, 8. 335 See Afghanistan government and NGO sharing official web portal (RONNA) at https://wss.apan.org for detail of ERTV schedule (2010).

164 government officials and policy makers) to effect positive international integration of urban Afghanistan while negative integration is effected by selective access to English language. English language dominated foreign media exposure in Afghanistan has influence local autochthonous languages, as English words are now becoming common.336 Funding played a critical role in sustaining English language publication and fall in advertising revenue would make such business unprofitable,337in such scenario the domination of English in media can be challenged by other foreign languages. After discussion of media (print and electronic) the following discussion highlights cyberspace as an emerging form of access to information. Due to the rapid growth of growth of internet, this part of media domain has acquired special significance. The predominance of English in this domain is expected to influence Afghans‘ utilization of access to cyberspace. Due to its immense importance in communication338 and the absence of the restriction of borders,339 cyberspace is a new arrival in language domains. A prompt, ―English language promotes participation in Cyberspace and social networking‖ was included in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ to gauge Afghan opinion about the integrative role of English language through cyberspace. English language has already dominated cyberspace as the majority of websites users are English language speakers. English was the language of 27 % of website users, followed by Chinese with 21% participation. Other languages like Russian,

336 BBC World Service Trust, The Media of Afghanistan: The Challenges of Transition, 12. 337 Ibid., 14. 338 Marcel Diki-Kidiri, Background Document "Assessing Language Situation and Planning in Relation to the Internet" (France: UNESCO, 2011), 3-11, http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CI/CI/pdf/assessing_langu age_situation_and_planning_in_relation_to_internet_marcel_diki_kidiri.pdf. 339 Francis M. Hult and David Cassels Johnson, Research Methods in Language Policy and Planning: A Practical Guide (West Sussex: John Wiley and Sons, 2015), 131.

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French and German were used by less than 5% users. In this survey English was the only language that had a global distribution.340 It is a common feature that multilingual websites use a local language and keeps a translated version in English. English language importance for internet users is reflected in majority (80%) agreement with the statement that for use of ICT and cyberspace English is important for Afghan users. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of this result shows uneven stratification. 18% disagreeing respondents were largely rural (90%). Out of disagreeing respondents, Pashtuns were 70%. Out of disagreeing Pashtuns rural respondents were 89%. Tajiks were the second large ethnic groups after Pashtuns who disagreed. Their share in disagreeing respondents was 27.5% and all of the disagreeing Tajiks were rural. The only disagreeing non-Pashtun and non-Tajik respondent was an urban Turkoman. The agreeing respondents, on the other hand, were concentrated in urban locations with a 73% share. Among ethnic groups 68.5% Pashtuns, 86% Tajiks, 100 Uzbeks, 87.5% Turkoman, 100% Hazara and 100% of other ethnic minorities agreed that English language helps in access and use of cyberspace. Out of agreeing 55.7% Pashtuns, 75% Tajiks (43.4% urban, 31.8% expatriates), 75% Turkoman, 88.8% Uzbeks, 89% Hazara and 100% of other ethnic minorities were urban residents. The present response, like the response to the prompt about the role of English in Afghan media has agreement concentrated among the urban respondents with a higher ratio among non-Pashtun and non-Tajiks (except for Turkoman‘s response, that may be treated as an outlier in the present study) ethnic groups. The disagreement was noted to be concentrated more in rural areas. However, as a whole, the rural majority (58%) was in favor of English as a promoter of ICT in Afghanistan. If we focus on the disagreement

340 Internet World Stats, "Internet World Users by Languages: Top 10 Languages," last modified July 21, 2016, accessed August 11, 2016. http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats7.htm.

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(as a marker of negative integration) we find rural areas especially Pashtun and Tajiks leading. Table 12 shows the detail of this stratification. Table 12. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of perception about English language promoting role in cyberspace participation

Ethnicity Rural and Urban residence Total rural urban expat Pashtun 25 3 0 28 Disagree Tajik 11 0 0 11 Turkoman 0 1 1 English language Total 36 4 0 40 promotes Pashtun 27 32 2 61 participation in Cyber Space and social Tajik 17 30 22 69 networking Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Turkoman 1 6 7 Agree Hazara 2 14 2 18 other 8 1 9 minorities Total 49 104 29 182 Pashtun 52 35 2 89 Tajik 28 30 22 80 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Turkoman 1 7 8 Total Hazara 2 14 2 18 other 8 1 9 minorities Total 85 108 29 222 In 2010, the World Bank sponsored survey concluded that the major obstacle in the development of ICT in Afghanistan is linguistic barrier arising from lack of proficiency in English language.341 However, the spread of internet is not even in Afghanistan, only cities have a significant presence of internet facilities and users. The rural periphery internet presence is negligible. Lack of access to ICT, and having lesser competence in English language may be viewed as two inter-related causes of creating inequality in Afghanistan. To sum up this discussion it is established that local perception is positive to the role of English language but the actors in this domain appear to be playing not purely an altruistic game of reforms. The

341 PriceWaterhouseCooper India, Afghanistan (London: World Bank Group, InfoDev & PriceWaterhouseCoopers, 2010), 48.

167 involvement of foreign funding to media for promotion of politically motivated ethnolinguistic contents and aggressive intervention of center through regulatory bodies for controlling language use and contents LPP in media has become the focus of competition for domination. However, in short term due to the power of funding and control of USAID and Afghan government enabled English to dominate media and integrated the fledgling sector of media to the interest of the anglophone states especially the USA. However, the dependence of English language media on political sponsorship may not work in long term. Discussion on cyberspace (internet or ICT as alternative labels) found that Afghans recognized the importance of English for access and use of cyberspace. In the World Bank sponsored survey on access to ICT, it was noted that lack of competence was a major obstacle in the utilizing of ICT for development. Barriers to access and utilization of this domain for the majority, while some elite is able to have proficiency in English and access to cyberspace can be treated as a potential cause of promoting inequality.

5.4. LANGUAGE-LANDSCAPING This section explores the relation between English language landscaping and national integration. Signs at public or private space facilitate in locating important places. The practice of providing such signs in a language is language landscaping.342 As a facilitator for the newcomers, business people, tourists and visitors for different reasons, landscaping in international languages has become a global practice. With the arrival of personnel of ISAF, UNAMA, International NGOs and diplomats need for English language increased in Afghan language landscaping. The following discussion explores the integrative features in such development.

342 Spolsky, Language Policy, 5.

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A prompt, ― Naming public spaces in English is a sign of development in Afghanistan‖ was added in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ to find Afghan perception about the domination of English in language landscaping of Afghanistan. Most of the participants (82.7%) agreed that naming public spaces in English language is a sign of development. The agreeing and disagreeing respondents‘ rural-urban and ethnic stratification non-uniform distribution. Out of the disagreeing respondents78.9% were rural. Pashtun (66.7%), Tajiks (30%) and Uzbek (3.3%) were the disagreeing ethnic groups in rural areas. Out of agreeing respondents, 71.4% were urban (including 16% expatriates). In agreeing category 50% Pashtuns, 75% Tajiks (including 33.8% expatriates), 94% Uzbeks, 88% Turkoman, 89% Hazara and 100% of other ethnic minorities were urban residents. The concentration of agreement in urban areas and higher ratio among non-Pashtu and non- Tajik minority ethnic groups indicates higher positive integration among these sections of Afghans, whereas the concentration of opposition among the dominant ethnic groups (Pashtun and Tajiks) and rural locations shows the significance of negative integration in the Afghan periphery and rural elites. Table 13 shows details of this stratification. Table 13. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of perception about the role of English in Afghan language landscaping

Naming public spaces in English is a sign of Rural and Urban Total development in Afghanistan residence rural urban expat Pashtun 20 5 25 Ethnicity Tajik 9 3 12 Disagree Uzbek 1 0 1 Total 30 8 38 Pashtun 31 29 2 62 Tajik 17 28 23 68 Agree Ethnicity Uzbek 1 14 2 17 Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 14 2 18

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other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 52 100 30 182 Pashtun 51 34 2 87 Tajik 26 31 23 80 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 14 2 18 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 82 108 30 220

Afghanistan remained before the start of the civil war (and insurgency) in the 1980s a popular destination for international tourism with about one lac tourists visiting Afghanistan each year.343 After enforced isolation from the international community during the reign of Taliban (when Afghanistan became a no-go area for westerners), Taliban began to open again for tourism. Reports on the economic development of Afghanistan present tourism as a promising proposition.344 In other polities, the language that majority of tourists use labels public spaces. During the period studied in this research visitors from anglophone were an important part of arrivals to Afghanistan. Non-anglophone visitors also used English language, who were facilitated in Kabul by (use of the Roman scripted name). Here the respondents considered a Roman script for proper names of places and using English language for descriptive labels such as road, museum, hotel etc. in English language was a positive step to promote tourism and give confidence to visitors to adjust quickly to the layout of public spaces and points of interest. Some of the supporters of English in Afghan language landscaping complained that only cities were benefitting from the attempts of Afghan government policies. The rural areas were ignored

343 International Monetary Fund, Islamic Republic of Afghanistan: Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 2006), 86. 344 Ibid.

170 in infrastructure development first and then making tourist attractions including labels of places in English language. The presence of English language labels also indicated the frequent visits of donor and the chances of reconstruction projects starting there. For the opposers, language landscaping in English was wastage of money. They pointed out the need for such facility only for foreigners, who never came for doing good, so keeping the foreigners away from Afghanistan would include not use English language for labeling landmarks and public spaces with English language. To sum up, this section established that majority of Afghan found English as a positive addition for indicating landmarks. The present of English language signboards shows, that the place is host to international visitors. However, English language is present only in the language landscape of urban areas, in the peripheries, it is absent that shows the absence of the fruits of international contact, and absence of the use of English language itself.

5.5. SOCIAL CHANGE AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE This section analyzes and discusses the role of English in the sociocultural integration of Afghanistan. Instead of focusing on the sociolinguistic aspects at the micro level that result in lexical borrowing and language change, the current study explores macro level indicators of the influence of English language on sociocultural attitude. To assess Afghan perception about the relation between English language learning and formation of the positive viewpoint of Western cultural, a prompt, ―English increases tolerance towards Western culture and ideology‖ was added in Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010. 81.7% respondents agreed that the effects of English language on Afghans would promote Western culture and ideology such as democracy, rule of law and pluralism. The majority of respondents

171 agreement to this prompt indicates the positive integration of Afghans perception with the anglophone world. The stratified analysis, however, revealed that agreement and disagreement (signifying positive and negative integration) was non-uniform (as indicated in Table. 14). The disagreeing responses were concentrated in rural areas Pashtuns and Tajiks. Agreeing responses were concentrated in urban areas and agreement remained at 100% for all ethnic groups except Pashtun (72%) and Tajiks (80%). The Urban ratio of the agreement was 52% in Pashtuns, 78% in Tajiks (including 35% expatriates), 89% in Uzbeks, 88% in Turkomans, 89% in Hazara (including 11% expatriates) and 100% among other ethnic minorities. This stratification indicates that positive integration is non-uniform and similarly rural areas show a higher concentration of negative socio-cultural integration with West. Table 14. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of Afghan perception about English language promotion of tolerance for Western culture

English language increases tolerance toward Western Rural and Urban Total culture and ideology residence rural urban expat Pashtun 20 4 24 Ethnicity Disagree Tajik 12 4 16 Total 32 8 40 Pashtun 30 30 2 62 Tajik 14 27 22 63 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Agree Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 14 2 18 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 49 100 29 178 Pashtun 50 34 2 86

Tajik 26 31 22 79 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 14 2 18 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 81 108 29 218

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Follow-up interviews, 2010 indicated awareness of the potency of cultural factor in language among supporters of English language. The neutrality of language might be another explanation for an agreement to the statement. In some post-conflict situation, the argument of English as the neutral language was found to have a positive effect on lessening tensions among the conflicting ethnolinguistic groups.345 Those who opposed English language in this prompt may have been affected by the idea that English language is not neutral. Their opposition, therefore, may be based on their opposition to the cultural effects of English to be detrimental to their interests. To further investigate, the sociocultural transformative ability of English language, another prompt, ―English language would bring cultural improvement in Afghanistan‖ was added to the ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖. As a continuation of the previous item, here the international aspect of integration was in focus. Agreement of the majority (81.1%) to this proposition indicates their awareness of international integrative dimension of English language. Elsewhere in the academic discussion, we find two camps. One support the spread as beneficial and other oppose it as destructive.346 Among Afghan respondents support the beneficial aspect, hoping that English language would introduce Afghans to the anglophone culture of positive humanist values like democracy, human rights and tolerance of pluralism. The stratification of agreement and disagreement to this prompt (detailed in Table. 15), essentially follows the pattern of previous responses. Some minor changes, however, exist, such as the addition of an urban Hazara in the opposition category and change in

345 Danny Whitehead, "English Language Teaching in Fragile States: Justifying Action, Promoting Success and Combating Hegemony," in Dreams and Realities: Developing Countries and English Language, ed. Hywel Coleman (London: British Counil, 2011). 346 Ibid.

173 the ratio of rural disagreeing Pashtun (50% to 57%) and Tajik (33% to 26%) respondents. In agreeing category the urban Pashtun ratio changed from 52% to 57% and urban Tajik ratio changed from 78% to 72%. The earlier responses to a query about English playing a role in increasing tolerance to overall Western culture had 218 valid responses whereas in the current query the number of responses increased to 222. The changing ratio of agreeing urban Pashtun showed increase, therefore, indicating a higher positive integrative trend about English language mediated cultural improvement whereas for Tajiks the positive integration indicates a slight decrease in positive integration in urban areas. For Tajiks rural positive integration shows an increase. Table 15. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of Afghan Perception about English language improving Afghan culture

English language would bring cultural Rural and Urban Total improvement in Afghanistan residence rural urban expat Pashtun 24 3 0 27 Ethnicity Tajik 11 2 1 14 Disagree Hazara 0 1 0 1 Total 35 6 1 42 Pashtun 26 32 2 60 Tajik 17 29 22 68 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Agree Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 13 2 17 other 0 8 1 9 minorities Total 48 103 29 180 Pashtun 50 35 2 87 Tajik 28 31 23 82 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 14 2 18 other 0 8 1 9 minorities Total 83 109 30 222

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Another prompt, ―English language would decrease extremist ideologies of Afghans‖, was added to the ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖, as continuation of the preceding prompt to focus on perception of English language as an instrument of lessening the extremism that remained one of the reason of international community military response, continuation of insurgency and consequently deterioration of security in Afghanistan. The majority (82.8%) agreement shows that Afghans consider extremism to be a major problem of Afghan security and prosperity. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of responses to this prompt again repeats general features of agreement and disagreement patterns. Here too disagreement is concentrated in rural areas (86.4%) and agreement in urban areas (72.4%). Disagreement is found among Pashtuns and Tajiks, whereas all other ethnic groups totally agreed. This indicates higher positive integration among urban living respondents and among non-Pashtun and non-Tajik ethnic groups. Follow-up Interviews, 2010 revealed that Afghans viewed English as part of modern education that focuses on positive values. In the time of Taliban rule modern English medium education was banned. After restoration, Afghans view English medium education as a means of promoting peace and removing the extremist ideology that was promoted under Taliban. For those who opposed the idea that English language can decrease radicalization of Afghans, contended that the Western occupation of Afghanistan is the main cause of current insurgency in Afghanistan. They argue if foreigners (referring to the USA led coalition), then insurgency would end by itself as Afghans find a local solution to their political problem. The Afghan opponents of English language find English language as part of the problem rather than the solution. They contend that spread of English would further increase the complexity of extremism and thus complicate the LPP situation in Afghanistan.

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A prompt, ―English language would improve the condition of the weaker segments of Afghan society‖ was added to the ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010s‖ in order to investigate the relation between liberating empowerment and English language learning. 81.6% agreed that English language would help in improving the condition of the marginalized ethnolinguistic groups and strata of society. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification here also continued to be non-uniform. Among disagreeing respondents rural area dominated (90%). Among agreeing responses urban area dominated with 73.4% (including 16.9% expatriates). Disagreeing responses came from Pashtun and Tajik respondents only. Pashtun share in disagreeing responses stood at 70% and Tajik. Out of disagreeing Pashtuns 92.9% were rural and among disagreeing Tajiks 83.3% were rural. As the negative response indicates negative integration, Tajik show a significantly higher negative integration feature in urban areas, whereas Pashtuns show a higher negative integration feature in rural areas. Among non-Pashtun and non-Tajik ethnic groups there is a total agreement that English language empowers the marginalized. As Pashtun and Tajiks are dominant groups their disagreement indicates a fear of losing control of power in Afghanistan. The total agreement of other non-dominant ethnic groups shows their hope in gaining power through the English language. Table. 16 provides details of rural-urban and ethnic stratification of responses to this prompt. Table 16. Rural-urban and ethnic stratification of Afghan perception about empowerment role of English for the marginalized Afghans English language would empower the marginalized Rural and Urban residence Total segments of Afghanistan. rural urban expat Pashtun 26 2 28 Ethnicity Disagree Tajik 10 2 12 Total 36 4 40 Pashtun 25 31 2 58 Agree Ethnicity Tajik 17 27 23 67 Uzbek 2 14 2 18

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Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 13 2 17 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 47 100 30 177 Pashtun 51 33 2 86 Tajik 27 29 23 79 Uzbek 2 14 2 18 Ethnicity Total Turkoman 1 7 0 8 Hazara 2 13 2 17 other minorities 0 8 1 9 Total 83 104 30 217 Follow-up Interviews, 2010 revealed that marginalization is an issue that cuts across all domains of power, and the results become pronounced through social stratification based on inequality, therefore, the perceptions that English language is important means of reversing marginalization is significant in finding a solution through LPP. The eagerness of marginalized groups to acquired competence of English language can be explained through this response as an effort of resisting local hegemony. The empowerment aspect of English in finding jobs, social mobilization through finding a place in rural economy is a reason that people are willing to pay fees for educating their children in English medium schools. Further, the long period of exploitation of ethnolinguistic minority appears to be reversing in the current government of Afghanistan as legal and policy level recognition of marginalization finds a permanent place in the narrative of reconstruction efforts. However, those who opposed this statement pointed to the presence of inequality in the opportunities of learning English and then find a job (where corruption is prevalent in the job market) on merit. They doubt that competence in English language would help little as long as structural reforms for the removal of inequality and corruption are not introduced. In the present socio-

177 political conditions English instead of removing inequality would further entrench inequality in Afghan society.

5.6. CONCLUSION This chapter established that English language can play an integrative role in the economy, media, language-landscaping, and society. The respondents‘ majority supported the positive role of English language in these domains, but a significant number also indicated dissent to the statements. Thus, this chapter found elements of positive integration dominant whereas, a significant minority believed that English would become a source of negative integration in Afghanistan. Among the features of positive integration modernization, participation in globalization, removal of ethnolinguistic conflicts through a neutral language and empowerment of the marginalized. On the flipside, those who pointed English language as an instrument of negative integration argued that English language would affect local culture, economic interests, and sovereignty. They considered language as part of the start of colonization, and they considered learners of English language as the lieutenants of anglophone states. The presence of inequality, according to Afghan opponents, was going to increase further as English language learning was limited to the elite and it was becoming a gate-keepers for jobs, social mobility and political empowerment (through alignment with anglophone interests).

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CHAPTER VI

ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF AFGHANISTAN: ACTORS AND MECHANISMS

6.1. INTRODUCTION This chapter overviews roles of supporting and opposing actors in the recent domination of English language and discusses the underlying mechanism. It also overviews the impact of these two aspects of English LPP on national integration. Among supporting actor, the role of international English testing services, anglophone states, and non- governmental organizations is discussed, while the conservative Islamists and non-anglophone states are discussed as the opposing actors. The chapter further focuses on globalization and domination as mechanisms of English language spread in Afghanistan.

6.2. SUPPORTING ACTORS Pursuant to the review of LPP context, this section explores the role of actors who support or oppose English language in Afghanistan. The actors who support English promote the positive integration of Afghanistan with the international community, whereas those who oppose English language resist such integration. Majority of the respondent (84.1%) in Survey of LPP Perception: 2010 agreed that out of all foreign languages in Afghanistan English has been the most successful to spread in Afghanistan. The domination of English is due to supportive efforts of Afghan authority and anglophone states, and it was the only language that Afghan locally encounter in different domains (Follow-up Interviews, 2010). The twentieth-century gains made by French and Russian languages appears insignificant as compared to English language. Being a compulsory component of

179 secondary school curriculum and higher education in Afghanistan places English in a dominant position in comparison to other modern European languages. English language programs are supported not only by the Afghan government, the anglophone states are also supporting programs of English language learning in education and for the training of officials of the Afghan government. The response, therefore, represent a linguistic reality in Afghanistan. Support of English by anglophone actors is part of their global support to English language domination. The official backing of US, UK and Australia English language resources (of learning and assessment) are more accessible (being widely available and comparatively affordable thanks to the internet). However, it is expected that local agents such as the local conservative sections (reflected in the rural periphery in a discussion on domains) and other states with a language of wider communication (WDC) resist this domination of English in Afghan national / local domains. The following discussion presents these factors. 6.2.1. English Language Testing Services Discussion in this subsection focuses on the role of international language testing bodies in the promotion of English. In this discussion only their promotive role is explored. Focus in the following discussion is on the role TOEFL and IELTS. As the economic development lure students, professionals and businessmen to seek residence or citizenship of anglophone states, these states have a precondition of linguistic competence. These tests ensure that those who qualify the test have the requisite linguistic competence (as a requisite for job and citizenship). Thus these bodies perform the role of gate-keeper to the anglophone world. The following discussion explores this role as well. International bodies such Educational Testing Service (ETS) run TOEFL (Test of English as Foreign Language) and IELTS

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(International English Language Testing System) a joint venture of British Council, IELTS Australia and Cambridge English Language Assessment, are considered as gate-keepers to international educational and job opportunities apart from immigration to anglophone states for settlement.347 International bodies like IELTS attempt to standardize English language as they play the role of gatekeeper to the academic and professional opportunities. IELTS claims that its language proficiency tests were taken by 1.7 million in 2011. In 135 countries more than 7000 institutions make a decision of granting admission or employment on the basis of this test.348 In Afghanistan, the American University of Afghanistan, British Council and Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade accepts this result for admission and employment.349Merrifield in her study found that Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the UK had a consensus that IELTS results are a reliable way of predicting the integration of immigrants into the host community. Changes in the score requirements were used by these countries to decide pattern of immigration.350 USA demands the proof of English language proficiency in the form of TOEFL score for the issue of visa.351 In Afghanistan, Embassy of the United States helps the promising students through a free TOEFL-iBT (Test of English as a

347 Adrian Blackledge, "Inventing English as Convenient Fiction: Lanuage Testing Regimes in the United Kingdom," in Language Testing, Migration and Citizenship, ed. Guus Extra, Spoti Massimiliano, and Piet Van Avermaet (New York: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2009), 83. 348 IELTS, "The World Speaks Ielts," International English Language Testing System, accessed 17/9, 2012. http://www.ielts.org/. 349 IELTS, "Who Accepts Ielts," International English Language Testing System, accessed 17/9, 2012. https://www.ielts.org/. 350 Glenys Merrifield, The Use of Ielts for Assessing Immigration Eligibility in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United Kingdom (IELTS, 2008), 1. 351 Travel State Gov. A Service of the Bureau of Consular Affairs, "Student Visas," U.S. Department of Sate, accessed July 9, 2016. https://web.archive.org/web/20120204145406/http://travel.state.gov/visa/temp/types/t ypes_1268.html.

