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Ambasciata D'italia Presso La Santa Sede 1929
Storia e Diplomazia Il presente volume è stato realizzato a cura dell’Unità per la Documentazione Storico- diplomatica e gli Archivi sotto la direzione del Capo della Unità, Professor Francesco Perfetti. Le opinioni espresse all’interno dei saggi contenuti nel volume sono esclusivamente degli autori e non rappresentano in alcun modo la posizione della struttura. Ministero degli Affari Esteri Segreteria Generale Unità per la Documentazione Storico Diplomatica e gli Archivi Storia e Diplomazia 2 Giugno 2009 SOMMARIO Premessa ............................................................................................................... pag. 7 SAGGI ............................................................................................ » 9 Cesare Maria De Vecchi di Val Cismon. Primo Ambasciatore d’Italia in Vaticano (giugno 1929 – luglio 1935) di Mario Casella ............................................................................ » 11 INVENTARI ..................................................................................... » 29 Il riordinamento delle carte dell’Ambasciata d’Italia presso la Santa Sede di Stefania Ruggeri ......................................................................... » 31 Titolario ...................................................................................... » 33 Inventario .................................................................................... » 35 Inventario delle carte dell’Ambasciata d’Italia presso la Santa Sede a cura di Michele Abbate ............................................................................ -
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Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 Eileen Ryan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Eileen Ryan All rights reserved ABSTRACT Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 By Eileen Ryan In the first decade of their occupation of the former Ottoman territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in current-day Libya, the Italian colonial administration established a system of indirect rule in the Cyrenaican town of Ajedabiya under the leadership of Idris al-Sanusi, a leading member of the Sufi order of the Sanusiyya and later the first monarch of the independent Kingdom of Libya after the Second World War. Post-colonial historiography of modern Libya depicted the Sanusiyya as nationalist leaders of an anti-colonial rebellion as a source of legitimacy for the Sanusi monarchy. Since Qaddafi’s revolutionary coup in 1969, the Sanusiyya all but disappeared from Libyan historiography as a generation of scholars, eager to fill in the gaps left by the previous myopic focus on Sanusi elites, looked for alternative narratives of resistance to the Italian occupation and alternative origins for the Libyan nation in its colonial and pre-colonial past. Their work contributed to a wider variety of perspectives in our understanding of Libya’s modern history, but the persistent focus on histories of resistance to the Italian occupation has missed an opportunity to explore the ways in which the Italian colonial framework shaped the development of a religious and political authority in Cyrenaica with lasting implications for the Libyan nation. -
Dai Rifiuti Al Re Nasce Il Regime Fascista Fatale Per L’Italia La Miopia Della Classe Dirigente 1 Dicembre 1919
Anno XXXVII – N. 2 Dicembre 2020 AVVISO ALLE POSTE Sped. in a.p. 70% In caso di mancata consegna inviare Poste Italiane Spa – Filiale di Milano TRIMESTRALE DI CULTURA E POLITICA al CMP di Roserio per la restituzione al mittente, che si impegna a pagare la relativa tassa. DAI RIFIUTI AL RE NASCE IL REGIME FASCISTA Fatale per l’Italia la miopia della classe dirigente 1 dicembre 1919. Dal discorso della Corona: “... Il Parlamento, presidio di ogni libertà, difesa e garanzia di tutte le istituzioni democratiche, deve essere oggi più che mai circondato dalla fiducia del Paese… Il nostro Paese raggiunge con la guerra quei confini che la natura gli diede…”. 