Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with Its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)
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The Socio Linguistic Situation and Language Policy of the Autonomous Region of Mountainous Badakhshan: the Case of the Tajik Language*
THE SOCIO LINGUISTIC SITUATION AND LANGUAGE POLICY OF THE AUTONOMOUS REGION OF MOUNTAINOUS BADAKHSHAN: THE CASE OF THE TAJIK LANGUAGE* Leila Dodykhudoeva Institute Of Linguistics, Russian Academy Of Sciences The paper deals with the problem of closely related languages of the Eastern and Western Iranian origin that coexist in a close neighbourhood in a rather compact area of one region of Republic Tajikistan. These are a group of "minor" Pamir languages and state language of Tajikistan - Tajik. The population of the Autonomous Region of Mountainous Badakhshan speaks different Pamir languages. They are: Shughni, Rushani, Khufi, Bartangi, Roshorvi, Sariqoli; Yazghulami; Wakhi; Ishkashimi. These languages have no script and written tradition and are used only as spoken languages in the region. The status of these languages and many other local linguemes is still discussed in Iranology. Nearly all Pamir languages to a certain extent can be called "endangered". Some of these languages, like Yazghulami, Roshorvi, Ishkashimi are included into "The Red Book " (UNESCO 1995) as "endangered". Some of them are extinct. Information on other idioms up to now is not available. These languages live in close cooperation and interaction with the state language of Tajikistan - Tajik. Almost all population of Badakhshan is multilingual or bilingual. The second language is official language of the state - Tajik. This language is used in Badakhshan as the language of education, press, media, and culture. This is the reason why this paper is focused on the status of Tajik language in Republic Tajikistan and particularly in Badakhshan. The Tajik literary language (its oral and written forms) has a long history and rich written traditions. -
TRANSFORMATIONS of HIGH MOUNTAIN PASTORAL STRATEGIES in the PAMIRIAN KNOT Hermann Kreutzmann
TRANSFORMATIONS OF HIGH MOUNTAIN PASTORAL STRATEGIES IN THE PAMIRIAN KNOT Hermann Kreutzmann Abstract Mountain pastoralism in the Pamirian Knot has been significantly transformed from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The development path has depended on spheres of influence of dominating powers and affiliation to mighty neighbours and, subsequently, to parties in the Cold War. Significant interventions that led to structural changes can be societal transformations, such as those that happened in the Emirate of Bokhara– Tsarist Russia–Soviet Union–Tajikistan sequence, as well as in the framework of establishing Afghan dominance in Badakhshan, in post- revolutionary interventions in Chinese Xinjiang or in the integration of Karakoram communities in the newly created nation-state of Pakistan. Keywords: Central Asia, Pamirs, transformation, mountain pastoralism, combined mountain agriculture As we have seen, the mountains resist the march of history, with its blessings and its burdens, or they accept it only with reluctance. And yet life sees to it that there is constant contact between hill population and lowlands. None of the Mediterranean ranges resembles the impenetrable mountains to be found in the Far East, in China, Japan, Indochina, India, and as far as the Malacca peninsula. Since they have no communication with sea-level civilization, the communities found there are autonomous (Braudel 1972: 41). Introduction Phenomena observed in high mountain regions are regularly interpreted as the result of natural frame conditions rather than as the visible effects of human action and environmental construction. This perception is particularly encountered when mountain regions outside the industrialized world are in focus, as the above quotation from Fernand Braudel proves. -
Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author
1 Human Security Centre – Written evidence (AFG0019) Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author: Simon Schofield, Senior Fellow, In consultation with Rohullah Yakobi, Associate Fellow 2 1 Table of Contents 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................5 3. What is the Human Security Centre?.....................................................10 4. Geopolitics and National Interests and Agendas......................................11 Islamic Republic of Pakistan ...................................................................11 Historical Context...............................................................................11 Pakistan’s Strategy.............................................................................12 Support for the Taliban .......................................................................13 Afghanistan as a terrorist training camp ................................................16 Role of military aid .............................................................................17 Economic interests .............................................................................19 Conclusion – Pakistan .........................................................................19 Islamic Republic of Iran .........................................................................20 Historical context ...............................................................................20 Iranian Strategy ................................................................................23 -