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Foreign Language-internet Based Test).352British Council in Afghanistan provides comprehensive information and test-taking facilities to the candidates. British Council and Cambridge ESOL are the partners who run IELTS.353TOEFL and IELTS provide a mechanism of integration of the Afghan elite with the anglophone states through the availability of opportunities in education, jobs and immigration for which the tests of these bodies act as gatekeepers and promises better future to those who score high. As native language is taken as standard in these tests, the high score means a lasting exposure to native language speech contexts, therefore, those who score high are the people who have higher integrative potential with native speech community of English language.354 This subsection established that anglophone testing bodies perform the role of gate-keepers of English speaking society and job market. In assessment, these bodies also standardize English language and allow only a few varieties to be used as a standard, while other varieties are suppressed. This system filter out those people from entry to anglophone economy who lack proficiency in English language (normally the graduates of non-elite education) while allowing the elite the benefits of visiting and staying in the anglophone world. Thus, these tests support elitism while non-elite are systematically eliminated from integration with Western economic and sociopolitical circle.

352 Embassy of the United States Kabul, "Fulbright Master's," Embassy of the United States Kabul, accessed July 9, 2016. http://kabul.usembassy.gov/fulbright.html. 353 British Council Afghanistan, "International English Language Testing System," British Council, accessed July 9, 2016. http://www.britishcouncil.org/afghanistan- exams-ielts-ielts-new.htm. 354 Guangmin Ling, Donald E. Powers, and Rachel M. Adler, Do Toefl Ibt Scores Reflect Improvement in English-Language Proficiency? Extending the Toefl Ibt Validity Argument (Princeton, NJ: Education Testing Service, 2014), 5-7.

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6.2.2. Anglophone States As linguists agreement on the importance of English as lingua franca in international communication is established,355 this subsection discusses the role of English speaking states in the promotion of English language in Afghanistan (as part of their general support for its globalization). The spread of a language approximates the political and economic influence of its speaker. The same stands true for Afghanistan. The Operation Enduring Freedom was launched by the United States of America alone, later ISAF augmented their position. In ISAF too, United States of America was a major actor, performing the leading role. Next in line were the major anglophone states such as United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and New Zealand. The combined contribution to ISAF by the anglophone states was 79%.356 This predominance implies the use of this political influence for support to English language promotion in Afghanistan. The same factor was found in the popular view in The Asia Foundation survey (2006), wherein majority of Afghans thought the USA as the major donor of aid.357 The discussion that follows provides examples that verify the anglophone states‘ support for the promotion of English language in Afghanistan. The support of the United Kingdom and the United States of America in Afghanistan for English language learning dates back to the

355 Farzad Sharifian, ed. English as an International Language: Perspectives and Pedagogical Issues, ed. Viv Edwards, New Perspective on Language and Education (Bristol: Multilingual Matters, 2009), 2-3; Braj B. Kachru, The Alchemy of English: The Spread Functions and Models of Non-Native Englishes (Oxford: Pergamon, 1986); Braj B. Kachru, ed. The Other Tongue: English across Cultures (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992); David Crystal, English as a Global Language (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997). 356 Afghanistan International Security Assistance Force, "Troops Numbers and Contributions," ISAF, accessed July 9, 2016. http://www.isaf.nato.int/troop-numbers- and-contributions/index.php. 357 The Asia Foundation, Afghanistan in 2006: A Survey of the Afghan People.

183 twentieth century.358 This support to English language learning programs in Afghanistan was part of the international politics that were pursued by the major colonialists in the nineteenth century and then sustained in neocolonialism in the twentieth century. The statements of the heads of anglophone states saw in English a supportive role in the hegemonic domination of the world. The US president, for example, provides a significant political role for English language. In ―National Security Strategy‖ he attributed economic and political domination to the global spread of English language. In this document English is considered ―great advantages to Americans traveling, working, and negotiating in foreign countries.‖359 This policy statement echoes the sentiments of colonial era Britain when Winston Churchill also considered the spread of English language as an instrument of annexing other states.360 United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was the official agency that formally engaged with Afghanistan in the promotion of English language teaching. During 2001-2011, 10,000 students participated in its English language teaching programs. One thousand and seven hundred were targeted through English language competence enhancement and pedagogic skills training.361 In addition to this, it along with the US embassy in Afghanistan assisted Afghans with ELT programs and scholarships. The main objective of such programs was to help in removing barriers to learning of English for teachers and students. Funding for the programs came from, ―State

358 See chapter III. Sections 3.2.2. and 3.3.2. 359 Office of the President of Uniter States of America, National Security Strategy, by Barack Obama (Washington: The White House, 2010), 29. 360 Eillish Gaffey, "Biting Your Tongue: Globalised Power and the International Language," Variant magazine 2, 22 (2005 2005), accessed July 9, 2016, http://www.variant.org.uk/pdfs/issue22/tongue.pdf. 361 USAID Afghanistan, "Education: Increasing Access to Quality Education and Suitable Learning Environments," USAID, accessed July 9, 2016. http://afghanistan. usaid.gov/en/programs/education.

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Department‘s Office of English Language Programs‖. From one such ―English Access Microscholarship Program‖ 3,000 students in 16 locations of Afghanistan participated.362 Besides the USA, the UK as the former global empire and land of origin of English language played an active role in the promotion of English language in Afghanistan. British Council, in the second half of the twentieth century, became a leading source of funding projects for the promotion of English language. In the post-Taliban Afghanistan, this organization has been active in promoting English language. The country office in Afghanistan officially stated its objective to ―work with the decision makers in government and common people to promote partnership by English language teaching‖.363 British Council extended the global programs of English language learning to Afghanistan and in addition to them also made some context-specific programs. On such program, ―English for Impact‖ English language teachers in Afghanistan were targeted to improve their language competence and ELT skills. The Afghan Ministry of Education and Ministry of Higher Education participated in this programs as partners of British Council. This program targeted pre-service and in-service teachers‘ qualification in English language for a better impact. In this program, curriculum improvement became a focus. The curriculum reforms were introduced to improve the quality of exposure to English language learning. British Council helped in the formation of ―English Language Teachers Association for Afghanistan (ELTAA)‖. This was to act as a platform for the teachers of English language to collaborate and act collectively for the promotion of their professional interests. British Council also claimed to have reached forty-five thousand

362 Embassy of the United States Kabul, "English Language Programs," Embassy of the United States, accessed July 9, 2016. http://kabul.usembassy.gov/english _language.html. 363 British Council Afghanistan, "About Us: What We Do," British Council accessed July 9, 2016. https://www.britishcouncil.af/about/british-council-afghanistan.

185 teachers through their training programs aimed at improvement of English language learning in Afghanistan. This programs initially trained one hundred and eighty trainers. These trainers then engaged in training English language teachers in different areas. The trickle-down effect was called ―Cascading Programme‖. Apart from formal methods of dissemination of English language, informal methods were also used such as targeting 14,000,000 cellular phone users to learn English language. This program focused on learners who lived in the far flung rural areas of Afghanistan.364 Besides supporting students and teachers to promtote English in the domain of education, British Council also focused on professional development of Afghan government. The employees of various department were targeted to train them in modern techniques of governance. Such programs included English language learning as part of the curriculum. The logic for using English language learning in capacity building training was to increase understanding British values among the participants of the programs (worldwide the same paradigm is used).365In one such program, the participants were prepared to take IELTS test. The programs attracted professionals from a wide range of public and private institutions and bodies such as commerce, law, civil servants and teachers.366 NATO‘s mission ISAF (International Security Assistant Force) controlled through PRTs (Provincial Reconstruction Teams) contributed to the restoration of Afghanistan through reconstruction. Their collaboration with locals took place through English language translators. Those areas would where among locals someone knew English language, had better chances of getting their problems

364 British Council Afghanistan, "English for Impact," British Council, accessed July 9, 2016. http://www.britishcouncil.org/afghanistan-english-english-for-impact.htm. 365 Whitehead, "English Language Teaching in Fragile States: Justifying Action, Promoting Success and Combating Hegemony," in Dreams and Realities: Developing Countries and English Language. 366 British Council Afghanistan, "International English Language Testing System."

186 communicated and solutions provided. The helped in the formation of Afghanistan National Army (ANA) and Afghanistan National Police (ANP). Among recruits, apart from professional skills competence in English language also contributed in facilitating promotion to higher positions.367 ISAF also took the initiative of setting up English language teaching for Afghan officers in security forces. They established, ―Afghan Foreign Language Institute and English Training Center‖ where English language was part of the advanced military training of Afghan National Army (ANA).368 Ian P. Jones, a member of Linguistic Services in NATO described the high demand and attendant risks for English language translators in ISAF and other organizations. According to him, ISAF was formed in NATO to focus on Afghanistan. Linguistic services (translators) were hired for the job. The head of linguistic services, Mr. Miquelon (who was responsible for hiring) had no knowledge of Dari and Pushto, therefore his visit was mainly intended to provide administrative support. The initial operations started in tents, with thirteen locally hired translators and interpreters, whose standard of translation was not tested properly. Most of their work was limited to translation from and into Dari and English. The test used to judge translation standards were only limited to checking English language proficiency, so there was no way to tell if the hired interpreters were fit for translation and interpretation services. For example, a doctor was one of the employees, who worked in one shift with ISAF as an interpreter and in other shift with UN as a physician, and had taken translator job only to find a good sleeping quarter. INGOs and other states who were setting

367 NATO, "Language Team Seeks Proficient Afghan English Speakers for Aviation." 368 Sarmantha Krolikowski, "Afghan Intructor Teach English to Afghan National Army " NATO Training Mission Afghanistan accessed September 15, 2012. http://ntm- a.com/archives/11496?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=afghan- instructors-teach-english-to-afghan-national-army.

187 up their work depended on English translators so much that there was often a competition of raising pay to keep the interpreter in service. On the flip side, the risk to life and property to the interpreter made possible employees reluctant without some incentive. ISAF and work opportunity with other international organizations enabled the employee with good pay and international employability.369 This sentiment is also reflected in the ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ where 73% of respondents affirmed that anglophone states support English language in Afghanistan. The popular sentiments in Afghanistan reflect the actual support for English language by the anglophone states. To sum up, this subsection established that the anglophone states (such as USA and UK) and their coalition (ISAF) contributed to the promotion of English language through aid, scholarships, training programs and provision of access to English language dependent technology. It was also found that Afghan government, especially the ministry of education assisted in the cultivation of English language in Afghanistan. The combination of local Afghans actors along the anglophone states created the favorable ground for promoting English language in Afghanistan. US and UK position on supporting the global spread of English is effect positive integration to support political and economic and interests. The support of Afghan government indicates the positive integration of Afghan elite with the anglophone political interests. However, the orientation of positive integration remained limited to elite (government officials and civil elite). The exclusion of rural elite is therefore implied and so their negative integration.

369 Jones and Askew, Meeting the Language Challenges of Nato Operations: Policy, Practice and Professionalization, 127-54.

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6.2.3. Non-Governmental Organizations This subsection discusses the role of local and international NGOs in the promotion of English language. Here the focus is on the organizations who were supported by the anglophone states. The demand of English language proficiency is discussed here as indicative of the integrative role of English language. Afghan Analyst website divided the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) intro three group i.e. local, national and international. While local NGOs focused on intervention at the regional and local level, international NGOs such as UNICEF worked in Afghanistan under their global mandate. The national NGOs were funded by foreign donors but they were Afghan in the constitution such as CARE (USA). These provided an intermediate level between the local and international NGOs, as they collaborated with international NGOs (INGOs). In 2011 more than 130 international and national NGO were identified to be active in Afghanistan. In addition to these fifteen local NGOs were also identified by The Afghan Analyst.370 AREU (Afghan Research and Evaluation Unit) identified 366 active NGOs operational in Afghanistan.371 The phenomenal growth of NGOs working in Afghanistan in 2002 was reflected by registration of 1020372 with a further surge in 2009 to 2400.373 As of 2012, 253 jobs demanding proficiency in English language were advertised online by the NGOs working in Afghanistan.

370 The Afghan Analyst, "The Afghanistan Analyst: Ngos," accessed 30/10/2012. http://afghanistan-analyst.org/ngos/files/28/ngos.html. 371 Afghanistan Research Evaluation Unit, "Areu- Contacts Directory," AREU, accessed November 25, 2012. http://www.areu.org.af. 372 Kristian Berg Harpviken, Arne Strand, and Karin Ask, Afghanistan and Civil Society (Peshawar/Bergen: Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2002), 8. 373 Lara Olson and Dave Peabody, "Peace Operation Monitor, Civilian Monitoring of Complex Operations," accessed 30/10, 2012. http://pom.peacebuild.ca/NGO Afghanistan.shtml.

189

The coordinating NGOs can be identified as specialized structures that helped in the coordination between donors and various NGOs working in Afghanistan. ACBAR was one of such NGOs, as part of coordinating activities it regularly posted jobs on its website. This study monitored the job posts and found that good paying jobs in NGO sector demanded competence in English language as part of job description. It was noted that majority of the vacancies (81%) described English language skills as a requirement of jobs, moreover 69% of such jobs located in cities.374 The job description included writing project proposals in English language drafting memos, letters and reports and corresponding with the donors. It implies that the working language of INGOs and major NGOs was English. To sum up, this subsection established that nation and international Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) use of English as a working language made it an asset in securing jobs with these organizations. Those who had proficiency in English language were thus positively integrated with the Western economy and political interests. The majority of these jobs were located in urban areas, therefore, rural area faced negative integration orientation.

6.3. OPPOSING ACTORS This subsection focuses on the role of the opposers of English language in Afghanistan. Here, review of local and international actors is provided and the causes behind their opposition to English language are explored. Their antagonism is discussed as part resistance of international integration through English language. To gauge the causes of hatred to English language some items were included in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010”. The first prompt, ―English language learning would make Afghans social, political and

374 ACBAR, "Job Search," ACBAR, accessed 31/10, 2012. http://www.acbar.org.

190 economic slaves of the West‖, was aimed to assess the moral causes behind opposition to English language. 17.3% agreed to this proposition. This shows that majority of Afghans rejected the narrative of Taliban and their conservative sympathizers that English language is a means of Afghan subjugation. However, those who opposed English language found this statement to be true. For the opponents of English language, the social economic and political freedom of Afghanistan would be endangered by the promotion of English language in Afghanistan. They consider English language learning as a corollary of foreign occupation of Afghanistan. For them learning of English language meant an effort of legitimizing the American control of Afghanistan (Follow-up Interview, 2010). The next prompt, ―English language learning would destroy indigenous languages of Afghanistan‖ was included in ―The Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ to understand extent of the motive of language loyalty behind opposition to English language.15.5% agreed with this statement. The nationalist element inclusion was primarily aimed at gauging perception of the linguistic imperialist perspective. However, the response shows that majority do not consider English language as a threat to the autochthonous languages of Afghanistan. Follow-up Interviews, 2010 revealed that minority language speakers considered English as an opportunity to resist Dari and Pushto language domination that had a more potent threat to local languages. In learning English language they hoped to find an international audience to reach and promote awareness about the suppression of their language by the major national languages. Those who agreed with the statement considered that the purity of local languages would be lost. They considered the minority languages to specifically susceptible to the domination by English language.

191

To sum up, this subsection affirmed that majority of Afghans do not consider English language as a tool of socio-economic and political subordination of the West. The majority also do not consider learning English morally incorrect, and the do not consider English language a threat to Afghan languages. Thus, we find a rejection of the propaganda of extremists who commonly uses these arguments to oppose learning of English language. However, the majority of sampled population being urban increases the significance of the minority voice of rural population where support of these negative statements about English language is concentrated. 6.3.1. Conservative Islamists Discussion in this subsection presents antagonism to the learning of English language by the conservative sections of Afghans. In the face of continuing armed insurgency by these elements, their views acquire special focus in the review of the integrative role of English language. This discussion begins with an analysis of concerned questionnaire prompt in Survey of LPP Perception, 2010. Later, other arguments are discussed that are common in the discourse of opposition stemming from conservative religious sections. A prompt, ―English language learning would make Afghans easy sinners and immoral‖ was intended to gauge antagonism to English language on the basis of religious morality. 15.5% agreed and 79.2% disagreed. The supporters of this statement endorsed the narrative of learning English language as sin, as it is the language of non-believers. Therefore, learning of English would make the learners easily succumb to the temptations of sin. Those who have already learned English language for the supporter of this statement have embraced the life of sin. They consider humanism and liberalism as defining features of English language speaker (Follow-up Interview, 2010).

192

Religious sentiments have traditionally dominated other identities in Afghanistan. Besides insurgent, traditional segments in Afghan society, especially in the rural areas have a historical antagonism to modern education, whether it be the failed attempt of King Amanullah Khan or educational campaign of PDPA government in 20th century. The resistance against Soviet intervention resulted in the strengthening of the conservative forces in Afghanistan. Even the state provided modern education is deeply religious in character has failed to impress the conservative elements. Taliban have termed all state-owned and private educational institutions against Islam, and destroying them as a religious obligation. The state-run schools and teachers are routinely targeted by the extremists. The modern schools with Western education are normally English medium. So in popular perception, English medium means an education that is opposed to education provided in religious seminaries. The extremists declare such people to be engaged in espionage and target them. The opposition to English language does not purely reside in religion but in politics. Skewed interpretations are normally offered to oppose English mediums schools. Sediqi considers that night letters (warning letters left at the door or pasted on the wall) are a major cause of resistance to learning English.375 Spolsky argues that the historical form of Arabic ―Classical Arabic‖ dominates among Muslims the domain of religion. All formal rites of this domain are in the Arabic language. Among Muslim command of this language is a source of power and respect.376It is also argued that among Muslims classical Arabic is a means to increasing the political and social authority of Ulema.377

375 Sediqi, "A Sociolinguistic Profile of English in Afghanistan: The Perspectives of Kabul Academics," 117. 376 Spolsky, Language Policy. 377 Yasir Suleiman, ed. Language and Identity in the Middle East and North Africa (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), 2.

193

English language competence provides a potential to join the urban elite and align their interest with the Western states generally and anglophone specifically through visits, study, business, and citizenship. Such people have a privileged access to key positions in Afghanistan. They as technical experts are considered as an asset among the elite. For the non-elite who do not consider such alignment in a favorable light. They consider these anglophone aligned English language proficient urban elite as the subalterns of the Western political domination. This conflicting view of alignment with a Western interest in Afghan society, indicate the conflict between the different orientation of the urban and rural population, arising from the economic and political opportunities they have.378 The modern outlook and economic well-being of the Afghans who work or live in the anglophone state are neutralized by suspecting them to be removed from Islam. In this case, too, it appears contact with anglophone is not debated on Islamic ground, but rather, the political and social motive dominate in opposition to modernization. The attempts of modernization in the twentieth century were traditionally challenged by the conservative rural segments with a strong religious sentiment. This opposition happened to the efforts of King Amanullah Khan and then during the rule of PDPA where the socialist efforts of modernization were rejected on religious grounds. So, the education system in a government they consider to be under the influence of a non-Muslim state, they oppose it in totality. Opposition to English medium schools might be inspired by this thinking. Secondly, the material benefit of learning English finds more appeal with students, who would not be interested in learning classical Arabic that is supported by traditional education and considered a religious obligation to learn it.

378 Barfield, Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History, 282.

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To sum up, this subsection presented hat though a minority, the opposition voice is significant for national integration of Afghanistan. The dominance of religious sentiments among the minority means that they can be exploited to resist the spread of English language and hence they deprived sections would be negatively integrated with the pro- English language orientation of the current elite and their anglophone supporters. 6.3.2. Non-Anglophone States This subsection explores the role of the non-anglophone states in opposing the spread of English in Afghanistan. The following discussion explores some of the possible reason for their opposition to English language and Anglophone supremacy in Afghanistan. In Afghanistan, some non-anglophone states attempt to promote their languages. In the colonial times, the sphere of influence of the European empire was marked by the stamp of their languages on the colony. After the end of the direct rule, the languages continued as a colonial legacy. The French, German and English language still compete with each other in whatever domain the come into contact, for example in ISAF we find Germany, French, and USA pushing for German, French and English language respective. In early days of NATO, French was the dominant official language, but with the decline of France‘s influence, French language saw a gradual decline and quiet exit and is unable to revive its position despite the best struggle of France.379 France and Germany as part of NATO do not antagonize anglophone states but they struggle for the promotion of their language. Their embassies actively participate in the promotion of French and German languages among Afghans. They also organize conferences and

379 Jones and Askew, Meeting the Language Challenges of Nato Operations: Policy, Practice and Professionalization, 28-36.

