Giuseppe Saragat Ricordando Giuseppe Saragat
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October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
Sandro Pertini
Sandro Pertini Alessandro Pertini è nato a Stella (Savona) il 25 settembre 1896. Laureato in giurisprudenza e in scienze sociali. Coniugato con Carla Voltolina. Ha partecipato alla prima guerra mondiale; ha intrapreso la professione forense e, dopo la prima condanna a otto mesi di carcere per la sua attività politica, nel 1926 è condannato a cinque anni di confino. Sottrattosi alla cattura, si è rifugiato a Milano e successivamente in Francia, dove ha chiesto e ottenuto asilo politico, lavorando a Parigi. Anche in Francia ha subito due processi per la sua attività politica. Tornato in Italia nel 1929, è stato arrestato e nuovamente processato dal tribunale speciale per la difesa dello Stato e condannato a 11 anni di reclusione. Scontati i primi sette, è stato assegnato per otto anni al confino: ha rifiutato di impetrare la grazia anche quando la domanda è stata firmata da sua madre. Tornato libero nell'agosto 1943, è entrato a far parte del primo esecutivo del Partito socialista. Catturato dalla SS, è stato condannato a morte. La sentenza non ha luogo. Nel 1944 è evaso dal carcere assieme a Giuseppe Saragat, ed ha raggiunto Milano per assumere la carica di segretario del Partito Socialista nei territori occupati dal Tedeschi e poi dirigere la lotta partigiana: è stato insignito della Medaglia d'Oro. Conclusa la lotta armata, si è dedicato alla vita politica e al giornalismo. E' stato eletto Segretario del Partito Socialista Italiano di unità proletaria nel 1945. E' stato eletto Deputato all'Assemblea Costituente. E' stato eletto Senatore della Repubblica nel 1948 e presidente del relativo gruppo parlamentare. -
Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne
ANGELO PRINCIPE CENTRING THE PERIPHERY. PRELIMINARY NOTES ON THE ITALLVN CANADL\N PRESS: 1950-1990 The Radical Press From the end of the Second World War to the 1980s, eleven Italian Canadian radical periodicals were published: seven left-wing and four right- wing, all but one in Toronto.' The left-wing publications were: II lavoratore (the Worker), La parola (the Word), La carota (the Carrot), Forze nuove (New Forces), Avanti! Canada (Forward! Canada), Lotta unitaria (United Struggle), and Nuovo mondo (New World). The right-wing newspapers were: Rivolta ideale (Ideal Revolt), Tradizione (Tradition), // faro (the Lighthouse or Beacon), and Occidente (the West or Western civilization). Reading these newspapers today, one gets the impression that they were written in a remote era. The socio-political reality that generated these publications has been radically altered on both sides of the ocean. As a con- sequence of the recent disintegration of the communist system, which ended over seventy years of East/West confrontational tension, in Italy the party system to which these newspapers refer no longer exists. Parties bear- ing new names and advancing new policies have replaced the older ones, marking what is now considered the passage from the first to the second Republic- As a result, the articles on, or about, Italian politics published ^ I would like to thank several people who helped in different ways with this paper. Namely: Nivo Angelone, Roberto Bandiera, Damiano Berlingieri, Domenico Capotorto, Mario Ciccoritti, Elio Costa, Celestino De luliis, Odoardo Di Santo, Franca lacovetta, Teresa Manduca, Severino Martelluzzi, Roberto Perin, Concetta V. Principe, Guido Pugliese, Olga Zorzi Pugliese, and Gabriele Scardellato. -
Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
Tutti Gli Uomini Del Quirinale
mini dossier Tutti gli uomini del Quirinale I 12 Presidenti della Repubblica dal 1948 al 2015 Numero 1 | Gennaio 2015 Tutti gli uomini del Quirinale - I 12 Presidenti della Repubblica dal 1948 al 2015 mini dossier Sommario 3 INTRODUZIONE 5 CAPI DI STATO A CONFRONTO Le differenze nei Paesi UE • Età dei Capi di Stato Europei • Genere dei Capi di Stato Europei • Sistema istituzionale • Elezione diretta nelle Repubbliche Parlamentari 8 11 PRESIDENTI PER 12 Mandati Chi erano e cosa hanno fatto • I Presidenti delle Repubblica Italiana • Quale partito ha espresso più Presidenti • Cursus Honorum dei Presidenti della Repubblica • Gli incarichi più frequenti prima del Colle 11 IL PRESIDENTE RAPPRESEntantE DELL’uNITÀ NAZIONALE Gli scrutini necessari