Biodiversity Profile of Afghanistan
NEPA Biodiversity Profile of Afghanistan An Output of the National Capacity Needs Self-Assessment for Global Environment Management (NCSA) for Afghanistan June 2008 United Nations Environment Programme Post-Conflict and Disaster Management Branch First published in Kabul in 2008 by the United Nations Environment Programme. Copyright © 2008, United Nations Environment Programme. This publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. UNEP would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this publication as a source. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the United Nations Environment Programme. United Nations Environment Programme Darulaman Kabul, Afghanistan Tel: +93 (0)799 382 571 E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.unep.org DISCLAIMER The contents of this volume do not necessarily reflect the views of UNEP, or contributory organizations. The designations employed and the presentations do not imply the expressions of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNEP or contributory organizations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or its authority, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Unless otherwise credited, all the photos in this publication have been taken by the UNEP staff. Design and Layout: Rachel Dolores -
Consociationalism and Racial Cleavages: Redefining the Boundaries of Consociationalism
Consociationalism and Racial Cleavages: Redefining the Boundaries of Consociationalism By Jitske Mijna Grift Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts/Sciences Supervisor: Professor Matthijs Bogaards CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2019) Abstract “A portion of mankind may be said to constitute a Nationality if they are united among themselves by common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others—which make them co-operate with each other more willingly than with other people, desire to be under the same government, and desire that it should be government by themselves or a portion of themselves exclusively.” (Mill, 1873, 308). With this, John Stuart Mill opened chapter sixteen of his book Considerations on Representative Democracy, and established his case for why democracies need to have a uniting factor. But what about countries that do not have this uniting factor? Countries that have divides. Almost 200 years after John Stuart Mill published his book, Arend Lijphart wrote about just that, democracies in divided societies. Lijphart coined the theory consociational democracies, which are democracies that have divides based on factors such as language, religion, ethnicity, race, or culture, but they still function as democracies (Lijphart, 1969). However, Lijphart’s theory has not been without controversy, as some criticize the idea that consociationalism can work for countries that have a racial divide (Barry, 1975). The question about whether democracy can work in racially divided societies is now more relevant than ever, with globalization and international migration, more and more societies are becoming racially diverse. -
Langdon Warner at Dunhuang: What Really Happened? by Justin M
ISSN 2152-7237 (print) ISSN 2153-2060 (online) The Silk Road Volume 11 2013 Contents In Memoriam ........................................................................................................................................................... [iii] Langdon Warner at Dunhuang: What Really Happened? by Justin M. Jacobs ............................................................................................................................ 1 Metallurgy and Technology of the Hunnic Gold Hoard from Nagyszéksós, by Alessandra Giumlia-Mair ......................................................................................................... 12 New Discoveries of Rock Art in Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor and Pamir: A Preliminary Study, by John Mock .................................................................................................................................. 36 On the Interpretation of Certain Images on Deer Stones, by Sergei S. Miniaev ....................................................................................................................... 54 Tamgas, a Code of the Steppes. Identity Marks and Writing among the Ancient Iranians, by Niccolò Manassero .................................................................................................................... 60 Some Observations on Depictions of Early Turkic Costume, by Sergey A. Yatsenko .................................................................................................................... 70 The Relations between China and India -
