University of Iaşi Faculty of History
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Romanian Language and Its Dialects
Social Sciences ROMANIAN LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS Ana-Maria DUDĂU1 ABSTRACT: THE ROMANIAN LANGUAGE, THE CONTINUANCE OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN THE EASTERN PARTS OF THE FORMER ROMAN EMPIRE, COMES WITH ITS FOUR DIALECTS: DACO- ROMANIAN, AROMANIAN, MEGLENO-ROMANIAN AND ISTRO-ROMANIAN TO COMPLETE THE EUROPEAN LINGUISTIC PALETTE. THE ROMANIAN LINGUISTS HAVE ALWAYS SHOWN A PERMANENT CONCERN FOR BOTH THE IDENTITY AND THE STATUS OF THE ROMANIAN LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS, THUS SUPPORTING THE EXISTENCE OF THE ETHNIC, LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL PARTICULARITIES OF THE MINORITIES AND REJECTING, FIRMLY, ANY ATTEMPT TO ASSIMILATE THEM BY FORCE KEYWORDS: MULTILINGUALISM, DIALECT, ASSIMILATION, OFFICIAL LANGUAGE, SPOKEN LANGUAGE. The Romanian language - the only Romance language in Eastern Europe - is an "island" of Latinity in a mainly "Slavic sea" - including its dialects from the south of the Danube – Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian and Istro-Romanian. Multilingualism is defined narrowly as the alternative use of several languages; widely, it is use of several alternative language systems, regardless of their status: different languages, dialects of the same language or even varieties of the same idiom, being a natural consequence of linguistic contact. Multilingualism is an Europe value and a shared commitment, with particular importance for initial education, lifelong learning, employment, justice, freedom and security. Romanian language, with its four dialects - Daco-Romanian, Aromanian, Megleno- Romanian and Istro-Romanian – is the continuance of the Latin language spoken in the eastern parts of the former Roman Empire. Together with the Dalmatian language (now extinct) and central and southern Italian dialects, is part of the Apenino-Balkan group of Romance languages, different from theAlpine–Pyrenean group2. -
On the Standardization of the Aromanian System of Writing
ON THE STANDARDIZATION OF THE AROMANIAN SYSTEM OF WRITING The Bituli-Macedonia Symposium of August 1997 by Tiberius Cunia INTRODUCTION The Aromanians started writing in their language in a more systematic way, a little over 100 years ago, and the first writings were associated with the national movement that contributed to the opening of Romanian schools in Macedonia. Because of the belief, at that time, that the Aromanian is a dialect of the Romanian language, it was natural to use the Romanian alphabet as the basis of the system of writing. The six sounds that are found in the Aromanian but not in the literary Romanian language – the three Greek sounds, dhelta , ghamma and theta and the other three, dz , nj and lj (Italian sounds gn and gl ) – were written in many ways, according to the wishes of the various Aromanian writers themselves. No standard way of writing Aromanian, or any serious movement to standardize this writing existed at that time. And the Romanian Academy that establishes the official rules of writing the Romanian literary language, never concerned itself with the establishment of rules for writing its dialects, at least not to my knowledge. Consequently, what is presently known as the "traditional" system of writing Aromanian is actually a system that consists of (i) several "traditional" alphabets in which several characters have diacritical signs, not always the same, and (ii) different ways for writing the same words. The reader interested in the various alphabets of the Aromanian language – including the Moscopoli era, the classical period (associated with the Romanian schools in Macedonia) and the most recent contemporary one – is referred to a long article published in Romanian in nine issues of the Aromanian monthly "Deşteptarea – Revista Aromânilor " from Bucharest (from Year 4, Number 5, May 1993 to Year 5, Number 1, January 1994), where the author, G. -
Elements of Romanian Spirituality in the Balkans – Aromanian Magazines and Almanacs (1880-1914)