11 giugno 1921. Dal discorso della Corona “… Perché quest’opera di riassestamento proceda nella concordia delle classi sociali, occorrerà che il Parlamento rivolga l’attività propria all’ordinato ascendere delle classi lavoratrici così delle officine come dei campi… Sarà vanto di questa assemblea… rafforzare gli istituti cooperativi… per consentire alle classi operaie di abilitarsi gradualmente al difficile governo dell’attività economica”. “La rivoluzione fascista si fermò davanti a un trono”* B. Mussolini Vittorio Emanuele III si oppone al fascismo 1918 L’Italia è compiuta 20 novembre 1918. Ore 14. Camera dei Deputati. Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, presidente della Camera: “Onorevoli colleghi! L’Italia è compiuta… Le nostre istituzioni, essenzialmente democratiche, consentono ogni sviluppo e ogni trasformazione. L’Italia, che si fece pari a sé stessa nella guerra, saprà sorpassare sé stessa nella pace”(1) Riprende la vita parlamentare, ma il Direttore del Cor- riere della Sera, Luigi Albertini, senatore e membro del Fascio parlamentare di difesa nazionale, raggruppamento patriottico di partiti durante la guerra, il 21 novembre scri- ve: “I fasci devono ora rappresentare la fine dei vecchi partiti”. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
The Photo-Text in the Mussolini Era
Athens Journal of Humanities & Arts - Volume 8, Issue 4, October 2021 – Pages 341-361 The Photo-Text in the Mussolini Era By Carla Rossetti In the 1930s, Fascism’s Mythopoeia found in propaganda photobooks a comfortable space in which to configure itself. The layout of the photobooks draws on the experiments carried out by the editors of “Campo Grafico” [1933 - 1939] and by eclectic personalities like Guido Modiano; with reference to photography, on the other hand, from the modernist style developed by the amateurs of photographic circles reworking the experience gained by the European avant-gardes since the previous decade. All these innovations led to a rethinking of the usual relationship between image and text, gaining a new and a much more dynamic interaction between visual and textual. Through the analysis of some of the most important photobooks of the Fascist Era, the following article aims to show some aspects of the verbal and visual rhetoric which the Fascist regime used to generate an articulated model of the world in which to believe, even if its appearance differed radically from what one saw with one's own eyes or experienced on one's own skin every day. In propaganda photo books, the facts are emphasized, even judged, in order to construct a specious argument that leaves no room for doubt. Introduction and Literature Review The history of Fascist propaganda photography is an emblematic story of how, in the 1920s and 1930s, photography participated in the political events of the Nation, contributing to the construction of an epic and heroic tale of the Italian totalitarianism. -
Storia Contemporanea 1922-1943 LO STATO FASCISTA 25 Luglio 1943
Dipartimento di Scienze umane e sociali CORSO DI LAUREA IN SCIENZE DELL’EDUCAZIONE a.a. 2018-2019 Storia contemporanea 1922-1943 LO STATO FASCISTA 25 luglio 1943 • Il re revoca dell’incarico di governo a Mussolini • arresto e confino Cronologia: IL REGIME FASCISTA / 1 LA FASE STATUTARIA 1922, ottobre: dopo la intrapresa, ma non completata ‘marcia su Roma’, Mussolini ottiene dal re l’incarico a formare il governo › governo Mussolini I, con pieni poteri su bilancio e amministrazione 1923: legge elettorale ‘Acerbo’ con premio di maggioranza alla lista che ottenga almeno il 25% dei voti 1924: elezioni, denuncia di Matteotti, assassinio di Matteotti / riconferma di Mussolini al governo LA COSTRUZIONE DELLA MONARCHIA FASCISTA 1925, gennaio: Mussolini chiude affare Matteotti e procede al introdurre ordinamenti dittatoriali 1925-1926 LEGGI FASCISTISSIME 1928 Nuova legge elettorale plebiscitaria: Lista unica 1929 Trasformazione del Gran Consiglio del Fascismo in organo costituzionale Patti Lateranensi 1936 Proclamazione dell’Impero, dopo la conquista dell’Etiopia Cronologia: IL REGIME FASCISTA / 2 FASE INVOLUTIVA E CRISI 1937 Mussolini si proclama ‘duce del fascismo’ 1938-39 LEGGI RAZZIALI 1939 Abolizione della Camera dei Deputati, sostituita da una Camera dei Fasci e delle Corporazioni non elettiva 1940, 10 giugno: l’Italia entra in GUERRA 1943, 9 luglio: sbarco in Sicilia degli angloamericani › inizia l’occupazione 1943, 25 luglio: il Gran Consiglio del Fascismo propone al re la destituzione di Mussolini; il re revoca l’incarico a Mussolini, -
Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil
Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil by Giulia Riccò Department of Romance Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Lamonte Aidoo, Supervisor ___________________________ Roberto Dainotto ___________________________ Nicola Gavioli ___________________________ Saskia Ziolkowski Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 i v ABSTRACT Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil by Giulia Riccò Department of Romance Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Lamonte Aidoo, Supervisor ___________________________ Roberto Dainotto ___________________________ Nicola Gavioli ___________________________ Saskia Ziolkowski An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Giulia Riccò 2019 Abstract My dissertation, Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil, accounts for the resilience of fascism by tracing the rhetoric of the “lesser evil”—a discursive practice constitutive of fascism—through contemporary politics and literature in Italy and Brazil. By invoking the looming presence of a graver, more insidious threat the rhetoric of the lesser evil legitimizes fascist violence against dissidents and vulnerable populations. Through an analysis of texts by fascist philosopher Giovanni Gentile and his Brazilian counterpart Miguel Reale, I reveal that the rhetoric of the lesser evil is a constitutive part of fascist discourse and that in Italy and Brazil this aspect of fascist doctrine met a favorable combination of subjective and objective conditions which has allowed it to thrive within democratic structures. -
Redalyc.MASONERÍA Y FASCISMO EN ITALIA: UNA RELACIÓN AMBIGUA (1922-1943)
Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História ISSN: 1415-9945 [email protected] Universidade Estadual de Maringá Brasil Savarino, Franco MASONERÍA Y FASCISMO EN ITALIA: UNA RELACIÓN AMBIGUA (1922-1943) Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, vol. 13, núm. 1, 2009, pp. 167-184 Universidade Estadual de Maringá Maringá, Brasil Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=305526877009 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Diálogos, DHI/PPH/UEM, v. 13, n. 1 p. 167-184, 2009. MASONERÍA Y FASCISMO EN ITALIA: UNA RELACIÓN AMBIGUA (1922-1943) * Franco Savarino** Resumen. La formación de un régimen autoritario en Italia en 1922 (desde 1925 dictadura totalitaria), causó un enfrentamiento con la masonería. Inicialmente varias logias apoyaron la llegada al poder de Mussolini, y entre los fascistas había muchos masones. Sin embargo, existía una fuerte corriente antimasónica heredada del nacionalismo, que compartía personalmente el Jefe de los «camisas negras» y varios líderes importantes del nuevo régimen. La masonería fue primero prohibida en las filas del Partido y luego (1925) proscrita. Aquí me propongo indagar sobre los motivos que llevaron a este enfrentamiento y el significado de la oposición masonería-fascismo, frente al programa fascista de alianza con fuerzas liberales, acercamiento a la Iglesia católica y formación de una nueva «religión política» incompatible con la tradición masónica. -
Ruling Elites.Indb
António Costa Pinto is a professor Dictators do not rule alone, and a governing elite stratum is always ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO After the so-called ‘third wave’ of de- of politics and contemporary Euro- formed below them. This book explores an underdeveloped area in the study ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO mocratisation at the end of the 20th pean history at the Institute of Social of fascism: the structure of power. The old and rich tradition of elite studies Edited by century had significantly increased the Sciences, University of Lisbon. He has can tell us much about the structure and operation of political power in the number of democracies in the world, been a visiting professor at Stanford dictatorships associated with fascism, whether through the characterisation of the survival of many dictatorships has University (1993) Georgetown Uni- had an important impact. Taking as the modes of political elite recruitment, or by the type of leadership, and the versity (2004), a senior associate mem- starting point the dictatorships that ber at St Antony’s College, Oxford relative power of the political institutions in the new dictatorial system. emerged since the beginning of the University (1995) and a senior visiting Analyzing four dictatorships associated with fascism (Fascist Italy, Nazi 20th century, but mainly those that fellow at Princeton University (1996) Germany, Salazar’s Portugal and Franco’s Spain), the book investigates the were institutionalised after 1945, the and at the University of California, dictator-cabinet-single party triad from -