ed il consenso ottenuto • Elezione Presidente: i voti • Elezione Presidente: gli scrutini 14 IL PRESIDENTE E I GOVERNI Il ruolo politico del Quirinale • I Presidenti del Consiglio incaricati • Voto anticipato - i Presidenti che hanno sciolto le Camere • Il colore politico dei Presidenti e dei Governi 18 GLI atti DEI PRESIDENTI Senatori a vita, giudici, onorificenze e clemenze • Le nomine: Giudici Costituzionali e Senatori a vita • Le motivazioni dei Senatori a vita • Le clemenze concesse • Le onorificenze conferite 22 IL FUTUro DEL QUIRINALE Gli schieramenti dei grandi elettori • Elezioni Presidenziali 2013 - Chi ha votato? • Elezioni Presidenziali 2015 - Chi voterà? - Le proiezioni 25 I DISCORSI DEL PRESIDENTE Analisi testuali in 60 anni di Italia • 66 anni di discorsi - I più corti e i più lunghi • Verso un linguaggio diretto • Le tre parole più ricorrenti discorso dopo discorso • Le parole più ricorrenti in 66 discorsi di fine anno • Crisi, Giovani, Europa, Giustizia e Pace - 5 temi a confronto 2 mini dossier 24.047 i giorni di mandato totali dei 12 Presidenti 105 Introduzione scrutini totali per le elezioni dei 12 Presidenti 60 Il Presidente della Repubblica è garante della Costituzione, Capo governi nominati dello Stato italiano e rappresentante dell’unità nazionale. -
Capitolo Primo La Formazione Di Bettino Craxi
CAPITOLO PRIMO LA FORMAZIONE DI BETTINO CRAXI 1. LA FAMIGLIA Bettino, all’anagrafe Benedetto Craxi nasce a Milano, alle 5 di mattina, il 24 febbraio 1934, presso la clinica ostetrica Macedonio Melloni; primo di tre figli del padre Vittorio Craxi, avvocato siciliano trasferitosi nel capoluogo lombardo e di Maria Ferrari, originaria di Sant’Angelo Lodigiano. 1 L’avvocato Vittorio è una persona preparata nell’ambito professionale ed ispirato a forti ideali antifascisti. Vittorio Craxi è emigrato da San Fratello in provincia di Messina a causa delle sue convinzioni socialiste. Trasferitosi nella città settentrionale, lascia nella sua terra una lunga tradizione genealogica, cui anche Bettino Craxi farà riferimento. La madre, Maria Ferrari, figlia di fittavoli del paese lodigiano è una persona sensibile, altruista, ma parimenti ferma, autorevole e determinata nei principi.2 Compiuti sei anni, Bettino Craxi è iscritto al collegio arcivescovile “De Amicis” di Cantù presso Como. Il biografo Giancarlo Galli narra di un episodio in cui Bettino Craxi è designato come capo classe, in qualità di lettore, per augurare il benvenuto all’arcivescovo di Milano, cardinal Ildefonso Schuster, in visita pastorale. 3 La presenza come allievo al De Amicis è certificata da un documento custodito presso la Fondazione Craxi. Gli ex alunni di quella scuola, il 31 ottobre 1975 elaborano uno statuto valido come apertura di cooperativa. Il resoconto sarà a lui indirizzato ed ufficialmente consegnato il 10 ottobre 1986, allor quando ritornerà all’istituto in veste di Presidente del Consiglio; in quell’occasione ricorderà la sua esperienza durante gli anni scolastici e commemorerà l’educatore laico e socialista a cui la scuola è dedicata. -
PERFIJ.,ES Pietro N Enni Y Giuseppe Saragat
PERFIJ.,ES Pietro N enni y Giuseppe Saragat El pasado mes de diciembre de 1963 ha quedado constituído en Italia el gobierno de coalición centro-izquierda presidido por Aldo Moro y compuesto por la colaboración de los siguientes partidos: Democracia Cristiana (DC), Partido Republicano Italiano (PRI), Partido Social-Demócrata Italiano (PSDI) y Partido Socialista Italiano (PSI). La "apertura a sinistra" deja fuera del gobierno, por la derecha, a los grupos neofascistas del MSI, a los monár quicos y al Partido liberal; por la izquierda al Partido Comunista. Dentro de los partidos gubernamentales son asimismo contrarios a la coalición el ala derechista de la DC capitaneada por Mario Scelba y el ala izquierdista del PSI formada por los "carristas" en tomo a Tullio Vecchietti. Las bases de la mayoría lograda por el nuevo gobierno son las siguientes: SENADO: 191 puestos de 320, es decir 30 más de los necesarios para la mayoría absoluta y 62 más de los que lograrían reunidas las oposiciones de derecha e izquierda. Esos 191 puestos están repartidos del modo siguiente: 132 DC, 44 PSI, 14 PDSI y 1 PRI. CAMARA DE DIPUTADOS: 386 puestos de 630, es decir 70 más de los necesarios para la mayoría absoluta y 142 más de los que lograrían reunidas las oposiciones de derecha e izquierda. Esos 386 puestos están repartidos del modo siguiente: 260 DC, 87 PSI, 33 PDSI y 6 PRI. El nuevo gobierno presenta la siguiente composición: Presidente del Consejo: Aldo Moro (Secretario General de la DC). Vice-Presidente: Pietro Nenni (Secretario General del PSI). Asuntos Exteriores: Giuseppe Saragat (Secretario General del PSDI). -