195 seminars for various stakeholders, to keep the traditional goodwill among Afghans their government alive. Russia had a long history in Afghanistan, but the USA was reluctant to allow it to play a positive role in Afghanistan.380Despite this, Russian expecting, the exit of foreign forces from Afghanistan started construction of Russian culture center in Kabul, while the Russian envoy, Andrey Avetisyan was optimistic, that the demand for Russian language is high, and construction of the center would repair the old ties with Afghanistan, as the Afghan administration requested it constructions381in addition to this a sizeable diaspora of 150,000 Afghans still living in Russia, they learn Russian language and through them Russia sees reassertion of a political role in future Afghanistan.382From 2004, Russia has been offering 50 annual scholarships to Afghans increasing them to 75 in 2007, 80 in 2008 and 100 in 2010. Apart from scholarships, the Russian education is very affordable for middle-class people.383Like Russia, German Goethe Institute is the body responsible for the promotion of German language. Goethe Institute in Afghanistan promised professional development, material for the promotion of German language and provided partnership for educational institutions, all with one goal of promoting

380 John Bachtell, "Afghanistan: Exiled Members of the Former People's Democratic Party Return to Refound Party," LINKS international journal of socialist renewal (March 17, 2010 2010), accessed August 22, 2010, http://links.org.au/node/1576. 381 Amie Ferris-Rotman, "Russia Eyes Rebirth in Classrooms of Fromer Foe Afghanistan," Reuters (November 19, 2012), accessed August 22, 2015, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/11/19/afghanistan-russia-idUSL3E8MB2NJ201 21119. 382 Amie Ferris-Rotman, "Daunted Afghans Find Refuge in Former Foe Russia," Reuters Canada (August 22, 2011), accessed August 22, 2015, http://ca.reuters.com /article/topNews/idCATRE77L1MR20110822?pageNumber=3&virtualBrandChannel =0&sp=true. 383 Thomas Tuttig, "From Point Zero to "New Warmth": Russian-Afghan Relations since 1989," Afghanistan Analysts Network (2014), accessed August 22, 2015, https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/from-point-zero-to-new-warmth-russian- afghan-relations-since-1989/.

196 the German language in Afghanistan.384 ―Institut François‖ Afghanistan work for the promotion of French language in Afghanistan through scholarships, language courses and partnerships.385Despite, the national penchant for promoting the French language through a ban on the English language as a medium of instruction in universities in France still there were 790 institutions providing education in the English language, however, the ban was relaxed due to parliamentary debate to attract international students.386 The following table explores foreign language skills among Afghan elite.

Table 17.Foreign Language Proficiency of Afghan Officials387

% % % %

Total

Russian Russian

German German

proficient % proficient % proficient

Urdu proficient proficient Urdu

Arabic proficient proficient Arabic

French proficient proficient French

English proficient proficient English

Ethnic group Ethnic

44 13

9.8 6.5

560

15.7 10.5

Pashtun

4.8

311

45.6 15.4 11.2 10.9 11.8

Tajik

12 12

8.8 9.5 3.4

147

53.7

Hazara

64 13 45

6.5 6.6 8.8 Uzbek

384 Goethe Institut, "Goethe Institut Afghanistan," Federal Republic of Germany, accessed August 22, 2015. http://www.goethe.de/ins/af/en/kab/uun.html. 385 Institut Fracais Afghanistan, "Home Page: Institut Francais Afghansitan," accessed August 22, 2015. http://institutfrancais-afghanistan.com/?lang=en. 386 Dan Thomas, "France Debates Rollout of English Medium Education," The Pie News, accessed July 9, 2016. http://thepienews.com/news/france-debates-rollout-of- english-medium-education/. 387 Erek, "Who Is Who in Afghanistan?-Biographies of Important People."

197

0 0 0 7

42.8 28.5 28.5

Turkoman

0 0 0 0 3

66.6 33.3

Aimaq

0 0 0 0 0 3

100

Nuristani

0 0 0 0 4

75 25

Baloch

0 0 0 6

64 16 16

Pashai

0 0 0 6

64 16 16

Other

513 148 145 118 113

Total Total Count Langu age

Presently, the linguistic scene appears to be in the favor of English domination over other foreign languages as it remains the best known foreign language in parliament, civil and military bureaucracy as compared to French, German and Russian languages (comparison in this work is with European languages including of Russian). Table.1 illustrates this point, as English language in the domain of power appears well entrenched while other European languages lagged far behind. To sum up, this subsection established that the role of Russia, Germany and France was promotive for Russian, German and French language respectively. All these states sponsored their languages through their missions and embassies. Though in comparison to English, the scope of their sponsorship for French, German and Russian language was limited. The non-

198 anglophone states compete with English in the positive integration of Afghan society, politics and economy. Thus supporter of these languages attempted to diversify the scope of positive international integration of Afghans. However, the competitive nature of foreign languages means that positive integration with the anglophone world would be reduced by the supporters of these languages.

6.4. MECHANISM OF INTEGRATION This section explores the processes of integration. The discussion here presents ―globalization‖ as a neutral force and ―hegemonic domination‖ is discussed as the negative aspect of the spread of English language. 6.4.1. Globalization This subsection explores the role of globalization in the spread of English, especially in Afghanistan. The Economic aspect of globalization in the global context would be explored and globalization process rationalized. Then, the case of Afghanistan would be discussed. Before the incident of September 11, Afghanistan remained an isolated and forgotten country. The technological developments and cooperation on a global scale had already become a reality. This process acquired the name of globalization. In the 20th century while other states were modernizing under the impact of globalization, Afghanistan chose to be the cautious course.388 Different indicators can be used to gauge the impact of globalization. One such indicator is ―Human Development Index or HDI‖. For most nations effect of globalization on HDI remained positive.389 Here development is measured against standards of welfare of individual citizens on a national level. The measurement can be later compared with that of other states. In this perspective globalization effects the local conditions through international

388 Gregorian, The Emergence of Modern Afghanistan: Politics of Reform and Modernization, 2. 389 Voxi Heinrich Amavilah, National Symbols, Globalization, and the Well-Being of Nations (University Library of Munich, Germany, 2009).

199 processes (economic, political and technological).390 Therefore, it helps the integration of local communities with the global community. It has been shown that isolation damages national welfare that in turn decreases per head Gross Domestic Products. Another technique of gauging globalization is to measure the spread of technological, cultural and other symbolic factors in a polity.391 These symbols may include (in the case of American globalization) KFCs, cokes etc. In Afghanistan, the globalization symbols significantly increased after 2001. In 2001 the globalization index was 20 for Afghanistan. It reached 31.5 in 2009-10.392 English language has emerged as a product as well as the mechanism of this globalism. Local branches of multinational companies like KFC, Pepsi etc along with luxury hotels and western dresses, props, food etc. in Afghanistan the presence of English language. As globalization effects are more visible in the center, therefore, it is assumed that the English language would also have spread better as compared to peripheries. The spread of English is not that good according to some linguists who adopt a critical perspective and call this spread as linguistic imperialism. These linguists consider the spread of English as a threat to minority languages and their speakers. They argue that linguistic capital of English provide undue benefits to the native English speakers, while the second language learners do not receive a good return on their investment (of labor and resources) in English language learning.393 To sum up, this section explained that globalization is primarily economic in nature with a corollary cultural and linguistic aspect. English language has become a symbol of globalization. As

390 Ibid. 391 Ibid. 392 Axel Dreher, Noel Gaston, and Pim Martens, Measuring Globalization- Gauging Its Consequences (New York: Springer, 2008). 393 Phillipson, Linguistic Imperialism.

200 globalization connects local with global, English language would also play a role in influencing the local in Afghanistan with global knowledge, technology and modernization. However, a globalized aspect of English has also been interpreted by some experts of LPP. It is argued that in globalized English, the local is marginalized and exploited while the anglophone states as the driver of this process always get undue returns for their support to English language. 6.4.2. Hegemony The following discussion explores the hegemonic domination as driving force behind the ascendance of English in Afghanistan. This ascendance is explored from a critical perspective and the relation between Afghanistan and the English speaking states is considered from the position of domination. When the decision was taken to militarily intervene in Afghanistan, at that time English speaking states spearheaded by USA and UK promoted the idea of pursuing a noble task of liberating Afghan people from obscurantist forces through the introduction of modern values in a backward Afghanistan.394 This narrative had a strong imperialist undertone, exemplified in Kipling‘s ―The White Man‘s Burden: The United States and The Philippine Islands‖ on the eve of the American conquest of Philippines. The name of this war, ―Operation Enduring Freedom‖ signified a dark irony. Against this backdrop, all subsequent aid and reconstruction efforts could not be separated from the discourse of hegemony. While some used a measured understatement, Chomsky identified this as a hegemonic domination.395 Galtung proposed the theory of imperialism in the perspective of post- colonial domination through a mixture of military and economic means.

394 Antonio Donini, Norah Niland, and Karin Wermester, Nation-Building Unraveled? : Aid, Peace and Justice in Afghanistan (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2004), 1. 395 Noam Chomsky, Hegemony or Survival : America's Quest for Global Dominance, 1st ed. (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003).

201

His theory highlighted a ―center-periphery‖ relationship. He argued that the economically developed states become a center of exploitation, for which they chose a periphery. In the periphery, those who align with the imperialist interests remain comparative better than those who do not submit to the control by the center. The level of exploitation becomes visible through the indicator of ―standard of Living (LC)‖. Whereas living condition in the center improves, living condition in the periphery lags behind.396 Phillipson proposed a theory similar to Galtung, but instead of economic domination, he reviewed linguistic imperialism as a modern form of domination. English language for him is a good example as its spread provide more benefits to the anglophone states as compared to the states in the periphery.397 In this context when the uneven spread of English is rationalized, and in the same context inequality is also observed, then it becomes important to stay cautious against making English a tool of this imperialist exploitation. To sum up, this section explained that the critical approach of Galtung and Phillipson to globalized English as hegemonic is dependable. Galtung provides an explanation of globalization as an imperialist domination, where the elitist center in a developing state (like Afghanistan) is connected with the exploiter states. The elitist center develops its own periphery to exploit. Indicator of this exploitation becomes visible in the inequality between the center and periphery of the exploited state. In Afghanistan, we find a widening gap between the Living Conditions (LC) of an urban center and rural periphery. Therefore, in Afghanistan, English language can become an instrument of increasing this inequality.

396 Johan Galtung, "A Structural Theory of Imperialism," Journal of Peace Research 8, no. 2 (1971): 81-117. 397 Robert Phillipson, "Language Policy and Linguisic Imperialism," in An Introduction to Language Policy: Theory and Method, ed. T. Ricento (Malden: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2006), 346-71.

202

6.5. CONCLUSION This chapter overviewed the role of English language in the national integration of Afghanistan effected by supporting and opposing and actors using the mechanism of hegemony and globalization. Elements of positive and negative integration with respect to English language were identified first in the orientation of supporting and opposing actors and then in processes of English language spread (globalization and domination). Support for English language was found in all domains i.e. economy, media, social change and language landscaping. Survey of LPP Perception, 2010 revealed the majority of respondents showed positive integration with the anglophone world (international) and they also supported national (intranational) integration through English language. However, it was found that the negative integration was concentrated in rural areas especially among rural Pashtun and Tajik. Anglophone states along government of Afghanistan sponsored positive integration of urban elite through provision access to learning English language and then benefitting from the same. The exclusion or rural areas indicated exclusion based inequality. Globalization was found to be the discourse that makes English part of communication and economic global inter-dependence of the states. Hegemony is presented as the critical perspective that focuses on the inherent inequality in the spread of English language.

203

CHAPTER VII

NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF AFGHANISTAN: TOWARDS INCLUSIVE LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING

7.1. INTRODUCTION

…. language, as historically used, has been a significant factor in creating political oppression, and economic and social discrimination…. the challenge for the next century is to begin using language to inspire inclusion rather than exclusion, conciliation rather than conflict, and peace rather than war.398 This chapter presents the possibility of an Inclusive Language Policy Planning (ILPP) in Afghanistan that would promote awareness about the positive integration of this nation-state. ILPP is developed with the help of Scenario-Building Method (SBM) in this chapter.399 Positive and negative aspects of integration are explored as possible scenarios resulting from implementation of ILPP proposals in this chapter. ILPP is presented in the form of proposals. These proposals are made flexible and general so that they can be suited to the local needs in subsequent studies and projects of localization and implementation. It is assumed for ILPP that a holistic approach to Language Policy Planning (LPP) produces sustainable ILPP proposals.400 ILPP evolves in this chapter in three steps. Section 7.2. identifies problems resulting from negative

398 Schaffner and Wenden, Language and Peace. 399 See chapter I, section 1.2.4. for use of CBM 400 Holistic approach implies to include all languages present in Afghanistan (autochthonous as well as exochthonous) in ILPP and treat them part of political, economic and social context.

204 integration, especially in the context of English language. Section 7.3. explores global practices in the promotion of positive integration and discuss its implications for Afghanistan. Section 7.4. discusses context specific ILPP proposals intended to promote positive integration in Afghanistan.

7.2. NEGATIVE INTEGRATION IN AFGHAN LPP This section discusses major problems of Afghan LPP that can lead to negative integration. This section identifies problems in Afghan LPP; reviews them for their potential to produce negative integration and explores the possible influence of English on the nature and magnitude of these problems. The leading problem of Afghan LPP, identified in the preceding chapters, is that inequality results from imbalanced power and exclusion. Hybrid Language Policy Planning (HLPP) model rationalized negative integration in LPP as the practices of exclusion that result in inequality.401 In this section inequality, marginalization, imbalanced power, and threat to material interests of language groups are considered an indicator of negative integration scenario. The following discussion in this section applies and elaborates this in the context of. 89.4% agreed in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ that language can become the cause of conflict and disunity in Afghanistan. After this confirmation, domain specific features of inequality are explored in Afghan LPP. Social, political and economic conditions faced by language groups determine their exclusion or inclusion. Systematic restrictions on particular ethnolinguistic group result in inequality and often indicate imbalanced LPP. An inclusive LPP process begins with the identification of these inequalities resulting in the formulation of proposals to reverse them. The following domain specific discussion

401 See chapter I for discussion on the nature of HLPP, chapter II for theoretical background of this model, chapter III for its application on the 20th century Afghan LPP and also see chapter IV, V and VI for its application in the analysis of the role of English language in Afghan LPP.

205 identifies these barriers, while in the next two sections recommendations for reversal are suggested. 7.2.1. Government This subsection provides a brief review of LPP problems pertaining to government domain. These problems result in inequality and jeopardize the stability of nation-state i.e. produce negative integration in Afghanistan. Afghan governments have traditionally attempted to hide linguistic problems by masking them as a communication problem and avoid proper solution. Bernard Spolsky considers this a negative approach.402 Regular censuses in a state ensure balance in the distribution of power and resources, as a reliable census of its population has never taken place, competition among language groups causes negative integration in Afghanistan. Legal protection against domination is a necessary condition for ILPP. Afghan constitutions were found ambiguous when studied for hedging using the method developed by Vass.403 The ambiguous nature of policy documents creates favorable condition for the powerful to dominate and marginalize the weak. Further the presence of overlapping tribal law, religious law and state laws produced confusion in the application of law. Lack of clarity can encourage negative practices in LPP and lead to elitist policy makers can use English language as an instrument of maintaining their hegemony and created inequality. The limitation of state machinery is another problem resulting in a lack of potential to implement policies effectively and ensure equality. This creates a gap in governance and opens up the way to the alienation of language groups who are not able to be competitive and are pushed to

402 Spolsky, Language Management, 257. 403 Holly Vass, "Socio-Cognitive Aspects of Hedging in Two Legal Discourse Genres," Iberica 7 (2004).

206 periphery through marginalization. Center loses legitimacy in the view of aggrieved and marginalized. English as a foreign language was found in the preceding chapters to be concentrated in the center. The heightened role of English in domains of power thus make it a resource, lighter footprints of this language in periphery shows that the population in the periphery would be marginalized on the basis of access to resources of English language. Centralization of government provides little space to local governance as the first level in solving language related grievances and conflicts. Weak governance by state creates power-vacuum in periphery thus allowing non-state actors to subvert national integration, through a parallel discriminatory and suppressive governance. 404This limitation of the center would restrict its role to provide equal opportunity of access to English language resources and add to economic backwardness of the periphery: widening the economic and political gap between center and periphery. 78.8% agreed in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ that political and language grievances are related. Using subtractive monolingualism for nation building project invokes grievances. Political grievances from the perspective of LPP often result in inequality in sharing power. The powerful can develop exclusive policies that would bar access of the marginalized to the resources of English language learning and develop In this subsection several LPP related problems were identified. To sum, this section started with the issue of the state of denial about language problem that opens the way for subversive planning in this domain and becomes a ready source of conflict. The non-serious approach is also expressed in the lack of interest in conducting a proper census that would help in distributing resources and power in language

404 Joel S. Migdal, State in Society : Studying How States and Societies Transform and Constitute One Another (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 89-92.

207 groups. The absence of census has opened the way for the disparity in actual size of language group and the resources appropriated by them, the same is true about English language learning opportunity that is not equally available to all. Lack of clarity in policy documents that relate to question results in the subversive activity of domination based on interest-based interpretation of the documents. Centralized government in a multilingual state, where the center is also weak and is home to discrimination and hegemonic control of the elite, is a leading cause of disparity and grievances in Afghanistan where people have shown awareness that political problems (of inequality) cause language related grievances. 7.2.2. Social Change This subsection explores the current features of Afghan society that threaten national integration through LPP. The role of the sociopolitical upheaval that began after Saur revolution is also explored in this discussion. The devastating civil war after Saur revolution destroyed the traditional social hierarchy in Afghanistan. Competition continues to form new social hierarchy still continues, resulting in social disruption and chaos. The civil war caused the crisis of identity among Afghan youth who grew up in the atmosphere of armed conflicts, mass exodus, and continuous killings. Constant crisis situation has made reactionary and conservative elements dominant who are suspicious of modernity and resist it through violence. Further, due to political complexity, no platform for meaningful dialogue between conservative and modern sections exists to prevent the likeliness of violent conflicts. Suspicion and prolonged isolation, especially in Taliban regime, has made Afghans xenophobic (especially in rural areas) and suspicion of the foreigners and foreign languages. Social unrest to a great deal depends on security that is precarious, as Taliban still control society through threats and

208 subversion. English language that can be learnt through formal schools is not available in rural areas as conservative elements who are opposed to modern schools, and Western languages in it, become a significant factor in keeping Afghan rural area out of the scope of development and reconstruction, therefore, such elements increase gap in the development of rural and urban society. Prompt, ―Social and language grievances are related‖ was included in the ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖, to explore the link between social grievances and language. 81% of respondents agreed that social grievances cause language related grievances. To sum up, discussion of this subsection argued that contemporary Afghan society suffering from the negative effects of armed violence is not equally benefitting in urban and rural places from the healing process of reconstruction. Most social programs do not reach effectively to the periphery thus making the center a focus of modernism and rural areas infested with reactionary conservatism. 7.2.3. Economy This subsection explores the role economic divide in causing negative integration, as predicted in HLPP that inequality results in negative integration. Urban-rural divide and the widening gap between the rich and elite and poor common people in Afghanistan has been identified in early chapters as a source of inequality remains a potent problem in national integration as economic inequality maintain a linguistic line, for example, the Hazara people having a distinct language remain socially and economically marginalized.405 Afghanistan‘s ethnolinguistic groups can be divided into two. First are those languages whose speakers still enjoy or had enjoyed power in the past tend to compete for power more

405 Barbara A. West, Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Asia and Oceania (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 2010), 272-4.

209 readily. Pushto and Dari speakers belong to this category. On the other hand, the rest of ethnolinguistic groups do not possess power and are in danger of domination and oppression by the dominant language speaker. While languages are territorially entrenched, the ethnolinguistic minorities occupy areas of lesser political and economic significance whereas the dominant language groups have control on economic and political centers of Afghanistan. This is also known to Afghan people as in ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖, 82.3% agreed that language and economic grievances are related. The elite and non-elite distinction, augmented by further segregation of non-elite in rural periphery and elites in an urban center is replicated in exclusive LPP that restrict non- elite access to English language, and then in economic sphere demand English language proficiency as a requirement for better employment and economic opportunity. As stated in HLPP this becomes the practice of inequality. From the discussion in this subsection we sum that difference in economic growth causes inequality in access to English language learning and then become the cause of exclusion from better employment of those who are not proficient in English language. This inequality becomes significant when we find that Afghan respondents were aware of and agreed with the statement that political grievances caused language grievances. 7.2.4. Education This subsection explores inequality in education as the leading cause of negative integration in Afghan LPP. The state of the elite and non-elite education in Afghanistan is compared as a case of inequality. The existence of separate education system of traditional education (where English language and modern education is resisted) and modern education creates contrasting worldviews among graduates. Further education for the elite (with better career prospects) with English as a

210 medium of instruction being concentrated in the center make the access of rural periphery difficult to such facilities. For example, the elite university in Kabul, American University of Afghanistan (AUAF) charges 444,000 AFN ($6450 ),406that remains out of the reach of common people with a meager $630407 GNI per capita with 35.8% of population below the national poverty line ($1.25/day).408 The gates of higher achieving institutions like AUAF with a quality education in English is closed for the average Afghan. The educational apartheid would thus add to inequality among Afghans. The state-sponsored public universities are normally without qualified teachers and textbook. The teaching material that is English, can neither be taught well by the professor, nor are the majority of students coming from rural areas proficient in English to understand lectures and reading materials. Because in most periphery schools, the learning of English just enables them to say their name when asked to do, graduates from these schools when enroll in science and other key fields in university tend to drop out soon. The allocation of budget to education is meager and that too remains unaccounted for.409 In the World Bank report, it is noted that impact of education on economic growth is greater in an urban area, as compared to rural areas of Afghanistan.410 The elitist educational institutions provide quality education through English language, resulting in higher language proficiency and better academic credentials. The state provided education often results in

406 American University of Afghanistan, "Tuition Fees for Undergraduates," accessed July 29, 2016. https://www.auaf.edu.af/admissions/tuition-and-fees/. 407 The World Bank, "Afghanistan," accessed May 29, 2016. http://data.world bank.org/country/afghanistan. 408 Ibid. 409 Christine Roehrs, One Thousand Dollars for Books Per Year: Afhanistan's Undersupplied Universities (Kabul: Afghanistan Analysts Network, 2014), accessed July 29, 2016, https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/one-thousand-dollars-for-books- per-year-afghanistans-undersupplied-universities/. 410 The World Bank, Higher Education in Afghanistan: An Emerging Mountainscape (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, South Asia Region, August 2013), 23.

