Carte Del Senatore Pietro Nenni
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October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne
ANGELO PRINCIPE CENTRING THE PERIPHERY. PRELIMINARY NOTES ON THE ITALLVN CANADL\N PRESS: 1950-1990 The Radical Press From the end of the Second World War to the 1980s, eleven Italian Canadian radical periodicals were published: seven left-wing and four right- wing, all but one in Toronto.' The left-wing publications were: II lavoratore (the Worker), La parola (the Word), La carota (the Carrot), Forze nuove (New Forces), Avanti! Canada (Forward! Canada), Lotta unitaria (United Struggle), and Nuovo mondo (New World). The right-wing newspapers were: Rivolta ideale (Ideal Revolt), Tradizione (Tradition), // faro (the Lighthouse or Beacon), and Occidente (the West or Western civilization). Reading these newspapers today, one gets the impression that they were written in a remote era. The socio-political reality that generated these publications has been radically altered on both sides of the ocean. As a con- sequence of the recent disintegration of the communist system, which ended over seventy years of East/West confrontational tension, in Italy the party system to which these newspapers refer no longer exists. Parties bear- ing new names and advancing new policies have replaced the older ones, marking what is now considered the passage from the first to the second Republic- As a result, the articles on, or about, Italian politics published ^ I would like to thank several people who helped in different ways with this paper. Namely: Nivo Angelone, Roberto Bandiera, Damiano Berlingieri, Domenico Capotorto, Mario Ciccoritti, Elio Costa, Celestino De luliis, Odoardo Di Santo, Franca lacovetta, Teresa Manduca, Severino Martelluzzi, Roberto Perin, Concetta V. Principe, Guido Pugliese, Olga Zorzi Pugliese, and Gabriele Scardellato. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
PERFIJ.,ES Pietro N Enni Y Giuseppe Saragat
PERFIJ.,ES Pietro N enni y Giuseppe Saragat El pasado mes de diciembre de 1963 ha quedado constituído en Italia el gobierno de coalición centro-izquierda presidido por Aldo Moro y compuesto por la colaboración de los siguientes partidos: Democracia Cristiana (DC), Partido Republicano Italiano (PRI), Partido Social-Demócrata Italiano (PSDI) y Partido Socialista Italiano (PSI). La "apertura a sinistra" deja fuera del gobierno, por la derecha, a los grupos neofascistas del MSI, a los monár quicos y al Partido liberal; por la izquierda al Partido Comunista. Dentro de los partidos gubernamentales son asimismo contrarios a la coalición el ala derechista de la DC capitaneada por Mario Scelba y el ala izquierdista del PSI formada por los "carristas" en tomo a Tullio Vecchietti. Las bases de la mayoría lograda por el nuevo gobierno son las siguientes: SENADO: 191 puestos de 320, es decir 30 más de los necesarios para la mayoría absoluta y 62 más de los que lograrían reunidas las oposiciones de derecha e izquierda. Esos 191 puestos están repartidos del modo siguiente: 132 DC, 44 PSI, 14 PDSI y 1 PRI. CAMARA DE DIPUTADOS: 386 puestos de 630, es decir 70 más de los necesarios para la mayoría absoluta y 142 más de los que lograrían reunidas las oposiciones de derecha e izquierda. Esos 386 puestos están repartidos del modo siguiente: 260 DC, 87 PSI, 33 PDSI y 6 PRI. El nuevo gobierno presenta la siguiente composición: Presidente del Consejo: Aldo Moro (Secretario General de la DC). Vice-Presidente: Pietro Nenni (Secretario General del PSI). Asuntos Exteriores: Giuseppe Saragat (Secretario General del PSDI). -
Elezione Del Presidente Della Repubblica
ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA Indice ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA La Costituzione della Repubblica Italiana: norme che riguardano l’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica ..............pag. 5 Elezione dei delegati delle Regioni per l’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica ...........................................................................................pag. 13 Elenco delle legislature della Repubblica Italiana .......................................pag. 15 Dati sintetici delle elezioni del Presidente della Repubblica .......................pag. 16 I Presidenti della Repubblica – scrutinii ed elezioni - Enrico DE NICOLA...........................................................................pag. 19 - Luigi EINAUDI .................................................................................pag. 