The Dove and the Eagle
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2007-06-27-HAR Ed Harper Interview Transcription Page 1 of 31 June 27, 2007 Timothy Naftali Hi, I'm Tim Naftali, the Director-De
2007-06-27-HAR Ed Harper Interview Transcription Page 1 of 31 June 27, 2007 Timothy Naftali Hi, I'm Tim Naftali, the Director-Designate of the Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. This is June 27, 2007. I'm here with Dr. Ed Harper, for the Richard Nixon Presidential Oral History Program. Dr. Harper, I'm delighted that you are joining us today for this interview. Ed Harper Thank you, glad to be here. Timothy Naftali Let's just start at the beginning. How did you come to join the Nixon administration? Ed Harper Well, I was working for Arthur Doolittle[phonetic sp], a consulting firm here in Washington, doing public policy analysis in different areas, and an old friend of mine from high school days, Bud Krogh, asked me if I'd come over and have lunch with him and John Ehrlichman, and I did. And John said, "Well, when can you join us on the domestic policy staff?" And I said, "How about Friday?" So that's how I came to be on the staff. Timothy Naftali At -- Male Speaker One second. Timothy Naftali Put to what it was before, so -- this matters, please. Ed Harper Sure. Timothy Naftali Tell us some stories. Ed Harper Well, why I was there goes back a little before that meeting. When Richard Nixon became President, he appointed Bob Mayo to be Director of the Bureau of the Budget then. And Bob Mayo was a 2007-06-27-HAR Ed Harper Interview Transcription Page 2 of 31 June 27, 2007 protégé of David Kennedy's, a banker from Chicago, and it always kind of amazed me that Kennedy just off handedly said to Nixon before the election, said, "Oh, you know, Mr. -
October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
30Years 1953-1983
30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) 30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) Foreword . 3 Constitution declaration of the Christian-Democratic Group (1953 and 1958) . 4 The beginnings ............ ·~:.................................................. 9 From the Common Assembly to the European Parliament ........................... 12 The Community takes shape; consolidation within, recognition without . 15 A new impetus: consolidation, expansion, political cooperation ........................................................... 19 On the road to European Union .................................................. 23 On the threshold of direct elections and of a second enlargement .................................................... 26 The elected Parliament - Symbol of the sovereignty of the European people .......... 31 List of members of the Christian-Democratic Group ................................ 49 2 Foreword On 23 June 1953 the Christian-Democratic Political Group officially came into being within the then Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. The Christian Democrats in the original six Community countries thus expressed their conscious and firm resolve to rise above a blinkered vision of egoistically determined national interests and forge a common, supranational consciousness in the service of all our peoples. From that moment our Group, whose tMrtieth anniversary we are now celebrating together with thirty years of political -
Archivio Centrale Dello Stato Inventario Del Fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio
Archivio centrale dello Stato Inventario del fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio INVENTARIO DEL FONDO UGO LA MALFA (1910 circa – 1982) a cura di Cristina Farnetti e Francesca Garello Roma 2004-2005 Il fondo Ugo La Malfa è di proprietà della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, via S.Anna 13 – 00186 Roma www.fondazionelamalfa.org [email protected] Depositato in Archivio centrale dello Stato dal 1981 Il riordino e l’inventariazione è stato finanziato dal Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali. Direzione generale per gli archivi II INDICE GENERALE INTRODUZIONE .................................................................................................V INVENTARIO DEL FONDO ............................................................................ XI SERIE I. ATTI E CORRISPONDENZA...............................................................1 SERIE II ATTIVITÀ POLITICA .........................................................................13 SOTTOSERIE 1. APPUNTI RISERVATI 50 SERIE III. CARICHE DI GOVERNO ................................................................59 SOTTOSERIE 1. GOVERNI CON ORDINAMENTO PROVVISORIO (GOVERNO PARRI E I GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 61 SOTTOSERIE 2. MINISTRO SENZA PORTAFOGLIO (VI GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 63 SOTTOSERIE 3. MINISTRO PER IL COMMERCIO CON L'ESTERO (VI E VII GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 64 SOTTOSERIE 4. MINISTRO DEL BILANCIO (IV GOVERNO FANFANI) 73 SOTTOSERIE 5. MINISTRO DEL TESORO (IV GOVERNO RUMOR) 83 SOTTOSERIE 6. VICEPRESIDENTE DEL CONSIGLIO (IV GOVERNO MORO) 103 SOTTOSERIE 7. FORMAZIONE DEL GOVERNO E VICEPRESIDENTE -
Party Polarization and Campaign Finance