211 inadequate English language proficiency that becomes a significant reason of drop outs in higher education. As the elitist education is limited to urban areas, rural areas remain largely out of the scope of the benefits of modern education. World Bank report also supported this finding as it was found that impact of modern education remains more pronounced in urban area development. Thus English language in the present Afghan education is a potential cause of inequality and negative integration. To sum up discussion on the problems of Afghan LPP that cause negative integration, it was noted that in all significant domains of power features of negative integration such as inequality, marginalization, imbalanced power and denial of the right to promote interests were present. In government structural weakness centralization was further complicated by neglect of language problems and apathy for the proper census. The war-torn society was found dysfunctional, polarized and dominated by the conservative forces who opposed modern English medium education. The Economic divide of elite and non-elite into urban and rural center vs. periphery was noted to be causing inequality in utilizing English language learning as an opportunity equally available. This inequality was established in the domain of education where the elitist quality English medium education was not accessible due to high cost. There the general cross-domain practices of exclusion were noticed in English language policy planning.

7.3. GLOBAL PRACTICES IN ILPP AND AFGHANISTAN This section explores global practices in the context of LPP and discusses its implications for integrative efforts in Afghanistan. The discussion begins with an exploration of the role of supra-state actors of LPP such as United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU) and then

212 includes South Africa, Australia, Soviet Union, Pakistan, Malaysia and India as case studies of integration efforts through LPP: examining LPP linked inequality and solutions. The following discussion rationalizes future scenarios for Afghanistan and highlights indicators of their phases. All supra-state and national scenarios are examined as different possibilities resulting from LPP interventions. While developing alternative scenarios for Afghan integrative LPP, the examples are explored for similarity with Afghanistan, meanwhile indicating challenges arising from unique conditions of Afghanistan. 7.3.1. The European Union and United Nations The following discussion explores supra-state organizations‘ role as actors of LPP with a focus on promoting language rights in member states and thereby promoting inclusion and equality. United Nations and the European Union are discussed here. A balanced language policy is essentially based on equity for all language groups.411 ―Universal Declaration of Human Rights‖ (1948)412 is the most vital modern document that binds all member states not to discriminate on the basis of language in the protection of the other basic rights of citizens. Article 2, 19 and 26 of this declaration promote a conducive environment that safeguards against discrimination on the basis of a language a group or a person speaks.413 Next was ―Charter of the United Nations‖ (1945) in Article 13 it is stated that there should be no discrimination on the basis of language (that a person or a group speaks). 414 Similar guarantees to minority indigenous people for protection and promotion of their language and culture are offered in the

411 Phillipson, "Political Science," in Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity, 103. 412 United Nations, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, UNO General Assembly resolution 217(III) (Paris: UNO, 10 December 1948). 413 Ibid. 414 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations (San Francisco, USA: United Nations, 1945).

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―United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples‖.415 Afghanistan as a member of UN, if adopt these international laws in legislation would be able to mitigate grievances of language minorities stemming from discrimination. European Union (EU) administration has a hierarchical structure of laws where the law of union trickles down to the local context. There are 24 official and working languages in EU.416 Minority language rights are recognized but the autonomy of state is recognized in further application and legislation. EU initiatives for promotion of minority languages and recognition of multilingualism along with economic and political rights has produced a more conducive environment for streamlining the minority languages.417 The European Union in, ―European Union Strategy for Multilingualism‖ asserts that language is an important means of integration in society and forming social cohesion. Both local and foreign languages are to be promoted for building a mobile workforce. It is asserted that linguistic diversity is an asset and its promotion an obligation on the member states of the European Union.418 An important legislation in this direction by the European Union is, ―European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages‖. It ensures rights of the minority language speakers and provides the opportunity to promote their language, culture and get political, social and economic incentives for realizing their rights. This document declared ―multilingualism‖ as the requisite conditions for promoting the minority languages. It is also stressed that

415 United Nations, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, A/61/L.67 and Add.1 (New York: United Nation, 2007). 416 European Commission, "Official Language of Eu," EU, last modified June 29, 2016, accessed July 27, 2016. http://ec.europa.eu/languages/policy/linguistic- diversity/official -languages-eu_en.htm. 417 Niamh Nic Shubne, "The European Union and Minority Language Rights," International Journal on Multicultural Societies (IJMS) 3, no. 2 (2001). 418 European Union, Council Resolution of 21 November 2008 on a European Strategy for Multilingualism (The Council of the European Union, 2008).

214 minority language rights do not disqualify individual members from learning the official language.419 The European Union, has set high standards of human rights for member states. Afghanistan as developing state depends on commerce and assistance of EU. Sensitivity to EU culture of promoting language rights would help Afghanistan. In a the discussion on UN and EU, acceptance of language rights presents a scenario of increasing intervention by international supra- state organizations in language rights of minorities within a member state. The scenario of idealism420 presented here is supposed to prevail with the passage of time making the application of language rights pertinent for Afghanistan. In the following discussion polities identified in the opening of this section are explored to highlight implications of their LPP for integration. The insight is then applied to LPP mediated integration in Afghanistan. 7.3.2. South Africa South African apartheid and inequality are explored in the following discussion. The reconciliation efforts in post-apartheid are taken as a scenario in future Afghanistan where LPP would be realized as a mechanism of reconciliation. Apart from factual aspects, proposals forwarded by experts related to inclusivity in South African are also discussed in the context of Afghanistan. In the preamble of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 it is stated, ―We, the people of South Africa,….Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our

419 Council of Europe, European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 1992). 420 Robert M.A. Crawford, Idealism and Realism in International Relations: Beyond the Discipline, Routledge Advances in International Relatiosn and Politics (Oxon and New York: Taylor & Francis, 2005).

215 diversity.‖421Afghanistan is also a multilingual state where past civil war resulted in the estrangement of ethnolinguistic groups. Constitutional protection of pluralism would be a positive step in the direction of reconciliation. Orman and Alexander consider language policies in South Africa created inequalities that require solution.422 Alexander and Hienrard considered the struggle against apartheid as a defining feature of nation building in South Africa between 1910 and 1994.423 He proposes that a democratic solution to language question is important where the solution to language based prejudices and racism is sought and barriers resulting from language removed. Through the imposition of English, the British colonialists hoped that eventually, English would replace Afrikaans in South Africa. The introduction of English further deepened the divide between people as it resulted in a means to relate to the elite class, those who refused to learn it became secondary in importance. Kamwangamalu also supports this statement.424 The language policy of the British reinforced by the apartheid policy resulted in the division of the South African population into two classes of the elite (along with a middle class) and non-elite. The British policy of promoting vernacular was to emphasize the ―separateness‖ of the people, thus effecting divide and rule. Neville ends his book with proposals for South Africa that are entitled, ―democratic language policy‖. He identifies the importance of

421 Constitutional Assembly South Africa, The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996: As Adopted on 8 May 1996 and Amended on 11 October 1996 (Cape Town Constitutional Assembly, 2011). 422 Jon Orman, Language Policy and Nation-Building in Post-Apartheid South Africa, Language Policy: Vol. 10 (New York: Springer, 2008); Neville Alexander, Language Policy and National Unity in South Africa/Azania (Cape Town: Buchu Books, 1989). 423 Kristin Hienrard, "Langage Rights and Minorities in South Africa," International Journal on Multicultural Societies (IJMS) 3, no. 2 (2001); Alexander, Language Policy and National Unity in South Africa/Azania. 424 Nkonko M. Kamwangamalu, "The Language Planning Situation in South Africa," in Africa, Vol.1 Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa, ed. Richard B. Baldauf, Jr. and Robert B. Kaplan, Language Planning & Policy (Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto: Multilingual Matters Ltd., 2004).

216 economic, political and demographic factors in the formulation of a language policy. He suggests that earlier language policies were divisive as they entrenched in local people hate for their ethnolinguistic identity. The ideal situation would be a three language formula where the first language, along with a regional language and international language is taught in such a way that all citizens eventually could easily switch from one (local) to another (international) language. He proposes that English dominance should be studied and a policy is made that detaches it from past sentiments of inequality. He emphasizes the creation of a context in which English becomes part of local culture that is free of barriers.425 The apartheid is an extreme scenario for Afghanistan. Hazara and Nuristani ethnolinguistic often complain of a discrimination from the elite. The situation stated here may serve for Afghanistan as a warning of what may happen when exclusion based policies are applied to an extreme level. Inequality and apartheid are therefore the worst case scenario that should be avoided, through inclusivity and true democracy. End of apartheid brought in the spirit of reconciliation and legislation provided rights to 10 languages the national status. However, in practice, the British policy continues and promotes in practice the monolingualism of English.426 This example illustrates that constitutional protections for multilingualism are often ignored with the pretext of practicality. However, technology provides a mechanism to incorporate multilingualism in different domains. The nascent Afghan mass media can learn from South African experience to use technology for promotion of linguistic rights.

425 Alexander, Language Policy and National Unity in South Africa/Azania, 1-67. 426 Orman, Language Policy and Nation-Building in Post-Apartheid South Africa; Hienrard, "Langage Rights and Minorities in South Africa."; Kamwangamalu, "The Language Planning Situation in South Africa," in Africa, Vol.1 Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and South Africa.

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In this state, where the constitution itself testifies to ―division of the past‖ and strive to unite while maintaining diversity,427 Orman proposed an inclusive language policy in post-apartheid Africa. He proposed social, economic and political inclusion be made part of LPP.428 While recognizing the problem of marginalization and grievances attached to exclusive language policies and planning Reagan proposed reconciliation of three policy aspects necessary for making policy successful i.e. concerns of national politics, implementation concerns of program and consideration for the impact on social justice.429 In the post-apartheid South Africa, language rights are not simply protected by legislation. The proposals indicate the complexity of LPP in the context of prolonged deprivation where exploiter and exploited entrench against each other. In such situation policy makers should consider language as well as context. While making inclusive LPP they should begin with removing inequalities first in the context that would ensure inclusivity where language would not hamper access to promotion and protection of interests. Language Directorate of South Africa is playing an important role by pointing out the negative aspect of planning and policy. It has also proposed The Language Plan for South Africa that attempts to bring fairness to policy and planning.430The institutional protection provided in South Africa exemplifies the role of formal attempts in institutional dispensation to monitor language rights continuously. The Pushto Academy in Afghanistan is far from an institution of promoting linguistic inclusive. Being modeled on French Academy, this institution

427 Constitutional Assembly South Africa, The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. 428 Orman, Language Policy and Nation-Building in Post-Apartheid South Africa, 138- 69. 429 T.G. Reagan, "Language Planning and Language Policy: Past, Present Anf Future," in Language in South Africa ed. Rajend Mesthrie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 430 Hienrard, "Langage Rights and Minorities in South Africa."

218 has actively promoting exclusion and subtractive monolingualism. The arrival of English would further complicate the situation, and as observed in the preceding chapter the popular enthusiasm about English language would soon end, when the identified inequalities would become visible to all. South African LPP discussed above provides a warning for policymakers that what would happen if exclusion and inequalities are left unchecked or LPP is used as a mechanism of marginalization. The post-apartheid South African LPP presents a scenario of avoiding and reversing the exclusion and promote inclusion. Though Afghanistan‘s situation is substantially different from South Africa, and apartheid, in reality, did not develop. The systematic exclusion of some ethnolinguistic groups such as Hazara and Nuristani people show a somber forecast resulting from marginalization. 7.3.3. Australia Australia is a multilingual, economically developed anglophone state. Australian governance is marked by best practices, where we can find an informed LPP. The following discussion explores LPP and develops a scenario of Afghanistan where she would actively participate in global economy and orient the economy for this purpose. Lo Bianco has identified the salient features of Australian LPP. He identified the purpose of national language policy in Australia was to utilize languages as a resource in the best interest of the nation, promote national unity and solve political, economic and external national needs in multilingual perspective. He considers Australian LPP explicitness a source of strength, and flexibility allowing the facets of evaluation, discussion, negotiation, change, and improvement.431Despite the fact that English the global language happens to the first language of the

431 Joseph Lo Bianco, National Policy on Languages (Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1987), accessed July 18, 2016, http://www.multiculturalaustralia. edu.au/.

219 majority, Australia pursues multilingualism because it has already achieved a stability that results from integration. The multilingual policy provides a mechanism for preventing ethnolinguistic grievances. As Afghanistan has started to integrate with the global economy, internally promotion of an explicit and multilingual policy reduce the risk of ethnolinguistic grievances. According to Lo Bianco promotion of standardization, equality of all languages, emphasis on national cohesion, declaration of linguistic pluralism as a resource and promoting Australian English a symbol of Australian national identity are the leading principles of Australian LPP. Promotion of non-English international languages for commerce and tourism with non-English speaking states is another important aspect of Australian LPP.432Australian policy here is having a local, national and international perspective. Local languages are guaranteed protection and development (to preserve the cultural heritage and integrate minorities into the national system). Australian English is chosen as a mark of national identity. Non-English foreign languages are considered an asset for the promotion of international trade, and attraction for tourists. Afghanistan has minority languages that are a cultural heritage for Afghanistan. Their protection and development would help in removal of grievances they suffer from the time of internal colonizing efforts of Amir Abdur Rahman, and then under the rule of Taliban. The international languages in Afghanistan have seen their rise and fall depending on diplomatic relations of Afghanistan with the concerned state. In the contemporary context, Afghanistan needs a rational approach to international trade and thus promote not only English but other international languages as well, to diversify international trade relationship with Afghanistan.

432 Ibid.

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7.3.4. Soviet Union As insight from Marxist philosophy was used in the development of Hybrid Language Policy Planning (HLPP) model, here the actual language planning and some aspects of policy are discussed as a scenario where economic equality is pursued and the notorious divide between the elite and poor is effectively reduced. Further, the Marxist ideal of the liberation of oppressed has been explored here and in the conclusion of a review of Soviet (later Russian Federation) in the context of Afghanistan is presented to find the relevance of socialist scenario as a mechanism of integration through LPP. The Soviet Union covered 8,649,490 square miles, populated by 286,000,000 inhabitants divided into 130 ethnic groups and an officially note 150 languages. The language and ethnic group difference are due to the Soviet method of drawing boundaries between dialects as real languages. In 1989 Russian were the largest ethnic group comprising 50% of the Soviet population, but in the same year, 85% population considered themselves proficient in the Russian language.433 Faced with a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and largely illiterate population, the newly installed Bolshevik government required the support of nationalities for legitimacy and realization of the communist stage was linked with progress in technological development.434 Therefore, in the beginning, Soviet Union had a liberal stage of language policy when the Leninist slogan, ―national in form and socialist in content‖ was observed as ―Korenizatsiia‖ (nativization),435 resulting in programs for eradication illiteracy, objective studies of Soviet language and using Latin alphabets

433 Lenore A. Grenoble, Language Policy in Soviet Union, Language Policy (New York: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003), 1-2. 434 Ibid., vii. 435 Dietrich, "Language Policy and the Status of Russian in the Soviet Union and the Successor States Outside the Russian Federation."

221 for their description.436 The political intention of this move was to make the Marxist ideology easy for the understanding of local people.437 Corpus planning was undertaken to purge expressions of ―feudal oppression‖ from dictionaries and replacement of Latin alphabets by the Cyrillic script in the 1930s and beginning pursuit of ―Russification‖,438 featuring an emphasis on the primacy of Russian nation.439 This approach resulted in the creation of Language hierarchy dominated by Russian,440 planning the corpus by supplying Russian nouns to replace equivalents in local languages.441 The local languages heavily transformed in official domains whereas in the social domains local languages were less influenced.442 However, suppression of other languages was not an organized activity as a time to time objection to common practice was made and such acts were declared illegal.443 Rannut claims Russification resulted eventually in the build up of tension between ―homines sovetici‖ and the local population (non- Russian), further complicated by economic low.444 Another reason for the failure of language policy was the application of top-down decisions of policy on all areas and population by the extremely centralized system,445 further the ideological controversies to be an idealist or

436 Gabrielle Hogan-Brun and Svitlana Melnyk, in The Cambridge Handbook of Language Policy, ed. Bernard Spolsky, Cambridge Handbooks in Language and Linguistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 592. 437 Ibid. 438 Ornstein, "Soviet Language Policy: Theory and Practice," 1-2. 439 Ronald Grigor Suny and Michael D. Kennedy, eds., Intellectuals and the Articulation of the Nation (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001), 235-42. 440 Ornstein, "Soviet Language Policy: Theory and Practice," 5-6. 441 Ibid., 6-8; Mart Rannut, "Beyond Linguistic Policy: The Soviety Union Versus Estonia," ROLIG papir, no. 48 (1991). 442 Hogan-Brun and Melnyk, in The Cambridge Handbook of Language Policy, 593. 443 Ornstein, "Soviet Language Policy: Theory and Practice," 16. 444 Rannut, "Beyond Linguistic Policy: The Soviety Union Versus Estonia," 25. 445 Grenoble, Language Policy in Soviet Union, viii.

222 pragmatist complicated the language question debate, especially in Stalinist era.446 In early days of Soviet Union, different LPP proposals were considered. Starr‘s proposed to declare Esperanto as the language of International communication in Communist world. The writer considered Esperanto as the fit candidate for official status in the communist world as it was not tagged by any ethnolinguistic group freeing the speakers from barriers of ethnic discrimination. Starr though adopting a lingua franca for the communist world as a befitting solution for hegemonic domination of English.447 Ismailova, building on the experience of Soviet language policy argues that the post-Soviet language policy was a reaction to the earlier policy of promoting the Russian language. In post-Soviet Central Asia, states promoted titular national languages at the expense of Russian language.448 Khan, providing a local perspective on education, contends that Soviet Russian language based modern education was introduced in Central Asian by ―Jadids‖ (modernists) in the pre-Soviet era to help Central Asian people liberate from the regressive conservative forces.449 After the fall of Soviet Union, Russian Federation became its successor state. In the report of Russian Federation to the UNESCO General Conference commitment to promote multilingualism is expressed for the preservation of the minority cultural heritage. Promotion of cultural diversity had been the official policy of USSR and in Russian Federation, this policy still continues. The constitution of Russian

446 Michael G. Smith, "The Tenacity of Forms: Language, Nation, Stalin," in Politics and Th Theory of Language in the Ussr 1917-1938: The Birth of Sociological Linguistics, ed. Craig Brandist and Katya Chown (London: Anthem Press, 2010), 105. 447 Mark Starr, "Communism and an International Language," The Communist Review 2, no. 4 (1922). 448 Baktygul M. Ismailova, ―Language Policy in Central Asia‖ (University of Massachusetts, 2001). 449 Sarfraz Khan, Muslim Reformist Political Thought: Revivalists, Modernists and Free Will (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), ch.4.

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Federation in Article 68 guarantees the language rights of all citizens, further specified in, ―Law on the Languages of the Russian Federation Peoples‖ where the state is bound to provide interpretation services to those Russian people who do not know the Russian language in all official contexts.450 It also provides a detailed institutionalized and procedural information on language rights of Russian citizens. In the opening statement all languages are declared and asset for the state, and brought under state patronage. The state is official to promote bilingualism and multilingualism in all areas of Russian Federation. Discrimination against any language is punishable.451 Recently cyberspace is utilized as a domain of promoting multilingualism and language rights of the minority people.452 The discussion of Soviet Union supplemented with post-Soviet Russia and Central Asia shows the socialist scenario as a practical attempt to solve integration problem through intervention in language question. 7.3.5. Pakistan Pakistani LPP provides a scenario of a newly formed state using LPP for the attainment of modernity and national identity goals, where inequality systematically results from the fulfillment of vested interests of elites. Pakistan shares boundaries, culture, and a major ethnolinguistic group. In recent past, the political role of Pakistan in Afghanistan has also increased. The study of Pakistan provides insight into a scenario in

450 Evgeny Kuzmin and Ekatrina Plys, Preservation of Linguistic Diverstiy: Russian Experience (Moscow: Commission of the Russian Federation for UNESCO; Russian Committee of the UNESCO Information for All Program and International Library Cooperation Centre, 2008), 11. 451 Law on the Languages of the Peoples of the Russian Federations, by The House of Councils RSFSR, #1807-1 (Moscow: Russian Soviet Federative Soicalist Republic, October 25, 1991). 452 Evgeny Kuzmin, Anastasia Parshakova, and Daria Ignatova, Multilingualism in Cyberspace, Ugra Global Expert Meeting on Multilingualism in Cyberspace (Moscow: Government of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug-Ugra; Commission of the Russian Federation for UNESCO; Russian Committee of the UNESCO Information for All Programme; Interregional Library Cooperation Centre and MAAYA World Network for Linguistic Diversity, 2016), 206-16.