21 - Giovanni GRONCHI..........................................................................pag. 24 - Antonio SEGNI..................................................................................pag. 27 - Giuseppe SARAGAT.........................................................................pag. 32 - Giovanni LEONE...............................................................................pag. 43 - Sandro PERTINI ................................................................................pag. 54 - Francesco COSSIGA .........................................................................pag. 64 - Oscar Luigi SCALFARO...................................................................pag. 66 -
Giuseppe Saragat Ricordando Giuseppe Saragat
RICORDANDO GIUSEPPE SARAGAT GIUSEPPE RICORDANDO RICORDANDO GIUSEPPE SARAGAT Saragat fu uomo della ricerca e del pluralismo, attraverso la proiezione della politica nella cultura e la definizione del merito specifico delle questioni centrali del lavoro, dello sviluppo, della crescita, per il tramite di un metodo, dove il “dialogo” diventava, da mero auspicio, un monito severo verso le coscienze. Quello di Saragat era in definitiva il tentativo di ricostruire attraverso le coscienze individuali Senato della Repubblica una vera e propria “coscienza collettiva”, mente e cuore di una comunità che aveva chiara la storia del passato, ITALIA BIBLIOTECA ma ancora doveva sviluppare appieno la consapevolezza della propria prospettiva democratica. SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA SENATO BIBLIOTECA ITALIA RICORDANDO GIUSEPPE SARAGAT ATTI DEL CONVEGNO PALAZZO MADAMA 11 GIUGNO 2018 SONO INTERVENUTI IL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA SERGIO MATTARELLA E IL PRESIDENTE DEL SENATO MARIA ELISABETTA ALBERTI CASELLATI Senato della Repubblica Ricordando Giuseppe Saragat raccoglie la trascrizione dei discorsi pronunciati durante il Convegno svoltosi presso il Senato della Repubblica, Palazzo Madama, Sala Koch, l’11 giugno 2018, nel trentennale della scomparsa, su iniziativa dell’Associazione socialismo e della rivista Mondoperaio Il discorso del Presidente della Repubblica Sergio Mattarella è tratto dal sito www.quirinale.it In copertina: Giuseppe Saragat Supervisione e coordinamento del Segretariato Generale del Senato della Repubblica Gli aspetti grafici ed editoriali -
De Nicola Nicola Al 18 Aprile 1948- Di Paolo Acanfora
La storia della Repubblica - settembre Verso la Repubblica L'Italia tra ricostruzione e pacificazione DeDa De Nicola Nicola al 18 aprile 1948- di Paolo Acanfora l primo presidente della Repubblica italiana è stato un monarchico. È questo un aspetto tutt’altro che secondario e che rivela la notevole complessità della situazione italiana Inell’immediato secondo dopoguerra e l’urgenza di dover far fronte, in un modo il più possibile unitario, a nuove esigenze e necessità. Dopo aver fatto esperienza di venti anni di totalitarismo fascista, di cinque durissimi anni di seconda guerra mondiale, di una drammatica guerra civile, di una divisione territoriale che aveva spaccato in due il paese, l’Italia ha dovuto ricostruire le proprie istituzioni, riappropriarsi di una completa sovranità sul suo territorio e dotarsi di un nuovo sistema politico in grado di rispondere alle trasformazioni epocali avvenute sul piano interno ed internazionale. Il modo in cui si è arrivati a definire questo percorso ha ovviamente influito sull’esito finale. In Enrico De Nicola particolare, la decisione del 25 luglio 1943 da parte del Gran Consiglio del Fascismo di richiedere le dimissioni di Benito Mussolini e l’armistizio con gli angloamericani firmato a Cassibile il 3 settembre dello stesso anno (il quale, com’è noto, non sancì la fine della guerra per l’Italia ma il suo proseguimento sul fronte opposto) hanno comportato notevoli conseguenze. L’annuncio dell’armistizio, avvenuto cinque giorni dopo la firma, ha fatto a lungo parlare dell’8 settembre come del giorno che sanciva la “morte della patria”, la fine della nazione italiana. Una visione apocalittica, largamente giustificata dai drammi che quotidianamente si trovava a vivere buona parte della popolazione e dalla constatazione di una sovranità nazionale non più esistente, tra un meridione occupato dalle forze anglo- americane e un settentrione controllato dai tedeschi. -
Unlocking Australia's Language Potential. Profiles of 9 Key Languages in Australia