July 2014 Party Polarization and Campaign Finance Thomas E. Mann and Anthony Corrado INTRODUCTION he intense debate these days about the shortcomings of American democ- racy and how best to deal with them often features assertions about parties, Tpolarization, and campaign finance that appear puzzling if not downright con- Thomas E. Mann tradictory. For example, some analysts argue that campaign finance reforms have is the W. Averell Harriman reduced the role of political parties in campaigns and thereby weakened the ability Chair and senior fellow in 1 Governance Studies at The of party leaders to commandeer their members on behalf of achievable policy goals. Brookings Institution. Between 1987 and 1999, he was Director This seems an odd argument to make in an era of historically high levels of party loy- of Governmental Studies at alty—on roll calls in Congress and voting in the electorate. Are parties too strong and Brookings. He is co-author, with Norman J. Ornstein, of It's Even unified or too weak and fragmented? Have they been marginalized in the financing of Worse Than It Looks: How the elections or is their role at least as strong as it has ever been? Does the party role in American Constitutional System Collided With the New Politics of campaign finance (weak or strong) materially shape our capacity to govern? Extremism. A second example involves the mix of small and large individual donors and its connection to polarization. The increasing involvement in presidential and congressional campaigns of large donors—especially through Super PACs and politically-active nonprofit organizations—has raised serious concerns about whether the super-wealthy are buying American democracy. -
Title Items-In-Visits of Heads of States and Foreign Ministers
UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page Date 15/06/2006 Time 4:59:15PM S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Expanded Number S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Title items-in-Visits of heads of states and foreign ministers Date Created 17/03/1977 Record Type Archival Item Container s-0907-0001: Correspondence with heads-of-state 1965-1981 Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit •3 felt^ri ly^f i ent of Public Information ^ & & <3 fciiW^ § ^ %•:£ « Pres™ s Sectio^ n United Nations, New York Note Ko. <3248/Rev.3 25 September 1981 KOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS HEADS OF STATE OR GOVERNMENT AND MINISTERS TO ATTEND GENERAL ASSEMBLY SESSION The Secretariat has been officially informed so far that the Heads of State or Government of 12 countries, 10 Deputy Prime Ministers or Vice- Presidents, 124 Ministers for Foreign Affairs and five other Ministers will be present during the thirty-sixth regular session of the General Assembly. Changes, deletions and additions will be available in subsequent revisions of this release. Heads of State or Government George C, Price, Prime Minister of Belize Mary E. Charles, Prime Minister and Minister for Finance and External Affairs of Dominica Jose Napoleon Duarte, President of El Salvador Ptolemy A. Reid, Prime Minister of Guyana Daniel T. arap fcoi, President of Kenya Mcussa Traore, President of Mali Eeewcosagur Ramgoolare, Prime Minister of Haur itius Seyni Kountche, President of the Higer Aristides Royo, President of Panama Prem Tinsulancnda, Prime Minister of Thailand Walter Hadye Lini, Prime Minister and Kinister for Foreign Affairs of Vanuatu Luis Herrera Campins, President of Venezuela (more) For information media — not an official record Office of Public Information Press Section United Nations, New York Note Ho. -
Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne
ANGELO PRINCIPE CENTRING THE PERIPHERY. PRELIMINARY NOTES ON THE ITALLVN CANADL\N PRESS: 1950-1990 The Radical Press From the end of the Second World War to the 1980s, eleven Italian Canadian radical periodicals were published: seven left-wing and four right- wing, all but one in Toronto.' The left-wing publications were: II lavoratore (the Worker), La parola (the Word), La carota (the Carrot), Forze nuove (New Forces), Avanti! Canada (Forward! Canada), Lotta unitaria (United Struggle), and Nuovo mondo (New World). The right-wing newspapers were: Rivolta ideale (Ideal Revolt), Tradizione (Tradition), // faro (the Lighthouse or Beacon), and Occidente (the West or Western civilization). Reading these newspapers today, one gets the impression that they were written in a remote era. The socio-political reality that generated these publications has been radically altered on both sides of the ocean. As a con- sequence of the recent disintegration of the communist system, which ended over seventy years of East/West confrontational tension, in Italy the party system to which these newspapers refer no longer exists. Parties bear- ing new names and advancing new policies have replaced the older ones, marking what is now considered the passage from the first to the second Republic- As a result, the articles on, or about, Italian politics published ^ I would like to thank several people who helped in different ways with this paper. Namely: Nivo Angelone, Roberto Bandiera, Damiano Berlingieri, Domenico Capotorto, Mario Ciccoritti, Elio Costa, Celestino De luliis, Odoardo Di Santo, Franca lacovetta, Teresa Manduca, Severino Martelluzzi, Roberto Perin, Concetta V. Principe, Guido Pugliese, Olga Zorzi Pugliese, and Gabriele Scardellato. -
ICRC President in Italy…
INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS ICRC President in Italy... The President of the ICRC, Mr. Alexandre Hay, was in Italy from 15 to 20 June for an official visit. He was accompanied by Mr. Sergio Nessi, head of the Financing Division, and Mr. Melchior Borsinger, delegate-general for Europe and North America. The purpose of the visit was to contact the Italian authorities, to give them a detailed account of the ICRC role and function and to obtain greater moral and material support from them. The first day of the visit was mainly devoted to discussions with the leaders of the National Red Cross Society and a tour of the Society's principal installations. On the same day Mr. Hay was received by the President of the Republic, Mr. Sandro Pertini. Other discussions with government officials enabled the ICRC delegation to explain all aspects of current ICRC activities throughout the world. Mr. Hay's interlocutors were Mr. Filippo Maria Pandolfi, Minister of Finance; Mr. Aldo Aniasi, Minister of Health; Mrs. Nilde Iotti, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies; Mr. Amintore Fanfani, President of the Senate; Mr. Paulo Emilio Taviani, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies' Foreign Affairs Commission and Mr. Giulio Andreotti, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Commission. Discussions were held also with the leaders of the Italian main political parties. On 20 June President Hay, Mr. Nessi and Mr. Borsinger were received in audience by H.H. Pope John-Paul II, after conferring with H.E. Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, and H.E. Cardinal Gantin, Chairman of the "Cor Unum" Pontifical Council and of the pontifical Justice and Peace Commission. -
The Schengen Agreements and Their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations the Case of Italy and the Maghreb
125 The Schengen Agreements and their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations The Case of Italy and the Maghreb Simone PAOLI What were the main reasons that, between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s, a group of member states of the European Community (EC) agreed to abolish internal border controls while, simultaneously, building up external border controls? Why did they act outside the framework of the EC and initially exclude the Southern members of the Community? What were the reactions of both Northern and Southern Mediter- ranean countries to these intergovernmental accords, known as the Schengen agree- ments? What was their impact on both European and Euro-Mediterranean relations? And what were the implications of the accession of Southern members of the EC to said agreements in terms of relations with third Mediterranean countries? The present article cannot, of course, give a comprehensive answer to all these complex questions. It has nonetheless the ambition of throwing a new light on the origins of the Schengen agreements. In particular, by reconstructing the five-year long process through which Italy entered the Schengen Agreement and the Conven- tion implementing the Schengen Agreement, it will contribute towards the reinter- pretation of: the motives behind the Schengen agreements; migration relations be- tween Northern and Southern members of the EC in the 1980s; and migration relations between the EC, especially its Southern members, and third Mediterranean countries in the same decade. The article is divided into three parts. The first examines the historical background of the Schengen agreements, by placing them within the context of Euro-Mediter- ranean migration relations; it, also, presents the main arguments. -
Sanela Schmid Deutsche Und Italienische Besatzung Im Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien Bibliotheks- Und Informationspraxis
Sanela Schmid Deutsche und italienische Besatzung im Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien Bibliotheks- und Informationspraxis Herausgegeben von Klaus Gantert und Ulrike Junger Band 66 Sanela Schmid Deutsche und italienische Besatzung im Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien 1941 bis 1943/45 Publiziert mit Unterstützung des Schweizerischen Nationalfonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung. ISBN 978-3-11-062031-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-062383-3 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-062036-8 Dieses Werk ist lizenziert unter der Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0). Weitere Informationen finden Sie unter https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2019952843 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110623833 © 2020 Sanela Schmid, publiziert von Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Dieses Buch ist als Open-Access-Publikation verfügbar über www.degruyter.com, https:// www.doabooks.org und https://www.oapen.org Einbandabbildung: © Znaci.net. Deutsche Einheiten, die im Juni 1943 von den Italienern das Kommando über die Stadt Mostar erhalten. Typesetting: bsix information exchange GmbH, Braunschweig Druck und Bindung: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Für meine Großeltern, Mina und Jusuf Bešlagić Vorwort Dieses Buch ist die überarbeitete Fassung meiner Dissertation, die im November 2011 von der Universität Bern angenommen wurde. Es konnte nur entstehen, weil mich sehr viele Personen dabei unterstützt haben. Ihnen allen gilt mein aufrichtiger Dank. Zu allererst ist meine Doktormutter, Marina Cattaruzza, zu nennen, die an mich und das Thema geglaubt und das ganze Projekt mit Klug- heit, Scharfsinn und Witz über die Jahre begleitet hat. -
Italia Bajo Craxi: ¿Una República Con Gobierno?