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Afghanistan where elite use the state as an instrument of their hegemony. In this discussion LPP in Pakistan is explored first and then its relevance to ILPP in Afghanistan is explained. Social and economic opportunities of English incentivized its learning during the colonial era,453 resulting in the gradual domination of social and political spheres: this domination continued after the creation of Pakistan.454 Urdu was declared national language due to its role in the independence movement,455its supporting conservative actors resented the position of English.456 Despite best efforts by the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq‘s Urdu only policy, English could not replace English in education and offices so the policy was reversed in 1987.457 The separate streams of government, private and ―madrasahs‖ education had a different form of standards in English language learning, private elite schools produced the best learner, followed by government schools while majority Madrassahs ignored English completely and focused on Arabic instead.458 During the phase of ―Urdu-only‖ period in education, the difference between the power of haves and have-nots further increased as English continued to function as official language. Proficiency in English became a mechanism of exclusion for a respected job where the elite outperformed the graduates of Urdu medium system.459 Rahman argues that Pakistani elite due to vested interests

453 Ahmar Mahboob, "Language in Education Policy in Pakistan" (paper presented at the 37th Annual TESOL Convention, Baltimore, Maryland, March 25 - 29, 2003). 454 Robert Jackson Baumgardner, ed. South Asian English: Structure, Use, and Users (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996). 174-200. 455 Ahmar Mahboob, ""No English, No Future!": Language Policy in Pakistan," in Political Independence with Linguistic Servitude: The Politics About Languages in the Developing World, ed. Samuel Gyasi Obeng and Beverly Hartford (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2002), 15. 456 Mariam Durrani, "Banishing Colonial Spectres: Language Ideology and Education Policy in Pakistan," Working Papers in Educational Linguistics 27, no. 1 (2012). 457 Mahboob, "Language in Education Policy in Pakistan," 2. 458 Ibid., 4. 459 Mahboob, ""No English, No Future!": Language Policy in Pakistan," in Political Independence with Linguistic Servitude: The Politics About Languages in the Developing World, 16.

225 continued with a parallel education in Urdu and English because it suited their interest of continuing control on power.460 Solution to language problem in most multilingual states was found in a formula of three languages (local, national and international languages). Alternative to this approach was linguistic pluralism where all languages given equal rights. Pakistan chose a policy of national and international languages and ignored local languages.461 Inequality in standards results from inequality in state support (to elite and non-elite government schools) as Pakistan through sponsorship perpetuates disparity between elites and non-elites.462 In 1998 and then in 2009 government-linked quality of education with competence in the English language. Pointed out inequality in access to quality education and has shown determination in providing quality education to all (including the marginalized).463 English medium schools who are supposed to provide quality learning of English. However, schools in the political and economic periphery, for instance, Quetta, were found to have inadequate standards and exposure to the English language.464 As compared to this study another study in Capital of

460 Tariq Rahman, "Language Policy and Localization in Pakistan: Proposal for a Paradigm Shift" (paper presented at the SCALLA 2004 Working Conference on Crossing the Digital Divide, Katmandu, Nepal, 5-7 January 2004). 461 Mahboob, ""No English, No Future!": Language Policy in Pakistan," in Political Independence with Linguistic Servitude: The Politics About Languages in the Developing World, 21. 462 Rahman, "Language Policy and Localization in Pakistan: Proposal for a Paradigm Shift," 5; Tariq Rahman, "The Impact of European Languages in Former Colonial Territories: The Case of English in Pakistan. " (paper presented at the The Impact of European Languages in Former Colonial Territories Conference, U.C. Berkeley 2005). 463 Ministry of Education, National Education Policy (Islamabad: Government Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1998), accessed July 21, 2016, http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/APCITY/UNPAN014613.pdf; Ministry of Education, National Education Policy 2009, by Government of Pakistan (Islamabad, 2009). 464 Syed Abdul Manan, Maya Khelmani Maya David, and Francisco Perlas Dumanig, "Disjunction between Language Policy and Children's Sociocultural Ecology- an Analysis of English-Medium Education Policy " Language and Education (2015), accessed July 18, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09500782.2015.1046882.

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Pakistan shows better learning experience.465 The inequality in education is called ―apartheid‖ by Pakistani scholars.466 Similarly, British Council has also found ‗English language as a window of opportunity‘ approach essentially flawed as urban areas get more benefits from English as Medium of Instruction (EMI) education and it adds to the sociopolitical and economic inequality.467 However, in a study conducted in 2014, no concrete results were observed in realizing education policies of 1998 and 2009 as serious issues with planning and resource allocation were identified.468 In this study, some useful recommendations were offered for policy makers, training institutions and teachers. This study recommended policy makers to bridge the gap between policy and is implementation by working on lesson plans, curriculum development, teacher recruitment and continuous professional development, more interesting textbook, designing textbook to be less theoretical and more practical. It was recommended that first language of children may be used as a resource in the beginning and a gradual submersion into English may be introduced. For teachers‘ training institutions it was recommended to focus on the continuous professional development of teachers, set the benchmark and design target-oriented training programs to improve teachers‘ English language proficiency and use of English as a medium of instruction

465 Samina Malik, Asma Mansoor, and Nabi Bux Jumani, "Students' Opinion About Instructional Competence in Pakistani Context," Journal of Elementary Education 23, no. 2 (2013). 466 Fauzia Shamim, "English as the Language for Development in Pakistan: Issues, Challenges and Possible Solutions," in Dreams and Realities: Developing Countries and the English Language, ed. Hywel Coleman (London: British Council, 2011), 299; Tariq Rahman, Denizens of Alien Worlds: A Study of Education, Inequality and Polarization in Pakistan (Oxford and Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 73-5. 467 Hywel Coleman and Tony Capstick, Language in Education in Pakistan: Recommendations for Policy and Practice (Islamabad: British Council, 2012); Coleman, Dreams and Realities: Developing Countries and the English Language. 468 Saba Saeed, Huma Zia, and Sahar Saeed, Insight into Incompatibility between English Language Competency and Policy: A Case from Pakistan (Islamabad: Annual Status of Education Report, 2014), accessed July 21, 2016, http://aserpakistan.org/index.php.

227 skills in all core skills of English language i.e. listening, speaking, reading and writing. Finally, it was suggested that assessment of training should be carried out by an independent organization and head teachers sensitized and empowered to coordinate teaching activities of teachers and offer remedial steps.469 Rahman identified local features of English emerged under local conditions. He presented a pedagogical grammar that was based on local conditions with local features of English. He proposed adopting local English in education would facilitate language teaching.470 Durrani proposes that authorities should change their prescriptivism and make informed decisions on the basis of local realities. Like Rahman, she narrates that the present language in education policy is the source of inequalities. She proposes diversification of language teaching programs and supporting bottom-up LPP processes would help in resolving some issues.471 Ayres argues that the modernist approach to rationalize the existence and legitimacy of the state through a national language was a driving force behind Pakistani intelligentsia to allocate a single language the national status and then add to it religious aspect so that the unity of the two create a powerful symbol of Pakistani nation.472 Naz Rasool considers the global orientation of Pakistani education policies driven by a desire to participate in the modern knowledge-based economy as the major force behind the continuation of English in education and governance. She acknowledges the English language spread to help in

469 Ibid. 470 Tariq Rahman, Pakistani English (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam University, 1990), accessed July 26, http://www.tariqrahman.net/content/pakenglish.pdf. 471 Durrani, "Banishing Colonial Spectres: Language Ideology and Education Policy in Pakistan." 472 Alyssa Ayres, Speaking Like a State: Language and Nationalism in Pakistan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 171-3.

228 the formation of pluralist society in Pakistan.473 Zobaida Jalal Khan, the education minister of Pakistan thought Urdu important for unity in Pakistan, but she also considered English essential for modernization, and reason behind making English compulsory from first grade,474 that is the vogue of the elitist institutions.475 Rahman advocates rights for minority language and suggests that the use of a minority language needs to accompany representation of their speakers in domains of power as a measure for removing inequality resulting from LPP in Pakistan.476 Pakistan shares a number of LPP related features with Afghanistan. The shared boundary, hosting half of Pashtuns, following the same sect of Islam by the majority and having an alienated minority, application of a top-down regime of suppression, the pervasiveness of extremism and elitist-engineered inequalities are some of the features that are similar to Afghan LPP context. Discussion of LPP has attracted greater academic attention as compared to Afghanistan, therefore Pakistan can be used as a substitutive scenario for Afghanistan‘s current scarcely documented LPP. The socio-economic factors centrality in the domination of English and use of this language as an instrument of elitist domination and means of exclusion and inequality in Pakistan has resulted in the alienation of ethnic groups who do identify themselves with Urdu and English language competition. The rise of conservatism in Pakistan presents a road map of Afghanistan that implies a future where

473 Rasool, "Language and Communicative Competence in the Twenty-First Century: Examining the Role of Education," in Language Policy Planning & Practice: A Southasian Perspective, 3-8. 474 Zobaida Jalal Khan, "Language Policy in Pakistan," in Language Policy Planning & Practice: A Southasian Perspective, ed. Sabiha Mansoor, Shaheen Meraj, and Alya Tahir (Karachi: Aga Khan University/ Oxford University Press, 2004)..23 475 Tariq Rahman, "English Teaching Institutions in Pakistan," in Language Policy Planning & Practice: A Southasian Perspective, ed. Sabiha Mansoor, Shaheen Meraj, and Alya Tahir (Karachi: Aga Khan University/ Oxford University Press, 2004)..27 476 Rahman, "Language Policy and Localization in Pakistan: Proposal for a Paradigm Shift."

229 insurgency, marginalization, and reliance on the autocratic suppression of dissent would ultimately threaten the integrity of state as happened with Pakistan (in 1971 and threatens to happen again). The proposal of addressing inequality, giving minority language speakers access to resources, promoting multilingualism and providing equal access to English language learning to all without discrimination presented in the context of Pakistan, in this scenario might be considered relevant to Afghanistan too. 7.3.6. Malaysia The case of Malaysia is significant, as a multilingual Muslim state where a national language has an established position but the force of modernization has enabled English to enter Malaysia. While the spread of English is resisted, its need is also recognized. For Afghanistan, the relevance of globalization and modernization as discussed in the previous chapter, here Malaysia is discussed as a scenario where the national symbolism of local languages is preserved, while an international language is introduced. After discussion of Malaysian LPP in the end of this subsection, this scenario is explained in the context of Afghanistan. English is considered an excellent language of modernity.477 The Malaysian narrative of integration through LPP focuses on management of English (as the language of progress, commerce and technology) against Malay as the symbol of Malay nationalism.478 In the process of modernization Malaysian needed promotion of English, which is resisted by nationalist supporters of Malay. Malaysia, therefore, faces the challenge of reconciling the traditional ascendancy of Malay with the need for modernization in English. The official support and

477 Antonio Rappa and Lionel Wee, Language Policy and Modernity in Southeast Asia: Malayesia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, Language Policy (USA: Springer Science+Business Media, Inc., 2006), 2. 478 Ibid., 5.

230 emphasis on Malay date back to the era of political development in the nascent state of Malaysia. The authoritarian far right relied on ―bumiputra‖ (son of the soil) symbolic power of Malay to neutralize the political power of the left. The current shift to the English language relates to 2002 government to regulate the power of the right. The new government‘s move to promote moderate Islam is significant in the context of introducing English as part of modernization drive in education is reflected in the promotion of English. Already applied at tertiary level, advocacy for implement English at the secondary level is gaining grounds.479 As noted in the beginning of this subsection, the process of modernization recently implies the introduction of an international language, most commonly English. Malay language‘s historical position was firmly established till the English language increased domination in advanced education. The economic development has further exposed Malaysia to modernization and need for better competence and prevalence of English was recognized but its introduction was also realized as a threat to Malay. The scenario of modernization of a Muslim state is relevant to Afghanistan, as she too is modernizing, and English language due to induction in school curricula is supposed to spread along modern education. As English has been successful in dominating the tertiary education with visible improvement in a number of international students coming to Malaysia and improvement in the quality of education, exposure to English appears as a positive modernizing force for Afghanistan too. However, the steady growth and volume of commerce already were high when Malaysia chose the English language. Afghanistan‘s international trade and GDP is not a match and this factor needs to be accounted for when the scenario of Malaysia is to be used in LPP for Afghanistan.

479 Ibid., 29-58.

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7.3.7. India Indian multilingualism is complex and the solution the adopted of three languages is discussed here as a practical solution to meet the conflicting challenge of LPP arising from efficiency and linguistic rights. In globalized economies, English has widened economic divide by promoting segregated education for rich and poor.480 After independence, early reports on education in India pointed the fact that the question of language was central to the development of education.481 India adopted a Three-Language Formula that was intended to promote the interest and identity at local, national and international level through the introduction of one local or regional language that is predominantly spoken in the community, Hindi as the national language, and English as an international language. This approach empowered the local community and maintained their identity by learning a set of three languages, enable them to participate in the local, national and international discourses at the same time. Such approach helped in addressing the grievances related to language.482 The choice of three languages corresponding to regional, national and international level needs, provide on the surface a neat solution, and provide for Afghanistan a scenario where local, national and international LPP needs can be adjusted. However, the entrenched position of the elite in Afghanistan has traditionally resisted the idea of allowing regional autonomy in the presence of a highly centralized state. The three language scenario, therefore, require a thorough study of local

480 Ajit K. Mohanty, "Multilingualism of the Unequals and Predicament of Education in India: Mother Tongue or Other Tongue?," in Imagining Multilingual Schools, ed. Ofelia Garcia, Tove Skutnabb-Kangas, and Maria E. Torres-Guzmán, Linguistic Diversity and Language Rights (Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto: Multilingual Matters Ltd., 2006), 265. 481 Gopa Biswas, "Language Policy in Southeast Asia: A Case Study of India," in Language Policy Planning & Practice: A Southasian Perspective, ed. Sabiha Mansoor, Shaheen Meraj, and Alya Tahir (Karachi: Aga Khan University/ Oxford University Press, 2004).106 482 Ibid.106-107

232 conditions, especially the use of international language becoming a source of inequality due to separate elite and public education, as was the case wit Pakistan. Afghanistan needs to safeguard against inequality while designing an inclusive and democratic LPP for the English language. To sum up, this section established that global awareness about LPP is indicated by policy and planning at supra-state and state levels. As the international norms become more interested in the rights of disenfranchised minorities, member states are facing increased pressure to take practical steps towards inclusivity. However, these policies have a legal limit at present: they cannot violate the sovereignty of member state. Therefore, the resulting legislation remains, what Abayasekara called, ―a dog without bark‖.483However, the idealist position entailed in the progress of international bodies is taken as a scenario to provide a future perspective where Afghanistan incorporate such legislations for its own benefit of greater integration of peoples. The case studies of six states are included in this global review pointed out the devastating results of inequality from Pakistan to South Africa we find exclusion as a counterproductive force for integrative efforts in LPP. Further, the force of modernization and globalization carrying English to all the example states present a scenario of modernization where English remains an important feature. All example states, reacted through LPP while keeping their local constraints and global inspirations in view. Afghanistan, need also to study local conditions and produce and explicit policy where all stakeholders have a say and policy makers need to be critical about the inequalities that may result from the pursuit of modernity through the English language.

483 Sadhana Abayasekara, "A Dog without a Bark: A Critical Assessment of the International Law on Language Rights," Australian International Law Journal 17 (2010).

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7.4. ILPP PROPOSALS This section is based on (1) the scenario of negative integration in Afghan LPP and (2) insight gained from global practices in attempting integration. The scenario of ILPP — highlighting essential stages, indicators and operative conditions — unfolds in two stages, first the general features of ILPP and next to the domain specific features are discussed. 7.4.1. ILPP: General proposals Language policy and planning always remain context specific. To establish the context, ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖ included prompts intended to gauge Afghans‘ perception about LPP aspects that would help in promoting national integration by aiding in the prevention and reversal of inequality. After analysis of the perception of Afghans about ILPP, an email-based exchange with Professor Jon Orman is provided that explores the implication of post-Apartheid South African integration efforts for Afghanistan. In, ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖, the majority of respondent agreed that: 1. integrative language policy is needed for Afghanistan (81%); 2. language is a human right (84%); 3. solving social, economic and political problems help in solving the language related problems (81%); 4. intervention by authorities in language can help in resolving LPP conflicts (79.2%); 5. there is need of field work by an expert in LPP (80%) so, language policy appraisal should be undertaken by a neutral expert (81.9%); 6. sufficient human and material resources should be provided for the success of LPP (82.3%);

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7. LPP body to include target language community representative (82.3%) ; 8. LPP benefits to be available to all in the target community without discrimination (79.6%), and; 9. the purpose of LPP is to promote cultural and linguistic diversity (62.8%). In these selected responses, item 1 and 2 present belief about nature of language as right and importance of paying attention to inclusiveness in LPP. Considering language as a right and demanding an integrative policy, shows the need for awareness about linguistic diversity and highlighting inequality that result from exclusivity in LPP. When these two responses are considered collectively, they imply an integrative (inclusive) language policy planning to be a way of realizing language as a human right. In this context, it is significant that Afghan respondents‘ majority consider the solution of social, economic and political problems as an effective way to deal with LPP problems. Earlier in a discussion on the problems of Afghan LPP it was found that inequality was a core problem. It was suggested in that discussion that language was embedded in socioeconomic and political context. Inequality in these areas also caused inequality through LPP. Against this background, it becomes a key ILPP proposal that an inclusive language policy begins in the removal of barriers to social, political and economic inclusion. Item 4 presents a classical orientation to LPP484, where a top-down implementation of policy is normally undertaken by authority. However, the negative reputation of classical approach in developing countries in the middle of the twentieth century made this approach unpopular. Therefore, perceptions about the bottom up aspect were also included, in item number 7. When considered together item 7

484 Jiří Nekvapil and Tamah Sherman, "An Introduction: Language Management Theory in Language Policy and Planning," International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2015, no. 232 (2015): 1-2.

235 and 4, present the importance of intervention by the authority in resolving LPP conflicts, however, language policy and planning body should represent the language groups who are to be targeted by the policy and planning. The participation of language group implies a comprehensive mechanism of consultation with all strata of the target language community, implying a bottom-up process. To effectively manage the bottom-up and top-down process in language policy planning, organized approach to LPP under the concept of language management is suggested. The failed experiment of Pushto Academy on the model of French Academy must be avoided because Pushto Academy attempted a subtractive monolingualism. The Australian and South African experience might help. Afghanistan, therefore, needs language policy commissions to work on democratic lines, and instead of adopting a prescriptive approach such commission or body is to become open and explicit about language issues and sensitize people about the inherent inequality and exploitation of minorities in the current unplanned language policy and planning. The language commission need the backing of state‘s authority to ensure availability of requisite support from government institutions, and its representative nature would ensure equality in policy making and acceptance by the target language groups. Item 5 highlights the importance of expert opinion due to complexity and technicality involved in LPP. Good policy emerges from informed decisions. Impartiality of experts make the policy productive and help in positive integration. The partiality of policy makers ultimately sacrifices the right of some segments of language speakers under the pretext of compromises made under restriction. The presence of partial policy makers also makes the legitimacy of such policies questionable. The moral criterion of impartiality, however, may be confusing in practice. To avoid this problem explicitness in the mandate of policy makers ensures objectivity and effective evaluation.

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The first half of item 5, also indicates thorough research of languages and language context before making policy proposals or attempt management of language. The successful study of language and context results in practical choices for policy makers. The second part of item 5 indicates LPP appraisal from summative and formative perspective. The appraisal should be performed again by neutral experts, and preferably not by those who formulated policy recommendations and supervised planning. It is a common misunderstanding about language that it is less important than other sociopolitical issues. Normally, LPP appraisals remain unorganized activities undertaken by individuals. As LPP relates to equality and rights of people, and provide a barrier against the marginalization of minority language groups. Therefore, it is recommended that Afghan government, initiate an organized activity and allocate human and material resources to ensure productivity. Last two items i.e. 8 & 9 highlight the purpose of an integrative language policy planning. While item 8 indicates the importance of inclusivity, item 9 indicates an accommodative approach to cultural and linguistic pluralism. The assimilative perception about diversity results in exclusion and suppression of language groups. Multilingualism and cultural pluralism if viewed as an asset would ensure the application of proposal contained in item 9. The concept of imposing homogeneity emerged in 19th century Europe as, ―one nation, one language‖, however in modernized and economically developed Europe this idea has been rejected, and it is argued that promotion of multilingualism and language rights, has proven to promote stability and economic development. An inclusive LPP mean the promotion of multilingualism but it may not lead to the misconception, that minority language speakers must be restricted to their language. All individuals must have an equal opportunity to learn any language, and state must not restrict learning of languages. The state need to make sure that all citizens have unhindered

237 access to linguistic resources, and must not discriminate in favor of or against any language.

Following discussion on ―Survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010‖, regarding proposals of ILPP, discussion with Jon Orman on his book, ―Language Policy and Nation-Building in Post-Apartheid South Africa‖ on the relevance of his proposals to the case of ILPP in Afghanistan, is included here in edited form.485 In his discussion, Orman pointed out context sensitivity of LPP proposals. The inclusion of this discussion underpins a scenario of LPP similarity of Afghanistan and South Africa. Following are the ideas posted by the research (represented as R) and received responses of Jon Orman (represented as O). R. The LPP position of language groups is entrenched and rigid, therefore ad hoc treatment of issues related to the language would work. The sensitivity of language issues require avoiding explicit attempts at changing language and demands a cautioned approach to LPP.

O. Yes, the LPP position of groups or stakeholders who agitate on behalf of particular groups (ethnic entrepreneurs?) are often deeply entrenched and therefore serve to perpetuate conflict around matters of language - a peaceful or compromise solution is not always sought due to vested interests. You speak of a 'cautioned' approach to LPP - this I would mostly agree with - LPP often suffers from over-ambition and delusions of grandeur as a result of which it is generally doomed to be seen as a failure. The modesty of ambition - which may take the form of smaller but nonetheless effective ad hoc measures - is a wiser approach in my view.

R. The current policy is exclusive one that is creating inequality. Perhaps through exclusion from participation in socioeconomic practices

485

238 as in current Afghanistan most jobs and technocratic position demand ability to communicate with international partners in the English language. An attempt to removing inequality may lead to linguistic practices of allowing all languages in government and education and ensuring availability of public resources in all languages. That would be too ambitious considering the low literacy rate, low technology permeability in Afghanistan especially rural areas and low resources in terms expertise and economy... then how to solve this problem?