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 384 206 FL 022 494 AUTHOR Di Biase, Bruno; And Others TITLE Unlocking Australia's Language Potential. Profiles of 9 Key Languages in Australia. Volume 6: Italian. INSTITUTION Australian National Languages and Literacy Inst., Deakin. REPORT NO ISBN-1-875578-13-7 PUB DATE 94 NOTE 276p.; For related documents, see FL 022 493-497 and ED 365 111-114. AVAILABLE FROMNLLIA, 9th Level, 300 Flinders St., Melbourne, Victoria 3000, Australia. PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Tests/Evaluation Instruments (160) EDRS PRICE MFO1 /PC12 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Adult Education; Continuing Education; Cultural Awareness; Cultural Education; Educational History; *Educational Needs; Elementary Secondary Education; Foreign Countries; Government Role; Higher Education; International Trade; *Italian; *Language Maintenance; *Language Role; Language Usage; Regional Characteristics; Second Language Learning; *Second Languages; Teacher Education; Technological Advancement; Tourism IDENTIFIERS *Australia; *Italy ABSTRACT The status of the Italian language in Australia, particularly in the educational system at all levels, in Australian society in general, and in trade, technology, and tourism is discussed in this report. It begins with a description of the teaching of Italian in elementary, secondary, higher, adult/continuing, and teacher education. Trends are traced from the 1950s through the 1980s, looking at political and religious factors in its evolution, formation of national policy, curriculum and assessment approaches, professional issues in teacher education, and research on learning motivations and attitudes toward Italian. Development of public policies and initiatives is chronicled from the 1970s, with specific reports, events, and programs highlighted. Teaching oF Italian in various areas of Australia is also surveyed. A discussion of the role of Italian in Australian society looks at the impact of migration, language shift and maintenance, demographics of the Italian-speaking community, and cultural and language resources within that community. -
The 18 April 1948 Italian Election: Seventy Years on Page 1 of 4
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: The 18 April 1948 Italian election: Seventy years on Page 1 of 4 The 18 April 1948 Italian election: Seventy years on Italy’s election on 4 March was far from the first Italian election campaign to have generated high levels of interest across the rest of Europe. Effie G. H. Pedaliu writes on the seventieth anniversary of one of Italy’s most significant and controversial elections: the 1948 Italian general election, which pitted the country’s Christian Democrats against the Popular Democratic Front in which the Italian Communist Party, the largest communist party outside the Soviet Union, was the dominant partner. The sound and fury unleashed by the populist onslaught in Italy’s recent general election on 4 March 2018 may obscure the seventieth anniversary of one of the country’s most significant, controversial and decisive general elections, that of 18 April 1948. The 1948 election was the first general election since Mussolini’s ‘march on Rome’ in 1922 and Italians were going to the ballot box not just to elect a government, but also to determine the political orientation of their country. The result would not only shape the future of Italy, but it was also considered to be critical to the survival of the West and the post WWII liberal democratic order. Italians faced a straight choice: to vote either for Alcide de Gasperi’s Christian Democrats or Palmiro Toglatti’s and Pietro Nenni’s Popular Democratic Front in which the Italian Communist Party, the largest communist party outside the Soviet Union, was the dominant partner. -
1 Angelo G. Sabatini Saragat E L'idea Del Socialismo Democratico