SECTION: JOURNALISM LDMD I ELEMENTS OF ROMANIAN SPIRITUALITY IN THE BALKANS – AROMANIAN MAGAZINES AND ALMANACS (1880-1914) Stoica LASCU, Associate Professor, PhD, ”Ovidius” University of Constanța Abstract: Integral parts of the Balkan Romanian spirituality in the modern age, Aromanian magazines and almanacs are priceless sources for historians and linguists. They clearly shape the Balkan dimension of Romanism until the break of World War I, and present facts, events, attitudes, and representative Balkan Vlachs, who expressed themselves as Balkan Romanians, as proponents of Balkan Romanianism. Frăţilia intru dreptate [“The Brotherhood for Justice”]. Bucharest: 1880, the first Aromanian magazine; Macedonia. Bucharest: 1888 and 1889, the earliest Aromanian literary magazine, subtitled Revista românilor din Peninsula Balcanică [“The Magazine of the Romanians from the Balkan Peninsula”]; Revista Pindul (“The Pindus Magazine”). Bucharest: 1898-1899, subtitled Tu limba aromânească [“In Aromanian Language”]; Frăţilia [“The Brotherhood”]. Bitolia- Buchaerst: 1901-1903, the first Aromanian magazine in European Turkey was published by intellectuals living and working in Macedonia; Lumina [“The Light”]: Monastir/Bitolia- Bucharest: 1903-1908, the most long-standing Aromanian magazine, edited in Macedonia, at Monastir (Bitolia), in Romanian, although some literary creations were written in the Aromanian dialect, and subtitled Revista populară a românilor din Imperiul Otoman (“The People’s Magazine for Romanians in the Ottoman Empire”) and Revista poporană a românilor din dreapta Dunărei [“The People’s Magazine of the Romanians on the Right Side of the Danube”]; Grai bun [“Good Language”]. Bucharest, 1906-1907, subtitled Revistă aromânească [Aromanian Magazine]; Viaţa albano-română [“The Albano-Romaninan Life”]. Bucharest: 1909-1910; Lilicea Pindului [“The Pindus’s Flower”]. -
The Vlachs of Greece and Their Misunderstood History Helen Abadzi1 January 2004
The Vlachs of Greece and their Misunderstood History Helen Abadzi1 January 2004 Abstract The Vlachs speak a language that evolved from Latin. Latin was transmitted by Romans to many peoples and was used as an international language for centuries. Most Vlach populations live in and around the borders of modern Greece. The word „Vlachs‟ appears in the Byzantine documents at about the 10th century, but few details are connected with it and it is unclear it means for various authors. It has been variously hypothesized that Vlachs are descendants of Roman soldiers, Thracians, diaspora Romanians, or Latinized Greeks. However, the ethnic makeup of the empires that ruled the Balkans and the use of the language as a lingua franca suggest that the Vlachs do not have one single origin. DNA studies might clarify relationships, but these have not yet been done. In the 19th century Vlach was spoken by shepherds in Albania who had practically no relationship with Hellenism as well as by urban Macedonians who had Greek education dating back to at least the 17th century and who considered themselves Greek. The latter gave rise to many politicians, literary figures, and national benefactors in Greece. Because of the language, various religious and political special interests tried to attract the Vlachs in the 19th and early 20th centuries. At the same time, the Greek church and government were hostile to their language. The disputes of the era culminated in emigrations, alienation of thousands of people, and near-disappearance of the language. Nevertheless, due to assimilation and marriages with Greek speakers, a significant segment of the Greek population in Macedonia and elsewhere descends from Vlachs. -
Silks and Stones: Fountains, Painted Kaftans, and Ottomans in Early Modern Moldavia and Wallachia*
SILKS AND STONES: FOUNTAINS, PAINTED KAFTANS, AND OTTOMANS IN EARLY MODERN MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA* MICHAŁ WASIUCIONEK** Buildings are arguably the last thing that comes to our mind when we talk about circulation of luxury goods and diffusion of consumption practices. Their sheer size and mass explain their tendency to remain in one place throughout their existence and bestow upon them an aura of immutability. This “spatial fix” of the built environment, both in terms of individual buildings and architectural landscapes, means that while they may change hand, they are unable to move across space. This immobility is by no means absolute, as shown by the well-known relocation of the Pergamon