O. I think no government is ever likely to allow all languages (whatever in the end that amounts to) to be used in state administration - South Africa provides a very good lesson in this regard - 11 official languages but ever increasing English monolingualism in public administration. Again the contextual question here which would receive different answers in different contexts is what would be the ideal or optimum number of languages employed. As for tackling social inequality, it is vital to remember that LPP cannot do this on its own. It has to form part of a wider social policy aimed at reducing socio- economic and cultural marginalization and there are arguably far more important prongs of this policy than the language component and without which LPP efforts are rendered mostly ineffective. The classic question along these lines is 'Before we decide what language to use in education, who is actually able to go school?' If some are unable to go to school, then educational LPP becomes an irrelevance. In other words, a certain social structure has to be in place for LPP to be effective, LPP itself cannot create that social structure.

R. The liberal capitalist dispensation and other economic and political traditions need to be addressed along attempting language management. Keeping the pervasive nature of language where we shall draw the line between language-specific and general contextual proposals? I think,

239 focus on activism for socio-economic and political inclusiveness of the marginalized minority language groups would be a more practical solution. An inclusive language policy would be like resisted by the elites as it threatens their interests and perhaps by the language group as well, as it changes a familiar status quo for a promised situation that has not yet materialized, or perhaps members of the marginalized group believe in the dominant discourse that highlight the benefits of the current LPP and background the unsavory negative aspects.

O. Given the social embeddedness of language questions and their integration into countless other areas of life, why would one want to deal with language issues in isolation? I agree with your more practical solution - language activism has to be about more than just language, it requires an overarching social view or philosophy since a model of language use and distribution is in effect an important component of an overall model of society.

R. Standardization of the marginalized languages and their inclusion in mainstream socio-economic context can help. Are you proposing, reversing language extinction program on Shiffman's GIDS? The standardization process normally accepts one code and discards others and then consciously cultivate it as Haugen suggests, however, I think such an approach would also create inequality as it would threaten the native-speakers of the code, how to proceed with standardization while with the same language we avoid formation of diglossia with a high prestige variety dominating the low prestige variety?

O. Elites, when acting as groups, will almost always resist measures which threaten their vested interests and power positions. Language policy is no exception here - the cultural profits of distinction (cultural capital) can always be reorganized and redrawn by them to

240 their own advantage unless there is sufficient effective opposition, preferably assisted by an appropriate political mechanism.

R. It is proposed that economic instrument may induce the speakers of dominant languages to learn marginalized languages that would result in equitable multilingualism.

O. Economic motivations are strong factors in language learning. The question of how one incentivizes majority speakers to learn minority languages on a societal scale has never been satisfactorily answered. Is it at all realistic? Is that what minority speakers themselves want? How can languages be equal when their speakers manifestly are not?

R. Preference for the use of national integration paradigm instead of the nation-building, as nation-building implies a top-down, non-consultative governmental planning. So the inclusive LPP may have the features of being bottom-up, consultative and private at grass root level?

O. I prefer the idea of national integration rather than nation-building since it avoids a specific appeal to identity in favor of efforts which seek to make material social improvements. Appeals to identity are all too often a way of glossing over bad social policy, which is to say a social policy that perpetuates socio-economic inequality - this is classic neoliberal LPP and educational policy in the developing world. I would prefer a social policy which leaves identity matters alone - a common identity ought to be the natural product of successful community building - a product of integration rather than a diversionary tactic.

R. Realization of the equality offered in constitution e.g. including the procedural and institutional aspects in the contents of a constitution so that it may become an effective measure of safeguarding the interest of marginalized. Are there any other tools available to explore the ability of

241 the constitution and effectiveness of law? In a discussion on language right law, we commonly hear about the ambiguity of the law and laws with no-teeth-to-bite. Should inclusion of punishments make them more binding? It also implies rule of law. What would be an overarching approach to deal with the non-application of constitutional protections? Litigations and awareness campaigns?

O. Without an effective and vigorous legal system, constitutional pronouncements regarding language can often fade into irrelevance. Again, what actually happens de facto is the most important aspect. S Africa has 11 official languages according to the constitution but so what? In reality, this has almost no effect on the material social circumstances of the people. I know nothing about the system in Afghanistan so it is difficult for me to offer too much here.

R. Democracy without inclusiveness is an empty slogan, it only means the political success of a group and its affiliates, those who do not affiliate with it become marginalized. In Afghanistan, the centralization of resources and decisions, the unitary nature of state does not allow space to marginalized units to participate in the benefits of democracy. Would localizing governance help?

O. I agree. Strong centralization without strong social integration is also a recipe for authoritarianism. LPP may, therefore, be more effective but also more modest in scope on a localized basis, but only if there are adequate resources in place, which probably often is not the case of course.

R. The elite who dominate resources avoid expenditure on the majority of the population and instrumentally allow only those segments who necessary for the stability of the system i.e. middle class. The

242 marginalized population is represented only symbolically: through the anthem, flag, and national broadcasts. Reversing this policy would require greater intervention in the economic system for equitable distribution of resources.

O. Yes, exactly. Effective social integration (i.e. reduction of inequality) requires material, not symbolic, intervention in social and economic life.

To sum up, this subsection indicated that an integrative LPP is needed for Afghanistan that treats language rights as part of human rights. It was found that Afghans favored a policy that aimed to promote multilingualism and inclusiveness. In the same discussion, it was noted that a democratic platform is required to make explicit policies where decisions are taken on a democratic basis, requiring the consent of all stakeholders before implementation. Language policy making process was noted to include thorough research on languages and context of language use. The policy planning to start with making social, economic and political context become inclusive for all language groups. The policy planning needs a summative and formative appraisal by neutral experts. After this discussion on a survey of LPP Perceptions, 2010 discussion with Professor Jon Orman on applying the policy recommendations made for South Africa in Afghanistan. Professor Orman opined that LPP is always context sensitive, so the proposals require knowledge of context prior to implementation. He suggested that socio-economic inclusion, advocacy campaigns and rule of law are necessary to the success of an integrative LPP.

7.4.2. Integrative LPP for Afghan Domains The preceding section presented a general ILPP perspective. The following discussion provides specific proposals with a focus on major LPP domains in Afghanistan. These proposals are a combination of

243 linguistic and non-linguistic contextual factors that if combined effectively, would ensure optimization of the concerned domain to play a positive integrative role.

7.4.2.1. Government This subsection presents proposals to promote positive integration in the domain of government. Solutions for reversal of negative integration are proposed. As discussed earlier in this chapter, government in Afghanistan suffers from structural problems of being weak, centralized, ignores proper treatment of languages issues and avoids proper census, need for reforming governance is addressed in the following discussion with the intention of proposing solution for removing threat of English language adding to the current imbalance in the power of language groups. Afghanistan as a signatory of the UN charter of Universal human rights and the UN charter, further endorsed by the constitution of 2004 need to promote the policy of multilingualism by making arrangements through the development of requisite resources. For example, all official documents and vital information need to be available to the target language community in their own language. As Kabul takes a large share in the allocation of resources than due, it is recommended that steps may be taken to provide equity in sharing of resources, while considering the English language as a resource. The effects of the development in the center fail to impact the periphery in Afghanistan. The deprivation in periphery results from inequality in growth must be kept in planning for English language resources in Afghanistan. Development opportunities that result from learning the English language must be equitably provided to all Afghans, and measures are taken to ensure the participation of hitherto marginalized segments of society and minority language speakers. One dimension of improving equality would be providing human security to all Afghans.

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This security would result from a uniform improvement in conditions of life for Afghans. The selection of intervention should follow an evaluation procedure that would identify the specific needs of all segments of society and specifically focus on the marginalized. Further, the improvement would focus on the welfare of all Afghans without discrimination. Improvement in human welfare through efficient productivity, presence of equity, sustainability of growth and empowerment of citizens would make the evaluative aspect of human security more sustainable. An inclusive approach to human welfare where the authority for making a decision is transferred to grass root level governance social and political structures.486 To sum up, this subsection suggested promoting structural reforms in the branches of government that promote human rights, which Afghanistan has vowed to fulfill as a signatory of UN charter, and established in the constitution of 2004. The aim of government should be the removal of the gap between center and periphery. A further provision of human security to all Afghans is necessary. An evaluative aspect of development might help in monitoring the effectiveness of government in the improvement of human life and welfare.

7.4.2.2. Education This subsection provides a proposal for the improvement if inequality resulting from English language education specifically and from other aspects of education generally. It is recommended that entry into elite schools must not be determined on the basis of ability to pay the exorbitant fees. A mechanism needs to be evolved which ensures special encouragement for the marginalized in getting admission in the elite institution. Quota and scholarship might be an option to initiate this process. Ultimately the state education

486 Daud S. Saba et al., Afghanistan National Human Development Report 2004 (Kabul: United Nations Development Programme Afghanistan, 2004).6

245 institution (primary, secondary and tertiary) must receive enough resources, with a special focus on rural and remote areas. The monitoring system in educational institutions need to be updated and its input utilized in policy making and resource allocation. Both short term and long term measures should be introduced so, the benefits of education reach rural areas as well instead of converging on urban areas. This would require diversification of the economy in rural areas, and besides agriculture services and manufacture industry needs to be vitalized so that incentive for acquiring education becomes an incentive. Further promotion of tourism would provide rural areas an opportunity to benefit from English language learning. Afghan youth, especially those belonging to the marginalized groups, should be provided access to the international job market. The chronic deficiency may require an emergency appeal to other states, especially the neighbors to depute teachers as a short-term measure to train and upgrade English language skills of Afghan teachers. The marginalized areas and groups may be given preference in the provision of quality education resources. Security of schools in the presence of insurgency must be sought so that targeting of schools ends. Three language formula in language policy487 in education is normally followed in multilingual states, however, the policy sometimes does not appear in planning. Impediments such as scarcity of resources, qualified teacher, learning material may be included in planning placed in the priority area. Instead of relying on English as the only foreign language, a number of languages of wider communication may be taught to diversify the prospects of international commerce and exposure.488 An important proposal for improving access to quality English language resources in Afghanistan would be the establishment of a comprehensive

487 Robert Phillipson, English-Only Europe? Challenging Language Policy (New York: Routledge, 2003).175-179 488 Ibid.175-179

246 distance learning education that covers all levels of education from primary to higher education. Further, dedicated radio stations supported by TV, satellite channels and cellular phones can become a way removing barriers in the way of promoting equality. Mass media, both print and electronic, can become a partner in this effort. Education is one of the areas that does not provide political dividend immediately. A national consensus on following sustainable educational policies, for short-term (up to one year), intermediate duration (up to 5 years) and long-term (up to 10 years or more) are essential. Further, such educational policies need to be realistic with quantifiable goals, and the current practice empty rhetoric (as we find in the National Education Strategic Plan for Afghanistan i.e. NESP-I and NESP-II) may be avoided. To sum up this subsection noted that parallel system of elitist and government provided education for the poor with low-quality education requires attention. The schools in rural areas are the worst. Special measures of providing security, qualified staff and learning resources are needed, along the creation of employment opportunities through diversification of the rural economy. A three language formula would help in fulfilling the first language protection along learning one national language and one international language (English may be an option among other modern languages of wider communication).

7.4.2.3. Media This section provides proposals for the domain of media, to perform a role of promoting multilingualism. Tollefson notes that LPP debate pertaining to other domains, always find a way of expression through mass media. In such debates, social justice in the form of distribution of resources, political power, and state legislations about language use in various domains is publicly

247 debated.489 By providing space to public debate and shaping public opinion media becomes an important resourceful actor in LPP for integration. In Chapter IV, private media houses‘ ethnolinguistic orientation created a threat for national unity. Such threat can be avoided through rule of law, public awareness and culture of professionalism among journalists and media houses. Multilingual societies have a significant portion of bilingual population and demand for air-time from each language groups viewers on mass media channels. It is suggested that quality of the program, representation of all languages, educational perspective on language rights and responsibilities should be considered in planning broadcast strategy.490Electronic media can be used in the revival and promotion of minority languages, especially the utilization of new technologies such as the internet is an important tool for achieving this aim.491E-learning through internet and mass media has a great potential in Afghanistan492 and the same can be used by removing the restriction to the development of language resources and making it accessible to all without discrimination. Further, the internet and other means of mass media can be used to provide quality English language teaching to people living in distant areas. In this regard, a partnership between media and distance learning program would be cost effective way to remove a barrier to English language learning in remote areas. To sum up, this subsection noted that media has great potential to raise awareness about language rights, promote minority languages. Modern

489 James W. Tollefson, "Language Policy-Making in Multilingual Education: Mass Media and the Framing of Medium of Instruction," Current Issues in Language Planning 16, no. 1-2 (01/01/ 2015): 132-40. 490 Emmanuel Nwaneri et al., "Language Policy and Practice in the Electronic Mass Media in Multilingual, Developing Countries: The Case of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (Sabc)," Communication 40, no. 4 (2014/10/02 2014): 346- 58. 491 Francois Grin, "Language Planning, Public Policy and the Role of Minority Language Media" (paper presented at the 2nd Multimdia and Minority Languages International Congress, Donstia / San Sebstian2000), 1-10. 492 Maria Beebe, "E-Learning in Afghanistan" (paper presented at the LINC2010 Conference, MIT Cambridge2010), accessed August 26, 2015.

248 technology has dramatically reduced the cost of implementing subtitles and language options, including translation is possible through modern technology. Media along distance learning can implement educational programs of English language teaching for the marginalized, including those who live in remote areas.

7.4.2.4. Economy and Workplace This section provides recommendations for the workplace as part of the economy to become more inclusive and accessible to all. The local and international faces of workplace remain inseparable. The following discussion provides recommendations and discussion about the practices that would promote LPP for workplace where subnational and international integration would take place. In Malaysia, for example, the Standard English is important to avail the opportunity of international trade and work opportunities, whereas the local languages and local Malaysian English (ME) is an important role of access and participation of local market.493 In the absence of political will and financial resources, the impact of an accommodative policy for the promotion of multilingualism is weak. Therefore the availability of resources and political will for an accommodative LPP is necessary. By expanding the opportunity of English in education, due to its effect on market nationalists welcomed it in Malaysia. However, the idea of Standard English remains a myth, whereas Malaysian English (ME) is a reality in the local market where communicative competence is a premium (that is erroneously confused with knowledge of the Standard English).494 As a developing state, Afghanistan has to rely on local teachers. A local variety of English was reported in an earlier research on sociolinguistic

493 Shanta Nair-Venugopal, "Linguistic Ideology and Practice: Language, Literacy and Communication in a Localized Workplace Context in Relation to the Globalized," Linguistics and Education 24 (12/1/December 2013 2013): 455-59. 494 Ibid., 461.

249 features of Afghanistan 2002.495 Afghanistan may need to promote the local English, for their requirement of modern education and job market learning from Pakistani496 and Malaysian experience. To sum up, this subsection noted that the practice of hiring native English teachers for fulfilling the demands of the market through education was unrealistic for Afghanistan. It was, therefore, suggested to promote the Afghanistan English as a solution for market-based modern education.

7.4.2.5. Social Change This subsection provides proposals about positive integration in the form of measurable indicators of the vitality of languages. These indicators can be used in monitoring the language ecology, and warn in time about the provision of emergency based support to minority languages that are threatened, similarly, for English language, this scale can show the pattern and extent of penetration across various domains in Afghanistan. Families belonging to the minority language face the threat of assimilation into the majority neighborhood. Lewis and Simons claim that Fishman proposed the Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) that was enhanced by them to Enhanced GIDS.497 They propose to add the guidelines of Ethnologue and UNESCO to the EGIDS of Fishman and offers to expand the Fishman‘s 8 level scale to that of an extended 13 level scale. The scale here is taken from Lewis who integrated the 8th level in Fishman model with 6th levels of UNESCO scale and added the 5th level of Ethnologue scale into a single EGID scale. This comprehensive scale may be used in the survey of language vitality within a language population in the domain of family. Measures

495 Irshad, "Socio-Linguistic Aspects of English in Afghanistan." 496 Rahman, Short Pakistani English. 497 M. Paul Lewis and Gary F. Simons, "Assessing Endangerment: Expanding Fishman's GIDS," Revue Roumaine de Linguistique 55, no. 2 (2010).

250 of revival would depend on the level of endangerment of the language. In the first chapter the status of minority languages is given, here it may be noted that considerable resources and state‘s support are needed for the revival of such languages, and a measurement on EGIDS can be used for making the remedial actions, suggested in this chapter and language ecology model. Table 18. EGIDS

Adapted from EGIDS498

Level Description & level UNESCO

0 Internationally used as lingua franca Safe (international)

1 National language in a state (national) Safe

2 Local use in a given territory within a state in Safe a number of domains (regional) 3 Local use limits to trading purposes.(regional Safe commerce) 4 Out of family taught in local educational Safe some institutions. (education) 5 Written has a writing system for informal and Safe personal communication (Written) 6a Language has no writing system but it is Safe spoken by all young and old of a language/ethnic group. (Vigorous) 6b Some of the children do not speak the Vulnerable language, but still, the older generation speaks it. (threatened) 7 Most of the children do not speak it and older Definitely generation encourages their children to learn Endangered another language.(shifting) 8a Only the oldest generation speak the language Severely and younger generation and children do not Endangered speak it. (moribund) 8b Few of the members of the oldest generation Critically use the language. (nearly extinct) Endangered

9 Language is no more spoken but treasured as Extinct the symbol of ethnic identity. (dormant)

10 No one associates with the identity of the Extinct language.(extinct)

498 Ibid.

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Lewis considers the language revitalization as a reversal steps mostly within the family domain499, but such a simplistic view does not work. Promotion of a language across major domains of power such education, market/workplace, government, and media is necessary for the maintenance of safe languages and reversing threat of extinction to endangered languages.500 As language is the essential component of human development, especially competition in the modern world where knowledge has become the base of the economy (in the conception of the knowledge- based economy), the role of English as international facilitator and resource in the age of knowledge-based economy is firmly established. This linguistic resource would help in the transition to the 21st century.501The EGIDS scale given above can also be used to measure the vitality of all languages across domains, and when one language prospers at the cost of other, proper measures be introduced for the promotion of the language that is losing the domain. To sum up, this subsection notes that Enhanced Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) provides a measurable indicator for monitoring the conditions of minority languages as well as the spread of English language in Afghanistan. Further, to sum up, discussion on possible reforms of the domains of government, economy, media, education and society it was suggested that these contexts should be made more inclusive through the removal of a barrier to access language dependent resources in Afghanistan. Each domain is required to have a functional monitoring mechanism in place

499 Ibid. 500Daniel M. Abrams and Steven H. Strogatz, "Linguistics: Modelling the Dynamics of Language Death," Nature 424, no. 6951 (2003). 501 Rasool, "Language and Communicative Competence in the Twenty-First Century: Examining the Role of Education," in Language Policy Planning & Practice: A Southasian Perspective..3

252 to identify language based discriminations and inequality. It was noted in the discussion of domains that making the domain generally inclusive for all Afghan, ultimately improve protection of language rights. It was also noted that multilingualism is to be treated as a resource and domains are to be made multilingual. The addition of English to language milieu of Afghanistan needs impact assessment, and the current trend of selective access to English language learning and the benefits accruing from this learning efforts needs the attention of society and authorities and measures to be adopted to remove the hegemonic and discriminatory potential of English language. 7.4.3. Implementation and Appraisal of ILPP in Afghanistan This subsection provides proposals for appraisals of implantation programs for ILPP in Afghanistan. The focus here provides a procedural rubric for evaluation of LPP, with a focus on gauging the condition of endangered languages. Fact finding evaluation of endangered language begins with the collection of information. This step needs to be comprehensive in nature and engages the target community i.e. data collectors and data collection designers in including the endangered language community members. The data need to be useful for making a practical decision.502 The proposals are then required to be used in the formation of education policy and practices. Proper linguistic description of the language may follow data collection.503 In this step, the collected data is given a useful descriptive form to be later used for pedagogic purposes in the domain of education. Next step is to engage the stakeholders in policy making process through an awareness and advocacy campaign.504

502 Areinne M. Dwyer, "Tools and Techniques for Endangered-Language Assessment and Reviatlization " in Vitaligy and Viability of Minority Languages (New York: Trace Foundation Lecture Series Proceedings.Preprint., 2011).14 503 Ibid.15 504 Ibid.16

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Leanne Hinton and Ken Hale propose similar steps to those discussed in the preceding paragraph. Organized collection of information about the language, its users‘ proficiency level, usage in domains, collection and creation of pedagogic materials and engaging society for funding and provision of volunteers are the salient features of their proposals for revitalizing endangered languages. They also propose recording the endangered language and practices of its speakers (as community) for planning better preservation and revival.505 The also proposed a sequence of nine steps for planning the reversal of extinction of an endangered language. The individuals who have strong desire to intervene in the extinction paradigm engage with the endangered community. Then the chalk out a plan on the basis of available human and material resources. Next level engages the services of experts. Identification of the perceived and actual needs follow this step. In the next two stages, goals and planning strategies are identified and prioritized. Next follows a staged implementation with discrete point and continuous quantifiable assessment protocols. The program when ends, may be evaluated for overall impact.506 In this subsection, various steps were suggested to promote integration through inclusion. It was recommended to adopt an explicit approach to LPP, providing participation opportunity to all especially the marginalized. The policy needs comprehensive research program, where languages in domains of power are studied and the language related inequalities analyzed. Institutional protection for implementation of language regulation, designing policy, observing planning and providing appraisal and recommendations for further improvement. Allocation of resources for promoting integration in domains of power required not

505 Leanne Hinton and ken Hale, eds., The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice (San Diego: Academic Press, 2001). 506 Ibid.

254 only respecting languages, but it also means a social, economic and political program of equality that can ensure language rights, therefore it is recommended that language policy component should be made part of all programs that aim at social, political and economic intervention for the promotion of equality and inclusivity. Social, political and economic inclusion would result in respect for multilingualism and a polity where none is marginalized for their language features (first language, accent and choice of the register) and access to language resources are available to all (as an individual or as a group) without hindrance.