Freedom in the World 1983-1984
Freedom in the World Political Rights and Civil Liberties 1983-1984 A FREEDOM HOUSE BOOK Greenwood Press issues the Freedom House series "Stuthes in Freedom" in addition to the Freedom House yearbook Freedom in the World. Strategies for the 1980s: Lessons of Cuba, Vietnam, and Afghanistan by Philip van Slyck. Stuthes in Freedom, Number 1 Freedom in the World Political Rights and Civil Liberties 1983-1984 Raymond D. Gastil With Essays by William A. Douglas Lucian W. Pye June Teufel Dreyer James D. Seymour Jerome B. Grieder Norris Smith Liang Heng Lawrence R. Sullivan Mab Huang Leonard R. Sussman Peter R. Moody, Jr. Lindsay M. Wright GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut • London, England Copyright © 1984 by Freedom House, Inc. Freedom House, 20 West 40th Street, New York, New York 10018 All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. ISBN: 0-313-23179-6 ISSN: 0732-6610 First published in 1984 Greenwood Press A division of Congressional Information Service, Inc. 88 Post Road West Westport, Connecticut 06881 Printed in the United States of America 10 987654321 Contents MAP AND TABLES vii PREFACE ix PART I. THE SURVEY IN 1983 Introduction: Freedom in the Comparative Survey 3 Survey Ratings and Tables for 1983 11 PART II. ANALYZING SPECIFIC ISSUES Another Year of Struggle for Information Freedom Leonard R. Sussman 49 The Future of Democracy: Corporatist or Pluralist Lindsay M. Wright 73 Judging the Health of a Democratic System William A. Douglas 97 PART III. SUPPORTING THE DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA Foreword 119 Supporting Democracy in the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan): General Considerations for the Freedom House Conference Raymond D. -
Revolution Unending Afghanistan: 1979 to the Present
8. The Ethnicisation of the Conflict As the result of regionalisation each of the parties was inevitably driven to recruit from a constituency which increasingly comprised a single ethnicity. Between 1994 and 1998 the political disposition on the ground and that of the major ethnic groups largely coincided. Hezb-i Wahdat was entirely Hazara, Jombesh was predominantly Uzbek, Jamiyat-i Islami was for the most part Tajik,and the Taliban drew its membership essentially from the Pushtuns. In this situation some parties used the rhetoric of community to mobilise support; the appeal to the jihad was no longer sufficient to guarantee support for a group.The situation of Hezb-i Islami exemplified this transfor- mation. To offset its marginalisation Hekmatyar increasingly turned to the argument that Pushtun interests must be defended, an argu- ment presented at first in less formal contexts but in due course more overtly,as in the party’s daily newspaper Shahadat. This appeal to community solidarity was logical in view of the much increased tension between communities manifested in massa- cres targeted against particular communities. The towns, and in par- ticular the capital, had ceased to be ethnic melting-pots. In pre-war times inhabitants of different ethnic origins had made their homes in their own particular areas of Kabul, but the existence of the govern- ing class and the effects of the urban way of life served to foster the emergence of a Kabuli identity. This tendency lost its momentum when the war began. In Mazar-i Sharif in the 1990s recurrent cla- shes had weakened the urban identity,so that relationships between ethnicities deteriorated. -
Teaching and Research on Cultures, Languages, Societies, Institutions, and Practices Around the World Councils, Programs, Initiatives, and Centers
annual report 2017–2018 macmillan center European Studies Council Teaching and research on cultures, languages, societies, institutions, and practices around the world Councils, Programs, Initiatives, and Centers councils Program in Iranian Studies African Studies Japan at the Crossroads Project East Asian Studies Georg Leitner Program in International & Comparative Political Economy European Studies Political Violence FieldLab Latin American and Iberian Studies Programs in International Middle East Studies Educational Resources South Asian Studies Program on Refugees, Forced Displacement, and Humanitarian Responses Southeast Asia Studies Initiative on Religion, Politics, and Society programs & initiatives Project on Religious Freedom Program in Agrarian Studies and Society in Africa Arabic Program at Yale Program in Russian Studies Baltic Studies Program Yale Africa Initiative Committee on Canadian Studies Yale Himalaya Initiative Conflict, Resilience, and Health Program centers European Union Studies The Gilder Lehrman Center for the Program Study of Slavery, Resistance, and Abolition Fox International Fellowship Yale Center for the Study of Globalization Program Yale Center for Historical Enquiry & Genocide Studies Program the Social Sciences Stavros Niarchos Foundation Yale Center for the Study of Center for Hellenic Studies Representative Institutions Yale InterAsia Initiative Ian Shapiro George Joseph Rahima Chaudhury Henry R. Luce Director Executive Director Director for Finance Sterling Professor and Administration Y macmofil -