altar from western Anatolia to the Museum Island in Berlin, or shorter distances covered by dozens of churches in Bucharest, displaced from their original sites during the urban reconstruction of the 1980s. However, these instances do not change the fact that while both buildings and smaller luxury items constitute vehicles conveying their owners’ wealth and social status, they seemingly belong to two different realms, with little overlap between them. However, as scholarship produced in recent decades has shown, approaching these two spheres of human activity as a dynamic and interactive whole can produce valuable insights into how architecture and luxury commodities construed and expressed social and political identity. As Alina Payne pointed out, buildings and whole sites could become portable and travel by proxy, in the form of drawings, descriptions, and fragments of buildings.1 At the same time, the architectural environment provides the spatial frame for the social and cultural life of humans and objects alike: the spatial distribution of luxury items within the household allows us to reconstruct the topography of conspicuous display and everyday * This study was supported by the ERC-2014-CoG no. -
The Fight for Balkan Latinity (II). the Aromanians After World War
ISSN 2039-9340 Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 3 (11) November 2012 The Fight for Balkan Latinity (II). The Aromanians after World War Giuseppe Motta (Ph.D) Sapienza University of Rome Doi:10.5901/mjss.2012.v3n11p541 Abstract The article focuses on the Vlach question after the first World War, when the Balkan region was finally divided among the different national States and the Ottoman Empire collapsed. In this period the Aromanian communities had to find a new policy inside a new scenario and addressed towards different options represented by Albania, Italy and Romania. In a first time Vlachs also tried to create an autonomous principality of Pindus but this experience was short-lived and did not produce tangible results. On the contrary, during the interwar period the Vlachs consolidated their privileged relationship with Romania and established an influent group at Bucharest, where they partecipated to the internal political life even supporting the most radical movements such as Corneliu's Codreanu Iron Guard. Keywords: Aromanian, Vlach, Balkan, Albania, Romania. 1. Introduction. The Vlachs and the First World War. The history of the Vlachs in the Balkan regions was undoubtedly conditioned by the unstable and chaotic situation of the region, which during the troublesome period of the “Eastern Question” became a central area for the system of international relationships. The problems were particularly acute in the regions of Pindus, Epirus and Macedonia, and were naturally exacerbated by the constant atmosphere of war that the people of this area breathed for many years, at the end of XIX century and during the first decades of the XX. -
The Reign, Culture and Legacy of Ştefan Cel Mare, Voivode of Moldova: a Case Study of Ethnosymbolism in the Romanian Societies
The reign, culture and legacy of Ştefan cel Mare, voivode of Moldova: a case study of ethnosymbolism in the Romanian societies Jonathan Eagles Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD Institute of Archaeology University College London 2011 Volume 2 Illustrations, photographs and maps ILLUSTRATIONS Monasteries and churches Image unavailable 1 View of Putna monastery in its valley setting, seen from the northwest in 1902. This image was published by K.A. Romstorfer in 1903, following the renovation works that he directed. Ştefan cel Mare’s octagonal “Treasury Tower” can be seen on the extreme right of the precinct walls. Source: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek. 1 2 Putna seen from the southeast in 1904. Further work has been carried out – the roof of the Treasury Tower has been renewed, for example (Romstorfer 1904). 2 Image unavailable 3 Plan of the Church of the Assumption at Putna, showing building phases and areas of archaeological investigation (1969-70 & 1972) (published in Bedros 2005, 73, after N.N. Puşcaşu). The ground plan of the first phase of Ştefan’s building is shown by diagonal shading (the first block in the left-hand column of the scheme). 