7.5. CONCLUSION This chapter discussed the possibility of an Inclusive Language Policy Planning (ILPP) in Afghanistan. ILPP intends to promote (positive) national integration. A holistic approach was adopted in the formulation of proposals. In the holistic view, ILPP proposed inclusiveness as the realization of equality and removal of barriers in language specific initiatives as well as in context (political, economic and social) of language use. ILPP proposals in this chapter resulted from the cumulative building of LPP based inclusiveness in three steps. First, LPP specific problems were explored in the domains of government, social change, economy and education. Here it was found that inequality and marginalization are inherently present in all domains. The second step in the formulation of ILPP was to take insight from integration scenarios. These scenarios were based on the review of UN and EU as international integration, while cases of South Africa, Soviet Union, Pakistan, Malaysia and India were analyzed as scenarios of intranational integration. In these case studies it was established that positive integration results from explicit constitutional and legal protection, removal of barriers, acceptance of language rights (individual as well as group based), promotion of multilingualism, change in policy makers‘

255 perception to view multilingualism as resource providing access and inclusion to the marginalized in political, economic and social resources and power. Proposals were offered in the third step to integrate these elements of positive integration in future policy planning in Afghanistan. General as well as domain specific proposals were offered for implementation in government, education, economy/ workplace and social change.

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CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSIONS

This study overviews Afghan LPP, describes its elements that play a positive/negative role in (intra/inter)national integration and therein assesses the impact of English language on Afghan national integration. Therefore, in the context of Afghanistan, it: a) identifies integrative and disintegrative LPP elements, b) outlines the role of English language in positive/negative integration and c) explores the possibility of an inclusive and integrative LPP. By finding these, it establishes that LPP plays both positive and negative role in national integration of Afghanistan. This study formulates a framework where language plays a positive/negative role in national integration. This construct is named Hybrid Language Policy Planning (HLPP) model.507 Positive role in national integration promotes equality and inclusion by removing barriers that marginalize. Negative role in national integration promotes inequality and exclusion through barriers that marginalize minority language groups. To establish this, published works on language policy planning were reviewed and therein various positions about the role of language in the evolution and building of modern nation-state were focused. Since the study limited itself to the nation-state, hence nations without territoriality and sovereignty are not covered. Leading theoretical positions on the role of LPP in national integration coalesce into four LPP models: Marxist LPP Model, Power-Contest LPP Model, Language-Ecology LPP Model and Language-in-Education LPP Model.508 As individually each model was deficient in explaining the

507 See chapter I, section 1.2.1. 508 See chapter II, section 2.5.

257 role of LPP in national integration, hence HLPP is proposed that converge these models and form an applicable theoretical framework. Marxist LPP Model critically examines positions of Lenin and Stalin on the national question and establishes that language can be part both of base and superstructure hence positions language as a source of maintaining domination. Essentially this model proposes that negative integration results from exclusion based one domination.509 HLPP strengthens this position by adding that positive integration results from inclusion. Tariq Rahman and Peter Hans Nelde‘s positions support Power-Contest LPP Model. It considers a contest for power between elite and non-elite as the process of negative integration.510 As this model only predicts negative integration, therefore HLPP made up this deficiency by proposing a cooperation between elite and non-elite as an element of positive integration. Language-Ecology LPP Model is based on the views of Mac Giolla Chriost and Herald Haarmann and it explains competition of the speakers of languages over scarce resources as the basis of negative integration.511 This model employs the metaphor of biological ecosystem to highlight that influence of context that emerges from sociopolitical and economic competition holistically determines growth or decay of a language (as part of the culture of the language group). This model considers cooperation between language groups as an element of positive integration that benefit all languages. Language-Ecology LPP model claims that habitat determines language survival while HLPP suggests nation-state as habitat can fall apart due to elements of negative integration. Based on the concept of Einar Haugen, Language-in-Education LPP model centralized the domain of education in LPP. Though proposing that LPP process is driven by political concerns, however, this model does not elaborate how language can play

509 See chapter II, section 2.5.1. 510 See chapter II, section 2.5.2. 511 See chapter II, section 2.5.3.

258 this role, especially in national integration.512 HLPP explains the political role of language in the context of national integration as it establishes that promotion of subtractive monolingualism produces negative integration and promotion of additive multilingualism produces positive integration. HLPP accommodates these four models based on their converging approaches to the processes and reasons of language playing role in national integration. The converging goals of the four LPP models513 that are accommodated in HLPP suggest liberation of the oppressed language group while keeping in view power as the major motive, and maintenance of multilingualism as a resource these models advocate rights of minority language speakers. Subjects, in the four models, are speakers of a language acting as a group, so in HLPP they are conceived to act collectively— when some of the speakers act, their actions that pertain to the whole group are considered significant. All domains are focused in HLPP as the area of operation, however, education is focused when acquisition planning is attempted and executive is focused when top-down planning takes place resulting in domination and marginalization.514 In HLPP the process of negative integration begins with inequality that in turn results forms class domination and counter domination class struggle. This is indicated by disturbance of the political system of the nation-state. The foundational function is to find answers to the research questions of this study.515 Structural function of HLPP is discussed next after this paragraph, through three hypotheses and a figure visualizing the key actors, processes and domains. The generative function of HLPP includes creating tools for analysis for LPP from the perspective of national integration and provides the basis for integrative LPP proposals in the

512 See chapter II, section 2.5.4. 513 See chapter II, section 2.5. 514 See chapter IV, section 4.2. for discussion on the domain of education and section 4.4. for discussion on domain of government. For the rest of domains see chapter V. 515 See chapter I, section 1.2.2. for research objectives and research questions.

259 seventh chapter.516 The explicative function of HLPP rationalizes Afghan LPP by highlighting positive and negative integration therein. HLPP predicts that coercive assimilation and inequality results in disintegration (henceforth negative integration) whereas accommodation (inclusiveness) results in integration (positive integration).517 HLPP also establishes the integrative role of language by hypothesizing that nation- state behaves as a system, where language has the potential to disturb its stability, and the mechanism of removing this instability can lead either to resumption of stability through positive integration (when the orientation of LPP is to include language groups in sharing of power and resources) or break up with the system, through negative integration (when LPP is intended to marginalize and exclude). Integration in the positive manifestation promotes inclusiveness for language groups and creates a tolerant environment, whereas negative integration is produced by exclusion where the marginalized language groups and their incongruent language practices and forms are oppressed with intention of elimination. The resistance of the marginalized to oppressive LPP also indicates negative integration.518 This theoretical construct of HLPP when applies to Afghan LPP explains: a) general LPP context where national integration of Afghanistan is influenced and b) specific role of English language in promoting positive/negative national integration in Afghanistan. This thesis includes textual analysis of Afghan LPP documents such as various constitutions and English language textbooks. Current Afghan perceptions are qualitatively inferred from a questionnaire based survey.

516 See chapter I, section 1.2.4. for discussion on the tools of data analysis, and chapter VII, section 7.4. for ILPP proposals. 517 See chapter IV for discussion on elements of positive and negative integration in the historical overview of Afghan LPP, chapters IV-VI for discussion on positive/negative role of English in Afghan LPP and chapter VII for proposals to introduce positive national integration in Afghanistan through inclusive LPP. 518 See chapter I, section 1.2.1.

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In the general context of Afghan LPP, it is established that the LPP in multilingual Afghanistan produces both positive and negative integration.519 This general context includes review of autochthonous as well as exochthonous languages.520 Among autochthonous languages role of Dari and Pushto in contrast to all other languages positions Dari and Pushto as major languages while the rest as minority languages. As this study understands the role of English in Afghan national integration, therefore, Eurasian colonial context becomes significant factor in selecting French, German and Russian and ignoring Turkish, Urdu and Arabic in the review of exochthonous languages. An historical overview of the evolution of Afghan LPP establishes that during twentieth century LPP was used in the project of national integration. This is reflected in changing roles of major autochthonous languages i.e. Dari and Pushto. Dari was the traditional lingua franca and official language of Afghanistan. Acceptance of its official status by the elite and non-elite alike had given it a role of positive integration. However, the Pashtun elite in Afghanistan did not like Dari association with Persian, and the rising sense of nationalism compelled them to replace Dari by Pushto in 1936-7. Afghan minority language groups resisted its acceptance521, producing negative integration that translated in failure of education and decreased efficiency of government that eventually forced the elite to introduce a bilingual LPP. Afghan constitutional development continued a journey from an approach based on exclusion to the one that became more accommodative for the minority languages. In the beginning Dari

519 See chapter III for discussion on the general LPP context during 20th century. 520 See chapter III, sections 3.2.1. and 3.3.1. for discussion on autochthonous languages. See chapter III, sections 3.2.2. and 3.3.2. for discussion exochthonous languages. This work uses the term of autochthonous for indigenous languages and exochthonous for foreign languages. Appendix E, details the major (Dari and Pashto) and minority languages rest of languages, including Uzbeki, Pashai, Balochi, Brahui, Wakhi, Turkmeni, Hazargai, Aimaq etc. 521 See chapter III, section 3.2.1. showing Dari, Uzbeki and Hazargai speaking groups effectively blocked this policy, resulting in the reversal of this policy in 1944.

261 was officially recognized, later Pushto was also included and the constitution of 2004 while granting Pushto and Dari the status of national languages, also granted regional official status to Baluchi, Pamiri, Turkmeni, Pashaie and Uzbeki. The long constitutional denial of multilingualism and imposition of Dari and Pushto indicate a persistent trend of negative integration in Afghan LPP. While autochthonous languages played important role in national integration however, the effort to build international integration is reflected in the rise and fall in the officially supported domination of various exochthonous languages such as French, German, Russian and English. The rise of an exochthonous language corresponded with close diplomatic and economic ties, while the fall of the same language happened with coldness in the diplomatic and economic ties. When relations with France and Germany warmed up, French and German were promoted, and when British India became important English was promoted.522 During the days of close collaboration with Soviet Union Russian language was given special attention. However, during the days of strained relation with British India English language was discouraged and during the last days of the PDPA/Watan Party rule Russian language domination quickly ended when ties with and support from Soviet Union became unimportant. Positive international integration through exochthonous languages did not diffuse uniformly in Afghanistan, and were limited to urban centers, while rural peripheries remained excluded and thus showed negative international integration. At national level exochthonous languages proved divisive as urban population became more powerful, the rural population remained excluded and the gap between elite and non-elite widened. English remained a foreign language during the twentieth century in Afghanistan. It was introduced to the elite through the modern education

522 See chapter III, section 3.2.2 and 3.3.2.

262 in Kabul. After the fall of Taliban English language spread significantly increased. This work has assessed the impact of this spread on national/international positive/negative integration of Afghanistan from three perspectives: 1) domains of power, 2) supporting and opposing actors and 3) mechanism of domination.523 Domains of government, economy, education, media, language landscaping and social change provides scope for positive integration at national and international levels to the urban elite. The concentration of sentiment of negative integration in rural areas especially among Pashtuns and Tajiks reflect their sense of exclusion and marginalization. It was found that favorable view of Afghan majority about English indicates positive integration. As domains provide an opportunity to control power, the inclusion of elite and urban population in the monopoly of power through exclusive access to resources of English language makes the presence of negative integration of the excluded and marginalized sections especially in rural areas a serious problem. Within domains, this positive and negative integration results in the support of those Afghans who are included and thus positively integrated and it results in opposition of those Afghans who are excluded and thus negatively integrated at the national level. At international level supporting role is played by those actors who benefit from the domination of English language in Afghanistan while those actors whose interests are threatened by this domination oppose the English language in Afghanistan. It is established that anglophone states and some local and international non-governmental organization support the spread of English in Afghanistan while the conservative sections in Afghan society and non-anglophone States like Germany, France and Russia by promoting German, French and Russian oppose and challenge

523 See chapter IV for discussion the role of English in domains of education and government, see chapter V for discussion on the role of English in domains of economy, media, language landscaping and social change and see chapter VI for discussion on actors and mechanisms of support and opposition to English language in national integration of Afghanistan.

263 the domination of English in Afghanistan. As globalization and hegemony are often related to the global domination of English language, therefore these two aspects are explored as a mechanism of the spread of English language in Afghanistan. This study concludes that the spread of English language in Afghanistan has a significant (even if minor) aspect of negative effects of globalization and hegemonic domination as indicated by unequal spread and acceptance of English language in Afghanistan. This thesis proposes negative national/international integration of Afghanistan as a product of exclusion and inequality. It is proposed that only language related intervention is not sufficient, the inclusion of speakers of all languages in the social, political and economic mainstream is necessary to enable LPP play an effective role in promoting positive national/international integration of Afghanistan. Therefore, a holistic approach in the formulation of LPP proposals to promote the positive integration of Afghanistan of all actors in domains of power is emphasized. It is established that similar to Afghanistan other states and international bodies have also attempted integration through LPP. Therefore, cases of UN and EU have also been explored to understand international integration, while nation-states such as South Africa, Australia, Soviet Union, Pakistan, Malaysia and India are overviewed to understand national integration through LPP. These scenarios inform that a holistic approach to LPP works better when LPP is included as an essential component of all discourses on public policy and planning. These scenarios can be adopted in Afghanistan by conducting further organized and comprehensive studies where local stakeholders also participate.524 The thesis implies the necessity of macro-sociolinguistic and applied- linguistic scholarship in understanding national integration by

524 See chapter VII for discussion on proposals for an inclusive LPP in Afghanistan.

264 establishing a direct relation between LPP and national integration. By finding both the elements of positive integration and negative integration in Afghan LPP the thesis establishes that LPP increases the risk of national disintegration when it contains elements of exclusion and inequality, and it promotes positive national integration when it contains elements of inclusive and equality. Within the general context of Afghan LPP, the English language also was found to play both the positive and negative role in national integration. These findings implied that negative role in national integration is a serious problem that requires formulation of an inclusive LPP that allows empowerment, equality and participation of all stakeholders.

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APPENDIX A: SURVEY OF LPP PERCEPTION, 2010 Respected sir/madam this is a questionnaire for collecting information for Ph.D. thesis, entitled, ‗Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration in Post-Taliban era (2001-2010)‘. This information is purely for academic research. Your identity will stay secret. Your freedom in refusing to respond is respected, but giving a reason for doing so would help the researcher in improving the research. I sincerely thank you for contributing to the cause of learning and research. Good luck!

Section: A

No. Please put a cross (X) in front of the suitable option and write when asked

to mention in writing.

1 Gender Male Female ☐ ☐

2 Education Primar Second Higher Gradu ☐ ☐ ☐ y ary Secondary ate

Postgradua ☐ Other (mention in ☐ te writing please)

3 Income Less than 50-1000 ☐ ☐ Level 50 Afghani Afghani a a day day

More than ☐ 1000 Afghani a day

304

4 Age Less than 19-29 ☐ ☐ 19

30-49 ☐ More than ☐ 50

5 Professional None Less than ☐ ☐ Experience one year

1-10 Years ☐ More than ☐ 10 years

6 Jobless Entry ☐ ☐ level Job Position Intermediat ☐ Manager / ☐ e level Decision Maker

inexperien ☐ Experienc ☐ ced self- ed self- employed employed

7 Residence City Village ☐ ☐ (Urban) (Rural)

8 Nationality Afghan Afghan ☐ ☐ with Dual Foreigner ☐ Nationalit y

9 Native Language (please Click here to enter text.

mention in writing)

10 Second local Language Click here to enter text.

you know (please mention in writing)

305

11 Foreign Languages you Click here to enter text.

know as first choice(please mention in writing)

12 Foreign Languages you Click here to enter text.

know as second choice(please mention in writing)

13 Your Ethnicity (please (for example) Uzbek, Tajik, Pashtun…..

mention in writing)

Section: B

In front of each statement, please put a cross (X) in the blanks which best describes your choice.

S. No. Agree Strongly Agree Fairly d Undecide Disagree Fairly Disagree Strongly

Statement

14 Language causes ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

conflict and disunity in Afghanistan.

15 Single official/ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

national language would promote national unity in Afghanistan.

306

16 Promotion of ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

Dari and Pushto is necessary for the national unity of Afghanistan.

17 Promotion of all ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

indigenous languages is necessary for the national unity of Afghanistan.

18 Learning of ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

foreign languages is important for friendly relations with other states.

19 Out of all ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

foreign languages, English language has the best chance of spreading in Afghanistan.

307

20 Making English ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

the official language of Afghanistan would resolve inter-ethnic competition and promote the national integration of Afghanistan.

21 English ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

promotes the career of an Afghan nationally.

22 English ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

promotes the career of an Afghan internationally.

23 English ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

promotes the economy of Afghanistan.

308

24 English ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

promotes quality of education in Afghanistan.

25 The English ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

language promotes information and communication in Afghanistan.

26 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

increases tolerance toward the western culture and ideology.

27 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

learning would bring cultural improvement in Afghanistan.

28 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

would modernize governance in Afghanistan.

309

29 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

would improve the process of legislation in Afghanistan.

30 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

would improve judiciary in Afghanistan.

31 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

would decrease the extremist ideologies of Afghans.

32 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

learning would empower the marginalized segments of Afghanistan.

33 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

would make Afghans social, political and economic slaves of the West.

310

34 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

would destroy indigenous languages of Afghanistan

35 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

learning is a sin.

36 Intervention by ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

authorities in language related issues helps in the resolution of conflict and promotion of unity.

37 Economic and ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

language grievances are related.

38 Solving social, ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

economic and political problems help in solving the language related problems.

311

39 Social and ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

language grievances are related.

40 Political and ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

language grievances are related.

41 An actual field ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

study of the whole target population by neutral and experienced researchers is needed to determine the nature of language related problems.

42 The guiding ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

principal of language policy planning should be the advancement of cultural and linguistic diversity in Afghanistan.

312

43 Sufficient human ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

and material resources should be allotted to the solution of language related grievances.

44 The language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

related facilities should be accessible and available to the whole population without discrimination.

45 Language related ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

decision-making body should have sufficient representation of experts.

313

46 Language related ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

decision-making body should have sufficient representation of the target language community.

47 Authorities ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

should treat language as a basic human right.

48 Appraisal of the ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

Language policy by experts is needed for formulation of a better policy about language

49 A policy about ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

language should bring national and international unity/integration in Afghanistan.

314

50 Naming public ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

spaces in English language is a sign of development in Afghanistan.

51 English language ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

promotes participation in cyberspace and social networking.

52 The spread of ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

English in Afghanistan is due to the support of the English- speaking states.

53. In Afghanistan English is supported and opposed. Who support and oppose it (please mark your choice in the table below or add your own).

Supporters Opposers English speaking ☐ Non-English ☐ countries speaking countries International/national ☐ Taliban and ☐ NGOs other similar groups Government ☐ Advocates of ☐ local languages Other (please mention) ☐ Others (please ☐ mention)

315

Section: C

Please write your opinion and add extra paper if your responses require doing so.

53. If you feel to add an explanation to your opinion expressed in section ―B‖, write it here.

54. Please write in order of importance (most important first) and recommend uses for the languages you mention.

Language Uses/Functions

Click here Click here to enter text. to enter text.

55. Please list advantages of learning English Click here to enter text.

56. Please list disadvantages of learning English Click here to enter text.

57. Please list your recommendations for the authorities when intervention in language and its use is performed / practiced

316

APPENDIX B: FREQUENCY TABLES

Age grouping of respondents

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Age 1-19 48 21.2 21.2 21.2

age 20-29 80 35.4 35.4 56.6

age 30-49 58 25.7 25.7 82.3

age 50 and above 40 17.7 17.7 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

Ethnicity

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Pashtun 90 39.8 39.8 39.8

Tajik 83 36.7 36.7 76.5

Uzbek 18 8.0 8.0 84.5

Turkoman 8 3.5 3.5 88.1

Hazara 18 8.0 8.0 96.0 other minorities 9 4.0 4.0 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

317

Rural and Urban residence

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

rural 87 38.5 38.5 38.5

urban 109 48.2 48.2 86.7

expatriat 30 13.3 13.3 100.0 es

Total 226 100.0 100.0

Level of Education

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent no education 9 4.0 4.0 4.0 primary 59 26.1 26.1 30.1 secondary 12 5.3 5.3 35.4 higher secondary 45 19.9 19.9 55.3 graduate 63 27.9 27.9 83.2 postgraduate 30 13.3 13.3 96.5

PhD/M.Phil. 8 3.5 3.5 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

318

Professional experience

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent no experience 68 30.1 30.1 30.1 less than 1 year 35 15.5 15.5 45.6

1-10 years experience 88 38.9 38.9 84.5

more than 10 year 35 15.5 15.5 100.0 experience

Total 226 100.0 100.0

Income level

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent less than 1 $ 72 31.9 31.9 31.9

1-20 $ /day 88 38.9 38.9 70.8

21 $ and more/ day 66 29.2 29.2 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

319

Job Position

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

jobless 35 15.5 15.5 15.5

entry level 82 36.3 36.3 51.8

Valid mid admin level 64 28.3 28.3 80.1

top admin level 45 19.9 19.9 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

First Language (Autochthonous)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Pashtu 81 35.8 35.8 35.8

Dari 122 54.0 54.0 89.8

Uzbeki 16 7.1 7.1 96.9

Turkoman 1 .4 .4 97.3

Hazargai 6 2.7 2.7 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

320

Second Language (Autochthonous)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

None 79 35.0 35.1 35.1

Pashtu 38 16.8 16.9 52.0

Dari 79 35.0 35.1 87.1

Uzbeki 5 2.2 2.2 89.3

Turkoman 6 2.7 2.7 92.0

Hazargai 13 5.8 5.8 97.8

Other 5 2.2 2.2 100.0

Total 225 99.6 100.0

Missing 99 1 .4

Total 226 100.0

321

Second Exochthonous Language of the Respondents (First Choice in Communication)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

none 54 23.9 23.9 23.9

English 106 46.9 46.9 70.8

German 6 2.7 2.7 73.5

French 14 6.2 6.2 79.6

Russian 28 12.4 12.4 92.0

Arabic 11 4.9 4.9 96.9

Urdu 7 3.1 3.1 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

Second exochthonous language of the respondents (Second preferred choice in communication)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

none 142 62.8 62.8 62.8

English 26 11.5 11.5 74.3

German 15 6.6 6.6 81.0

French 21 9.3 9.3 90.3

Russian 20 8.8 8.8 99.1

Urdu 2 .9 .9 100.0

Total 226 100.0 100.0

322

APPENDIX C: FOLLOW-UP INTERVIEWS, 2010

In the semi-structured telephonic interviews, English language was used as a medium of communication and when needed the help of translator was used. Exploratory questions were used to investigate the following thematic area in all interviews. However, interviewee was given liberty not to respond to any questions when they chose to do so. Moreover, consent for recording and subsequent anonymous use in research was obtained. The thematic areas for interviews were:

1. Causes of ethnolinguistic conflicts.

2. The role of English in government offices (including legislative, executive and judiciary), education, workplace (including banks, media, social changes and language landscaping.