The Italian Communist Party and The
CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis. -
Elezione Del Presidente Della Repubblica
ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA Indice ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA La Costituzione della Repubblica Italiana: norme che riguardano l’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica ..............pag. 5 Elezione dei delegati delle Regioni per l’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica ...........................................................................................pag. 13 Elenco delle legislature della Repubblica Italiana .......................................pag. 15 Dati sintetici delle elezioni del Presidente della Repubblica .......................pag. 16 I Presidenti della Repubblica – scrutinii ed elezioni - Enrico DE NICOLA...........................................................................pag. 19 - Luigi EINAUDI .................................................................................pag. 21 - Giovanni GRONCHI..........................................................................pag. 24 - Antonio SEGNI..................................................................................pag. 27 - Giuseppe SARAGAT.........................................................................pag. 32 - Giovanni LEONE...............................................................................pag. 43 - Sandro PERTINI ................................................................................pag. 54 - Francesco COSSIGA .........................................................................pag. 64 - Oscar Luigi SCALFARO...................................................................pag. 66 -
The European Left and the Jewish Question, 1848–1992 Alessandra Tarquini Editor the European Left and the Jewish Question, 1848–1992
The European Left and the Jewish Question, 1848–1992 Alessandra Tarquini Editor The European Left and the Jewish Question, 1848–1992 Between Zionism and Antisemitism Editor Alessandra Tarquini Sapienza University of Rome Rome, Italy ISBN 978-3-030-56661-6 ISBN 978-3-030-56662-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56662-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affliations. -
'Altiero Spinelli, the "Prophet of European Union", Believes European Political Unity Is Not Far Off' from El País (19 March 1984)
'Altiero Spinelli, the "prophet of European Union", believes European political unity is not far off' from El País (19 March 1984) Caption: On 19 March 1984, the Spanish daily newspaper El País describes Altiero Spinelli, author in the European Parliament of the Federalist-inspired draft Treaty on European Union. Source: El País. 19.03.1984. Madrid. "Altiero Spinelli, 'profeta' del europeísmo, cree cercana la unidad política de Europa", auteur:Arias, Juan. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/altiero_spinelli_the_prophet_of_european_union_believes_ european_political_unity_is_not_far_off_from_el_pais_19_march_1984-en- 9dbd6edc-eece-41b8-b3a1-3e5f6ff989d7.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/4 Interview Altiero Spinelli, the ‘prophet of European Union’, believes European political unity is not far off Conversation with an Italian MEP devoted to the idea of a federal Europe Juan Arias — Rome Altiero Spinelli has long been known as the ‘prophet of European Union’. For over 40 years he has been obsessed with the idea of European political unity. All those converting to the European ideal, from Pietro Nenni’s Socialists to Alcide De Gasperi’s Christian Democrats, have had to knock at his door. Not least of all, Enrico Berlinguer’s Communists, with whom Spinelli stood as an independent in the most recent European Parliament elections four years ago. His unshakeable determination and optimism, sometimes decried as utopian, began to bear fruit when, at 76 years of age, Spinelli was the driving force behind the important decision taken by the European Parliament on 14 February when it approved, with 76 % of votes in favour, a plan to convert the EEC into a genuine European union.