3 4 Elevation section and plan of the Church of the Assumption at Putna, published by Gheorghe Balş (Balş 1926, 145 & 146, after Romstorfer). This shows the church after several phases of restoration, but still following the founder’s plan. From west to east, the key components of the plan are the porch (with a ceremonial entrance doorway in the south wall); the pronaos (where the monuments of Bogdan III and Princess Maria can be seen in recesses beneath the easternmost windows); the gropniţa, which contains the sarcophagus of Ştefan cel Mare beneath the southern window and that of Maria of Mangop beneath the northern window; and then the naos – the liturgical area of the church – beyond two columns. -
Political History Represented the Subject of the Fourth Generation of Annales School
Political history represented the subject of the fourth generation of Annales School. Jacques le Goff1 and René Rémond brought back the topic of this history investigated through ceremonies, symbols2, vocabulary, rites3, behaviors, gestures4. On Romanian territory, the recent medieval research has rewritten a few reigns, like the reign of Stephen the Great5, Lady Maria Asanina Paleologhina6, the Movilești7, Vasile Lupu8 or of Neagoe Basarab. The mentioned * The research has been funded from the European Social Fund by Management Authority of Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013 [proiect POSDRU/CPP 107/DMI 1.5/S/78342]. 1 Jacques le Goff, Pentru un alt Ev Mediu, vol. I-II, translation Maria Carpov, Meridiane, Bucureşti, 1986; Idem, The Medieval Imagination. Essays, translation by Marina Rădulescu, Meridiane, Bucureşti, 1991. Idem, Jean Claude- Schmitt (coord.), Dicţionar tematic al Evului Mediu Occidental, Iaşi, Polirom, 2002. 2 Michel Pastoreau, A symbolic history of the Occidental Middle Age, translation by Glaicu Păun Emilian, Ed. Cartier, Chişinău, 2004; 3 Arnold van Gennep, David Kertzer, Ritual, politics and power, translation by Sultana Avram, preface by Florescu Radu, Ed. Univers, Bucureşti, 2002. 4 Jan Bremer, Herman Roodenburg (ed.), A cultural history of humour: from antiquity to the present day, with an introduction by Sir Keith Thomas, translated by dr. Tatiana Avacum, Ed. Polimark, Bucureşti, 2000; Jean Claude Schmitt, Raţiunea gesturilor în Occidentul medieval, translated by Doina Marian, preface by Alexandru Duţu, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureşti, 1998. 5 Ştefan S. Gorovei, Maria Magdalena Székely, Princeps omni laude maior. O istorie a lui Ştefan cel Mare, Ed. Muşatinii, Suceava, 2005; Liviu Pilat, Între Roma şi Bizanţ. -
Some Narrative Accounts Regarding the Military Use of Archery in 17 Century Moldavia
July 2013 History SOME NARRATIVE ACCOUNTS REGARDING THE MILITARY USE OF ARCHERY IN 17TH CENTURY MOLDAVIA Marius - Vasile VRÂNCIANU1 ABSTRACT: THE MOLDAVIAN ARMIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY SAW A CONTINUITY IN THE MILITARY USE OF ARCHERY, UNLIKE MOST OF THE EUROPEAN CONTINENT, WHERE MODERN FIREARMS QUICKLY REPLACED THE OLD TACTICS AND WEAPONRY. DIFFERENT SOURCES REPORT THAT FOOT OR MOUNTED ARCHERS WERE DEPLOYED AS AUXILIARY TROOPS ON THE BATTLEFIELD IN MOST OCCASIONS AND USED IN PARRALEL WITH ELITE SOLDIERS WIELDING GUNPOWDER WEAPONS. PRACTICALLY APPLIED AS LATE AS THE EARLY EITEENTH CENTURY, ARCHERY KNEW A SIGNIFICANT DECLINE IN MOLDAVIA ONLY ALONG WITH THE CRITICAL MILITARY REGRESSION DURING THE SO-CALLED “PHANARIOTE RULE”, HAVING BEEN COMPLETELY DISAPPEARED PROBABLY BY THE MID-1700’S. KEY WORDS: MOLDAVIA, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, ARCHERY, MILITARY HISTORY. INTRODUCTION In his monographic work, Descriptio Moldaviae (“The Description of Moldavia”), written in 1714, the former Prince of Moldavia Dimitrie Cantemir alleged that “the Moldavians are very good archers, as well as spear bearers; but their greatest victories were won by the sword. Only hunters use rifles, for Moldavians consider it a shameful thing to use firearms against their enemies whom they wouldn’t be able to reach either by military art or bravery2”. As it may easily be observed, a long-lasting military tradition such as archery was still common and in customary use in Moldavia at the mere beginning of the 18th century. 1 Undergraduate/BA student, “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University, Iaşi, Romania, Faculty of History, e-mail: [email protected]. 2 Dimitrie Cantemir, Descrierea Moldovei, ed. Miron Nicolescu (Bucureşti: Socec & Co., 1909), 225. -