3. A supporter of English language.

5. Opposition to the English language.

6. English language in relation to other foreign languages and indigenous languages.

7. Advantages of English language learning.

8. Disadvantages of English language learning.

9. Proposals for making English language learning more beneficial to all Afghans.

10. Proposals for removing barriers to the inclusion of marginalized ethnolinguistic groups.

323

APPENDIX D: AFGHAN GEOGRAPHY Following discussion introduces those geographic and ethnolinguistic features of Afghanistan that are pertinent to the understanding of Afghan language policy and its role in national integration. Second, this chapter identifies the research construct and research methodology of this study. Afghanistan occupies 650,000 square kilometers and it is located in the southwest of Central Asia. It lies in a subtropical zone covering 29o 21‘N to 38o30‘N latitude and 60o31‘N to 75o East longitude. This makes it bridge South and Central Asia. The geographic centrality has remained a historical cause of the settlement of a mixture of ethnolinguistic groups in habitable pockets. Afghanistan is surrounded in the north by China, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, in the west by Iran and on the south and east by Pakistan. High mountain ranges create little habitable terrain and they separate Afghanistan from Central Asia, Middle East and South Asia.525

Domination of an ethnic group in region gifted with natural resources such as minerals, water and food add to their political power and paves way for the domination of its language. Looking at the social structure of the ethnic groups we find some to be tribal, with a tribal code and sticking to the lineage and kinship such as Turkmen, Pashtun and Uzbeks, while in Hazara and Tajiks territoriality becomes the basis of group identity.526 Territorial distribution of ethnolinguistic groups influences the nature of their conflicts.527 For example, the attempt to

525 Rouhollah K. Ramazani, The Northern Tier: Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey (New Jersey: Princeton, 1966), 9-11. 526 Gabriele Rasuly-Paleczek, "The Struggle for Afghan State," in Identity Politics in Central Asia and the Muslim World, ed. Willem van Schendel and Erik J. Zurcher (I. B. Tauris, 2001), 151-2. 527 John Coakley, ed. The Territorial Management of Ethnic Conflict, 2nd ed. (London Portland, OR: Frank Cass Publishers, 2003), 1-23.

324 populate Uzbek and Tajik areas by Pashtun created ethnolinguistic tensions. Variegated topography determines the concentration of Afghan ethnolinguistic groups in isolated pockets. The landlocked condition, and abandoning of trade through historical silk route has limited the economic growth of Afghanistan and also influenced Afghan politics. Geography of Afghanistan resulted from the historical process of remaining adjacent to two great colonial powers: Russia and British India. As they determined Afghan boundaries, it resulted in boundaries that allowed straddling ethnolinguistic groups.

Afghanistan has been a multiethnic and multilingual state from the time of its inception. According to melting pot theory, contact between ethnolinguistic groups in the United States of America resulted in a gradual merger. Melting pot theory proposes fusion as the outcome of frequent contact between ethnic and linguistic groups.528 However, such fusion did not happen in Afghanistan due to geographical restraints. Distinct ethnolinguistic characteristics of tribalism did not encourage inter-marriages and mixture of cultural practices. However, on the limited level, the language contact has resulted in lexical borrowing and approximation of linguistic features. Though central government attempted a fusion (as happened in the renaming and forced conversion in Nuristan), local resistance to such measures helped in the preservation of multilingualism.

528 Israel Zangwill, Works of Israel Zangwill: The Melting Pot (New York: The American Jewish Book Company, (1909) 1921).

325

APPENDIX E: AFGHAN ETHNOLINGUISTIC PROFILE National anthem of Afghanistan identifies 14 ethnic groups i.e. Baloch, Uzbek, Pashtun, Hazara, Turkmen, Tajik, Arab, Gujjars, Pamiri, Nuristani, Brahui, Qizilbash, Aimaq and Pashai. However, the constitution of 2004, Article 4, mentions Kirghiz instead of Pamiri and verifies all these ethnicities as ―Qaum‖ or nationality and declares that all citizens of Afghanistan would be called Afghans. Summers Institute of Linguistics (SIL International) has estimated 41 living languages in Afghanistan, out of these, five languages are in trouble and seven are dying.529 A review of dominant ethnolinguistic groups (Pashtun/Pushto and Tajik/Dari) is included in this section.

In the absence of a valid census, CIA (USA) estimated that population of Afghanistan was 32,738,376 in 2009. Out of this population, CIA (USA) estimated speakers of Dari were 50%, Pushto speaker 35%, 11% spoke Turkic languages (primarily Uzbek and Turkmen) and 4% other minority languages (primarily Balochi and Pashai). Bilingualism was present and Dari worked as a language of wider communication in Afghanistan. Dari and Pushto were official languages, Uzbek, Turkmen, Balochi, Nuristani, Pamiri and Pashai were official in the provinces of the majority.530 English, French, Russian and German were major exochthonous or foreign languages in Afghanistan.531

529 M. Paul Lewis, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig, eds., Ethnologue: Languages of Afghanistan, Eighteenth Edition ed. (Dallas, Texas: SIL International, 2015). 530 Central Intelligence Agency, "Afghanistan," last modified July 12, 2016, accessed July 29, 2016. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world- factbook/geos/af.html. 531 Irshad, "Socio-Linguistic Aspects of English in Afghanistan," 46.

326

Historically Pashtuns have remained the most powerful political and the most numerous ethnic group in Afghanistan532 who ruled through most of the modern history of Afghanistan.533 Pushto is the major language of Pashtuns and Afghanistan. In 2009 Robson and Tegey estimated Pushto speakers were around 22 million in Afghanistan.534 Lack of standardization affected adopting Pushto in administration, legislation, education and commerce.535 Historically the domination of Pashtun in economy and politics of Afghanistan provided their language a superior position over other languages.536 Pushto also denotes the traditional code that Pashtun follow.537 Tajik is the second important political and numerical group in Afghanistan comprising 30% of the Afghan population.538 They constitute a major part of the educated urban elite in Kabul and Herat.539 It is placed on EGIDS (Enhanced Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale) level 1 meaning it is the national language well protected and growing. Tajik is the second important numerical and political ethnic group in Afghanistan and comprises 30% of the Afghan population.540 Tajiks have a proclivity for urban life, therefore, in cities like Kabul and Herat,

532 Nancy Hatch Dupree and Thomas E. Gouttierre, "Chapter 2. The Society and Its Environment," in A Country Study: Afghanistan (Baton Rouge, LA: Claitor's Pub. Division Library of Congress, 2001). 533 Except for a brief Tajik rule of Bacha Saqaw in 1929 and recently by Mujaddidi and Rabbani in 1992-96 534 Barbara Robson and Habibullah Tegey, "Pashto," in The Iranian Languages, ed. Gernot Windfuhr (New York: Routledge, 2009). 535 Ibid. 536 Andrew Dalby, Dictionary of Languages: The Definitive Reference to More Than 400 Languages, Dictionary of Languages: The Definitive Reference to more than 400 Languages (London: A&C Black Publisher Ltd., 2004), 492. 537 Bernard Comrie, ed. The World's Major Languages, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2009). 538 Nassim Jawad, Afghanistan: A Nation of Minorities (London: Minorities Rights Group International, 1992), 11. 539 Ibid. 540 Ibid.

327 they become an important numerical and political force.541 Traditionally in northern areas, they are in majority such as Panjshir, Samangan, Baghlan, Takhar, Parwan and Badakhshan provinces. Their language Dari is close to Persian and therefore is treated in some works as Persian dialect.542 Panjsheri Tajiks played an important political role during resistance and civil war.543 They constitute a major part of the educated urban elite in Kabul and Herat.544 Tajiks lack a cohesive social structure like Pashtuns and adopts the social norms of the region they live in, therefore Iranian influence is predominant in Herat whereas Tajiks of northern areas have adopted to Central Asian ways and in Kabul, they have urbanized. ―Parsiay-e-Dari‖ was the dialect associated with usage in courts and it meant Parsi (Persian) of court. Thus court as the domain of power became the driving force behind the spread of Dari in Afghanistan in a top-down manner. It spread first to Kabul where it was named as Kaboli. In Afghanistan, the spread of Dari was a result of Persian domination who patronized in domains of power.545 The common practice among minority ethnic groups was to choose Dari as a second language because it had a higher value. Nomadism among Aimaq, Hazara and Pashtuns caused bilingualism, who preferred learning Dari as their second language for communication. Dari thus became a de facto lingua franca of Afghanistan.546 It may be noted that domination effects marginalizing of non-dominant ethnolinguistic groups. In Afghanistan we found Pashtun and Tajiks to be the dominant ethnolinguistic groups. Their

541 Dupree and Gouttierre, "Chapter 2. The Society and Its Environment," in A Country Study: Afghanistan. 542 Jawad, Afghanistan: A Nation of Minorities, 11. 543 ibid., 12. 544 Ibid., 11. 545 Dalby, "Dictionary of Languages: The Definitive Reference to More Than 400 Languages," 493-5. 546 Ibid.

328 dominance is reflected in the higher status of Pushto and Dari. It was also noted that bilingualism in Afghanistan favors promotion of the dominant languages that augment the political dominance of the dominant ethnic groups. Hazara. Different theoretical positions are adopted about the origin of Hazara in Afghanistan.547 In one theory they are established as indigenous548 and in other, they are considered the descendants of Mongol army, who settled in Central Afghanistan:549 link with Mongol army is made on the basis of their facial features.550 Hazara people speak Hazaragai, a language closer to Dari in the lexicon, morphology, and syntax.551 The area inhabited by Hazara is called ‗Hazarajat‘ comprising parts of central provinces of Oruzgan, Ghaur, Herat, Farah, Qandahar, Parwan, Baghlan, Balkh and Badghis.552 The majority of Hazara follow Shia sect of Islam.553 Their conversion to Islam took place under the influence of Shia Persian Empire.554 UN estimate of the

547 Hassan Poladi, The Hazaras: History, Culture, Politics and Economy (California: Moghol Pub. Co., 1989), 15. 548 J.P. Ferrier, Caravan Journeys and Wanderings in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkistan and Baluchistan, with Histoircal Notices on the Countries Lying between Russia and India (Londo: John Murray, 1857), 220; S.A.A. Sharistani, Qamus-I-Lahja-E- Hazargai E Dari (Dictionary of Hazargai and Dari Dialects) (Kabul: 1981), 30; Allama Abdul Hai Habibi, Afghanistan Baad Az Islam (Afghanistan Following Islam) (Tehran: dunya e Ketab, 1962), 2. 549 Habibi, Afghanistan Baad Az Islam (Afghanistan Following Islam), 3; Syed Askar Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study (Surrey: Curzon Press, 1998), 1. 550 Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study, xiii; Henry Walter Bellew, The Races of Afghanistan: A Brief Account of the Principal Nations Inhabiting That Country (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, And Co., 1880), 110. 551 Humayum Sarabi, ―Politics and Modern History of Hazara: Sectarian Politics in Afghanistan‖ (Tufts University, 2006), 13; Poladi, The Hazaras: History, Culture, Politics and Economy, 14. 552 Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study, xii. 553 Elizabeth E. Bacon, ―The Hazara Mongols of Afghanistan a Study in Social Organization‖ (University of California, 1951), 4-7; Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study, xiii. 554 H. F. Schurmann, The Mongols of Afghganistan : An Ethnography of the Monghols and Related Peoples of Afghanistan ('S-Gravenhage: Mouton & Co., 1962), 1-104.

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Hazara population in Afghanistan stood between 1.5 and 2.5 million.555 Other scholars disagree with this statement. They contend Hazara population is under-represented with ill political intentionon by authorities, and claim that the Hazara population stand at 4 million.556 Hazara suffers from multiple discrimination in Afghanistan on the basis their religion and language from the time of Amir Abdur Rahman557 especially at the hands of Pashtuns.558 The rise of Hazara nationalism being a direct effect of the Civil War which eventually resulted in the formation of Hizb-e-Wahdat559 that unified the previously divided people of Hazrajat.560 Hazargai is spoken in Central mountain regions of Afghanistan by ethnic Hazara. Alternative names (or spelling) of Hazargai are Azargi, Hazara and Hezareh. It is related to Dari language with significant structural distinction. On EGIDS language vitality scale it stands at level 5 (developing). L1 literacy is below 1%, with L2 literacy (in Dari) up to 20%. It had a nominal presence in Radio and was absent from education and other power domains. 561

555 Chris Johnson, "Hazrajat: Kinship and Neighborhood in the Village," in Middle East Studies : History, Politics, and Law, ed. Shahrough Akhavi (New York; London: Routledge, 2000). 556 Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study, 40; Sarabi, "Politics and Modern History of Hazara: Sectarian Politics in Afghanistan," 29; Ahmed Rashid, Taliban : Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (London; New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000), 117. 557 M. Afzal Orazgani, Al Manqul Fi Tehrik-E-Hazara Wa Moghol (Narrative of Hazara and Moghul Movement) (Quetta: 1913), 6; Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study, 63-81. 558 Mohammad Hussain, ―The Hazaras of Afghanistan: A Study of Ethnic Relations ‖ (McGill University 2003), 53. 559 Ibid., 62; Mousavi, The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study, 6-7; William Maley, Fundamentalism Reborn? : Afghanistan and the Taliban (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 200-10. 560 Kristian Berg Harpviken, Social Newworks and Migration in Wartime Afghanistan (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 561

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Uzbeks have distinctive facial features of Turko-Mongols.562 In Afghanistan, Uzbeks share many cultural features with Tajiks and predominant second language of Uzbeks is Dari (used as lingua franca in northern Afghanistan).563 Uzbeks were oppressed by Pashtuns564 who were used by Afghan rulers to dominate other ethnolinguistic groups in the north.565 This became a cause grievances against Pashtuns that spread over generations.566 The 19th-century migration of Pashtuns to Uzbek lands was a source of resentment among the Uzbeks and another resource between Pashtuns and Uzbeks helped in the unity of Uzbeks and their political awakening.567 In the 1990s under the banner of Junbesh-i-Milli, the Uzbek militia leaders mobilized their community into armed conflict through incitement against Pashtun domination.568 Uzbek is one of the national languages of Afghanistan. In 2002 total Uzbek population was 25 million. Two million of these

562 Larry P. Goodson, Afghanistan's Endless War (Seattle University of Washington Press, 2001), 14-16. 563 MG Alsanov et al., "Ethnography of Afghanistan," in Afghanistan: Some New Approaches, ed. George L. Grassmuck (Ann Arbor University of Michigan, 1969); Eden Naby, "The Uzbeks in Afghanistan," Central Asian Survey 3, no. 1 (1984): 5; Ralph H. Magnus and Eden Naby, Afghanistan: Mullah, Marx, and Mujahid (Colorodo: Westview Press, 1998), 17. 564 Rasul Bakhsh Rais, "Conflict in Afghanistan," Ethnic Studies Report 17, no. 1 (1999): 5; Louis Dupree, Afghnistan (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1973), 161. 565 M. Nazif Shahrani, "War, Factionalism, and the State in Afghanistan," American Anthropologist 104, no. 3 (2002): 718. 566 Larry P. Goodson, "The Fragmentation of Culture in Afghanistan," Alif: Journal of Comparative Politics 18 (1998): 271; Goodson, Afghanistan's Endless War, 16; M. Nazif Shahrani, "The Future of the State and the Structure of Community Governance in Afghanistan," in Fundamentalism Reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban ed. William Maley (New York: Yew York University Press, 1998). 567 Thomas J. Barfield, ―The Central Asian Arabs of Afghanistan : Pastoral Nomadism in Transition‖ (Originally presented as the author's thesis (Ph D, Harvard, 1980), 1981), 30; Nancy Tapper, Bartered Brides: Politics, Gender and Marriage in an Afghan Tribal Society (Cambridge: UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 29. 568 Khadiya Khashimbekov, Uzbeki Severnogo Afganistana (Moskva: Rossiyskaya Akademiya Nauk: Institut Vostokovediniya, 1994), 37; Christian M Bleuer, ―Uzbek Versus the Center: Mobilization as an Ethnic Minority in the Tajikistan and Afghanistan Civil Wars‖ (Indiana University, 2007).

331 lived in Afghanistan.569 Uzbek along Uyghur, Karluk or Chaghatay belongs to Southeastern branch of the Turkic language family. Uzbek speakers have greater concentration in the lower Zerafshan area and upper reaches of Syr Darya valley.570 One million ethnic Uzbeks are monolingual and the rest bilingual in Dari primarily in urban areas. On EGIDS language vitality it has level 2 that translates it being a vigorous language. It enjoys constitutional recognition in Jawzjan, Saripul, Faryab and northern areas.571

Turkmen is spoken in Jawzjan, Faryab, Herat, Samangan, Baghlan, Badghis, Kunduz, Helmand and Kabul spoken by ethnic Turkmen. Its L1 population in Afghanistan is 1.5 million (in 2014), however, majority Turkmen language speakers live outside of Afghanistan. On EGIDS language vitality scale it has level 5 (meaning dispersed). It is the statutory provincial language in Turkmen border areas. It is the official language of Turkmenistan using Cyrillic script there, but in Afghanistan, it is written in Arabic script. It is the L1s of ethnic Turkmen. Turkmen is mostly used in rural areas.

Nuristan refers to the area between Kalash (Pakistan), Tajiks of Badakhshan and Pashtuns of Kunar. Before 1880, their area of settlement was called Kafiristan, after their forced conversion to Islam this area was renamed Nuristan and its inhabitants are known as Nuristani who live in four valleys (Kati, Waighali, Ashun and Pursun) in the Hindu Kush ranges. Each valley houses a distinct linguistic group. Animal farming constitutes important economic activity as the

569 Kenneth Katzner, The Languages of the World, 3rd ed. (New York Routledge, 2002), 140. 570 Keith Brown and Sarah Ogilvie, Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World, Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World (Oxford: Elsevier Ltd., 2009), 1145-6. 571 George L. Campbell, Concise Compendium of the World's Languages (London: Routledge, 1995), 563.

332 agricultural land is scarce. Due to scarce educational facility migration to urban centers takes place. 572

Kirghiz and Wakhi inhabit Pamir and Wakhan, a marginalized and neglected area in Afghanistan. In 1973 Kirghiz population was about 330 households with a total number of 2400 persons and their main profession continues to be animal husbandry. They inhabit the extreme north and south of Wakhan corridor. Wakhi people who are also known as Pamir Tajiks live at a high altitude of Afghan Pamirs along the sides of upper parts of Oxus river and its key tributary the Sarhad river. In 1973 their total number was 6,000 peasants as they were confined only to cultivation. While Kirghiz are Sunni Muslims, Wakhi people profess Shia sect of Islam. Uzbek and Kirghiz languages belong to Turkic language family and are mutually intelligible. Wakhi is the ancient Iranian stalk of people originated in Turkistan and inhabiting the area as far back as the Zoroastrian period. They speak Wakhi language a branch of ancient Indo-Iranian language. Being adherents of Shia sect, Wakhi people face discrimination at the hand of Sunni administration appointed by the center. Wakhi, the language of ethnic Wakhi, is an East-Iranian language belonging to Pamir languages. Tajikistan and Afghanistan are its home in the upper Amu Darya. It is also known as Khowar and Shina. The total population of this language is 58,000 dispersed in Afghanistan, Pakistan, China and Tajikistan.573 Alternate names or spelling for this language include Khik, Khiwar, Vakhan, Wakhani, and Wakhigi. Its total population is 17,000 in Afghanistan. In Afghanistan, its speaker live in Badakhshan province and Wakhan. It has Gojal, Ishkoman and Yasin dialects with greater than 80% lexical similarities. Its speakers are predominantly Shi‘a Muslim.

572 Jawad, Afghanistan: A Nation of Minorities, 12. 573 Gernot Windfuhr, ed. The Iranian Languages, Routledge Language Family Series (New York: Routledge, 2009), 825.

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In 1992, Baluchis and Brahuis collective population was 300,000. They resided in pastoral lands of southwest and south and follow the Sunni sect of Islam. Their population was dispersed between Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Each group speaks a distinct language i.e. Baluchi and Brahui.574 The Baluchis are a divided and oppressed minority, who continue political and armed resistance against this oppression.575 Baluchi has about 4 million speakers distributed in Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. In Afghanistan, it has 200,000 speakers and it is recognized as one of the national languages.576In Afghanistan, it is in contact with Dari and Pushto and in Pakistan it is influenced by Urdu and Sindi and lives in symbiosis with the Dravidian Brahui speakers. Baluchi is neither official language nor the language of education in any of the countries where it is spoken. Due to low esteem, standardization of Baluchi did not take place.577 Brahui language is Dravidian. It is mainly spoken in the south-eastern regions of Pakistan. However, some of its speakers are also to be found in Sarawak desert. The Brahui people who are estimated to be 700,000. Of them, only 300,000 speak the language and the rest other regional languages, such as Sindhi, Balochi, Pushto or Dari. All Brahui speakers are bilingual.578

574 Jawad, Afghanistan: A Nation of Minorities, 12. 575 R.G. Wirsing, The Baluchis and Pathans (London: Minorities Rights Group International, 1987). 576 Dalby, "Dictionary of Languages: The Definitive Reference to More Than 400 Languages," 65. 577 Windfuhr, The Iranian Languages, 634-7. 578 Brown and Ogilvie, "Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World."

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SIL International 2009: Afghanistan, Ethnologue Figure 2: Linguistic Map of Afghanistan

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