Envisioning a Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Afghanistan for More Information on This Publication, Visit
C O R P O R A T I O N LAUREL E. MILLER, JONATHAN S. BLAKE Envisioning a Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Afghanistan For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2937 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0407-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface In this report, we paint a detailed picture of a plausible final com- prehensive peace agreement for Afghanistan. The report includes analysis of realistic compromises, presented in the form of a complete peace agreement text. -
State of the World's Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2016
State of the World’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2016 Events of 2015 Focus on culture and heritage State of theWorld’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 20161 Events of 2015 Front cover: Cholitas, indigenous Bolivian Focus on culture and heritage women, dancing on the streets of La Paz as part of a fiesta celebrating Mother’s Day. REUTERS/ David Mercado. Inside front cover: Street theatre performance in the Dominican Republic. From 2013 to 2016 MRG ran a street theatre programme to challenge discrimination against Dominicans of Haitian Descent in the Acknowledgements Dominican Republic. MUDHA. Minority Rights Group International (MRG) Inside back cover: Maasai community members in gratefully acknowledges the support of all Kenya. MRG. organizations and individuals who gave financial and other assistance to this publication, including the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. © Minority Rights Group International, July 2016. All rights reserved. Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non-commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for Support our work commercial purposes without the prior express Donate at www.minorityrights.org/donate permission of the copyright holders. MRG relies on the generous support of institutions and individuals to help us secure the rights of For further information please contact MRG. A CIP minorities and indigenous peoples around the catalogue record of this publication is available from world. All donations received contribute directly to the British Library. our projects with minorities and indigenous peoples. ISBN 978-1-907919-80-0 Subscribe to our publications at State of www.minorityrights.org/publications Published: July 2016 Another valuable way to support us is to subscribe Lead reviewer: Carl Soderbergh to our publications, which offer a compelling theWorld’s Production: Jasmin Qureshi analysis of minority and indigenous issues and Copy editing: Sophie Richmond original research. -
The Dissipation of Political Capital Among Afghanistan's Hazaras
Working Paper no. 51 THE DISSIPATION OF POLITICAL CAPITAL AMONG AFGHANISTAN’S HAZARAS : 2001-2009 Niamatullah Ibrahimi Crisis States Research Centre June 2009 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © N. Ibrahimi, 2009 24 Crisis States Research Centre The Dissipation of Political Capital among Afghanistan’s Hazaras: 2001-2009 Niamatullah Ibrahimi Crisis States Research Centre Introduction Since its establishment in 1989 Hizb-e Wahdat-e Islami Afghanistan (The Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan) has been an important political and military player in Afghanistan. Like most contemporary major political parties in Afghanistan, Hizb-e Wahdat is rooted in the turbulent period of the anti-Soviet resistance movements in Afghanistan in the 1980s. It was formed to bring together nine separate and mostly inimical military and ideological groups into a single entity. During the period of the civil war in the early 1990s, it emerged as one of the major actors in Kabul and some other parts of the country. Political Islamism was the ideology of most of its key leaders but it gradually tilted towards its Hazara ethnic support base and became the key vehicle of the community’s political demands and aspirations. Its ideological background and ethnic support base has continuously shaped its character and political agenda. Through the jihad and the civil war, Wahdat accumulated significant political capital among Afghanistan’s Hazaras, which arguably could have been spent in the establishment of long-lasting political institutions in Afghanistan. By 2009, however, Wahdat was so fragmented and divided that the political weight it carried in the country bore little resemblance to what it had once been.