GLOBAL HYBRID PUBLIC-PRIVATE BODIES: the WORLD ANTI-DOPING AGENCY (WADA) Lorenzo Casini *
Draft paper for the Global Administrative Law Conference on “Practical Legal Problems of International Organizations” Geneva, March 20-21, 2009 GLOBAL HYBRID PUBLIC-PRIVATE BODIES: THE WORLD ANTI-DOPING AGENCY (WADA) Lorenzo Casini * TABLE OF CONTENTS: Introduction 1. The Olympic regime and the relationship between sporting institutions and public authorities 2. The fight against doping: the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) 2.1. An equal public-private partnership: WADA’s structure 2.2. WADA’s public interest mission and its normative functions 2.3. Global hybrid public-private norms: the World Anti-Doping Code (WADC) 3. WADA and the anti-doping regime: a model for global administrative governance? 3.1. The institutional design of global private regimes: towards equal public- private partnerships? 3.2. Global private “law”: hybrid law-making processes and the interplay between global institutions and domestic authorities 3.3. Global harmonization of regulation and its discontents 3.4. The role of administrative law in private and hybrid public-private regimes: transparency, participation, due process, and review * Research Fellow, Institute for International Law and Justice (IILJ), New York University School of Law; Professor of Administrative Law, Faculty of Architecture “L. Quaroni”, University of Rome “La Sapienza”. The author warmly thanks Sabino Cassese, Sarah Dadush, Benedict Kingsbury, Euan MacDonald, Giulio Napolitano and Eran Shamir-Borer for their helpful comments. 3-12-2009 Introduction In 1960, at the opening ceremony of the Rome Olympics, when the unified German team entered the stadium for the Parade of Nations, the President of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) Avery Brundage, addressing himself to Giovanni Gronchi, then President of the Italian Republic, observed: “East German athletes and West German athletes in the same uniform marching behind the same leaders and the same flag”. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
The Eisenhower Administration and Italy's
IkeBrogi and Italy Ike and Italy: The Eisenhower Administration and Italy’s “Neo-Atlanticist” Agenda ✣ ecent scholarship has conªrmed that the major West European countriesR played a vital role in shaping the international system after World War II. Even the diplomacy of the much berated French Fourth Republic has now been redeemed.1 This article examines the extent to which Italy sought to improve its international position during a crucial phase of the Cold War. It also considers how the United States exploited Italy’s international political ambitions. Conventional wisdom holds that Italian leaders after World War II sur- rendered almost all of their leeway in foreign policy to Italy’s European and Atlantic partners. Italy’s humiliating defeat in the war, the task of economic reconstruction, the country’s deep political divisions, and the long record of Italy’s subordination to the great powers in Europe all posed formidable ob- stacles to any dream of diplomatic prominence. Even after an economic re- covery took hold in the 1950s, Italy’s inºuence in world politics was less than its demographic and economic size would have implied. Italy’s faction-ridden political elites, the traditional argument goes, ensured that the country always subordinated its foreign policy to domestic concerns. As an American politi- cal analyst, Norman Kogan, put it in 1957, “the key objective of Italian For- eign Policy is to protect the domestic social structure from internal dangers.” This tendency allegedly induced Italian leaders to defer to the United States, which they regarded as the best guardian of their country’s internal stability and perhaps even of their own political ambitions.