Angelo G. Sabatini Saragat e l’idea del socialismo democratico riformista ( Commemorazione tenuta a Venezia-Mestre il 13 febbraio 2010 in occasione della dedica di una strada a Giuseppe Saragat a Mestre ) Nessun uomo politico al pari di Saragat può riassumere nella sua lunga milizia la storia, spesso controversa, del socialismo italiano. Strettamente intrecciata alle vicen- de del socialismo italiano ed ai momenti più rilevanti della storia nazionale, la vita e l'opera di Giuseppe Saragat segnano in modo indelebile le vicende fondamentali della storia contemporanea, dalla sua prima militanza democratica durante il primo conflitto mondiale sino alla sua elezione a Presidente della Repubblica avvenuta il 28 dicembre 1964, per poi consegnare all'intera sinistra italiana un patrimonio di esperienze e di valori che oggi come ieri rappresentano un punto di riferimento essenziale nella nostra vita civile. Il lungo itinerario politico ed ideale del più autorevole esponente della socialdemocrazia italiana prende avvio durante la Grande Guerra allorché Saragat si arruola volontario all'età di 18 anni — era nato il 19 settembre 1898 — ed ha modo di conoscere Bruno Buozzi e Claudio Treves. È a quest'ultimo che Saragat attribuisce la paternità della sua visione socialista, che lo porterà ben presto a collaborare al settimanale "La Libertà" e ad aderire, nell'ottobre del 1922, al Partito Socialista Uni- tario. Da poco fondato da Matteotti, Turati, Treves, Buozzi, il PSU nasceva dall'intento di portare al governo una forza socialista riformista che fosse in grado di bloccare la resistibile ascesa del fascismo. Quel tentativo, volto com'è noto a sbloccare la paralisi delle forze socialiste causata dal massimalismo del PSI, accentuatosi dopo la scissione comunista di Livorno del 1921, ebbe risultati modesti come adesioni, così come in occasione della successiva prova elettorale del 1924. -
Communicating Europe: Italy Manual
Communicating Europe: Italy Manual Information and contacts on the Italian debate on EU enlargement in the Western Balkans Supported by the Global Opportunities Fund – Reuniting Europe of the UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office 19 May 2008 Contents ABOUT THIS MANUAL ...................................................................................................................... 1 A. MEDIA ...................................................................................................................................... 2 1. ELECTRONIC MEDIA: TV AND RADIO ......................................................................................... 2 2. PRINT MEDIA: NATIONAL PRINT MEDIA ..................................................................................... 8 2.1. The quality dailies .............................................................................................................. 9 2.2. Weeklies ........................................................................................................................... 12 2.3. Press Officers of EU Institutions in Italy ............................................................................ 13 2.4. Online Media ................................................................................................................... 14 2.5. News Agencies ................................................................................................................ 14 2.6. Regional print media ..................................................................................................... -
Changing Jewish Communities
Changing Jewish Communities Number 66 February 24, 2011 http://jcpa.org/article/the-paradox-of-the-italian-jewish-experience-in-1990-2010/ The Paradox of the Italian Jewish Experience in 1990- 2010 Dr. Ephraim Nissan There is a paradox to the Italian Jewish experience in the 2000s. Jews are more integrated than ever since 1945, and Israel has been relegitimized in important quarters after being in practice delegitimized by the Communists, Socialists, and those media close to the Christian Democrats in the late 1970s and 1980s, reaching the lowest point in the second half of 1982. Yet, because of various factors including the web as well as unwillingness to take things in stride any longer, the organized and individual voices of Italy’s Jews are now often blunt, harsh, and resentful in a way that would have been unthinkable previously. While the Jews are indeed more accepted than ever, sporadic expressions of direct, incontrovertible anti-Semitism have occurred even in the circles of power, and even at the highest levels. The past twenty years have seen a confluence between Italy’s far Left and far Right in adopting anti-Israeli and sometimes anti-Semitic positions. In some cases this has involved tolerance of right-wing Holocaust denial by elements on the Left. Italy’s severely anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic responses to the 1982 Lebanon war involved both global and local aspects. It both reflected Italy’s past and has partly shaped patterns of response to Middle Eastern and Jewish affairs by a sizable part of Italy’s media and public opinion.