ITALIA BAJO CRAXI: ¿UNA REPÚBLICA CON GOBIERNO? Por WOLFGANG MERKEL SUMARIO I. ¿ES INESTABLE EL SISTEMA DE GOBIERNO ITALIANO?—II. «ESTABILIDAD» Y «DEBILIDAD» («FRAGILIDAD») DEL GOBIERNO CRAXI I. III. LA POLÍTICA PRESUPUESTARIA Y FINANCIERA.—IV. POLÍTICA LABORAL Y DE EMPLEO.— V. CONCLUSIÓN. I. ¿ES INESTABLE EL SISTEMA DE GOBIERNO ITALIANO? Sin duda alguna, los tópicos son duraderos. Teniendo su base a menudo en conceptos provocativamente agudos, éstos van perdiendo el estimulante in- telectual de la provocación en un ritual de monótonas repeticiones, hasta que acaban convirtiéndose en sentencias aburridas y sin valor —precisamente en tópicos—. La investigación sobre Italia no representa ninguna excepción al respecto. Fundados en la presunta inestabilidad del sistema político y en la frecuencia de los cambios de gobierno, los lugares comunes que se refie- ren a la ingobernabilidad o, mejor dicho, a la «malgobernabilidad» gozan de una publicidad y una longevidad especiales (1). Aun elaborando un análisis matizado, Percy A. Allum (1973) y Giuseppe di Palma (1977) no vacilaron (1) PERCY A. ALLUM: Italy • Republic Without Government, New York, 1973; GIUSEPPE DI PALMA: Surviving Without Goveming. The Italian Parties in Parliament, Berkeley-London, 1977; MICHAEL LEEDEN: «Italy in Crisis», en The Washington Papers, núm. 43, Beverly Hills-London, 1977; LUIGI GRAZIANO/SIDNEY TARROW (eds.): La crisi italiana, 2." ed., Turin, 1979; GIANFRANCO PASQUINO: Crisi dei partiti e governabilitá, Bologna, 1980; THEODOR WIESER/FREDERIC SPOTTS: Der Fall Italien. Dauerkrise einer schwierigen Demokratie, Frankfurt, 1983. 155 Revista de Estudios Políticos (Nueva Época) Núm. 59. Enero-Marzo 1988 WOLFGANG MERKEL en sintetizar el espíritu de la época (Zeitgeist), calificando a tlalia como «A Republic Without Government» o no viendo en el sistema político nada más que un «Surviving Without Governing». -
1 the Italian Decision of Joining The
The Italian decision of joining the EMS: Exchange rate commitment as a political argument in favour of institutional reforms* Anna Solé University Pompeu Fabra May, 7th, 2018 Abstract: During the negotiations about the European Monetary System (EMS), the Italian government consistently held the position that Italy was not going to join a “re-edited Snake”. However, when it became clear that the EMS would work under the hegemony of the German mark, just as the previous system did, the Italian government surprisingly changed position and decided to adhere to the new monetary arrangement, although this decision imposed unpopular reforms and threatened with provoking a government crisis. The debate on the convenience for Italy of participating in the EMS shows that besides the discussion on the new monetary system, other important discussions, concerning institutional reforms, were also taking place. In many occasions, EMS membership was used to justify the need for other institutional reforms that did not enjoy enough political support to be implemented. In particular, the reform of the wage indexation mechanism and the change in the status of the Banca d’Italia are examples of how the exchange rate commitment and the European compromises were used to impose measures that were very unpopular and, otherwise, would have been very difficult to carry out. Introduction: On the 5th of December 1978, the agreement of the European Monetary System (EMS) was signed by six of the nine members of the EEC. The United Kingdom decided to stay out, whereas Italy and Ireland were given some additional time to take their final decision.