The Reign, Culture and Legacy of Ştefan Cel Mare, Voivode of Moldova: a Case Study of Ethnosymbolism in the Romanian Societies
The reign, culture and legacy of Ştefan cel Mare, voivode of Moldova: a case study of ethnosymbolism in the Romanian societies Jonathan Eagles Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD Institute of Archaeology University College London 2011 Volume 1 ABSTRACT The reign, culture and legacy of Ştefan cel Mare, voivode of Moldova: a case study of ethnosymbolism in the Romanian societies This thesis seeks to explain the nature and strength of the latter-day status of Ştefan cel Mare in the republics of Romania and Moldova, and the history of his legacy. The regime and posthumous career of Ştefan cel Mare is examined through studies of history, politics and archaeology, set within the conceptual approach to nationalism that is known as “ethnosymbolism”. At the heart of this thesis lie the questions why does Ştefan cel Mare play a key role as a national symbol and how does this work in practice? These questions are addressed within an ethnosymbolist framework, which allows for the ethnosymbolist approach itself to be subjected to a critical study. There is a lacuna in many ethnosymbolist works, a space for a more detailed consideration of the place of archaeology in the development of nationalism. This thesis contends that the results of archaeological research can be included in a rounded ethnosymbolist study. First, the history of archaeological sites and monuments may contribute to understanding the way in which historically attested cultural symbols are adopted by communities over time. Secondly, if studied carefully, archaeological evidence may have the potential to trace the evolution of identity characteristics, in line with ethnosymbolism’s attempt to account for the formation of national identity in the pre- modern era. -
Stolen Wealth, Perpetrators and Punishments in Moldavia (17Th Century – Early 18Th Century)
BALCANICA POSNANIENSIA XXVI Poznań 2019 STOLEN WEALTH, PERPETRATORS AND PUNISHMENTS IN MOLDAVIA (17TH CENTURY – EARLY 18TH CENTURY) Că t ă l i n a Ch e l C u Abstract. For the historical period we refer to, no proper inventories have been made containing the unjustly ap- propriated goods. They are just mentioned as such or listed, if that was the case, according to the size of the dam- age. There are also documentary sources in which the object of the theft is less represented, the justice system focusing in those cases rather on the wrongdoers, than on the wrong actions. That is why, the blood money “paid for some reason”, with no other specific details, is quite frequently cited. Rare or frequent, these documents are complaints addressed by the victim to the Prince and his officials, documents in which the perpetrators admitted their fault, or deeds issued by the judicial authority subsequent to the investigation of the criminal act. In discuss- ing the theft of/from the wealth, i.e. from the whole amount of the available goods, we are interested in clarifying some aspects pertaining to a reality that the historian should reconstruct, with all the complexity of its evolution: the motivations of the theft and its circumstances, the types of theft, the social categories involved, the time and space of the misdemeanour, the perpetrators’ punishment. Briefly, the study is about starting to write a history of the reprehensible acts liable to punishments for theft and robbery in 17th and early 18th century Moldavia. STRESZCZENIE. Rabunek majątku, przestępcy i kary w Mołdawii (XVII w. -
The History of the Private Life of Maria (Lupu) Radziwiłł Reflected in the Images of the Epoch
DOI: 10 17951/m 2017 2 209 ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS MARIAE CURIE-SKŁODOWSKA LUBLIN – POLONIA VOL. II SECTIO M 2017 Lilia Zabolotnaia The National Museum of History of Moldova, Chisinau The History of the Private Life of Maria (Lupu) Radziwiłł Reflected in the Images of the Epoch The history in images gives us a visual frame of the chronography of historical events, as seen by certain eminent personalities and figures Undoubtedly, the images of the women of the time – the mural paintings (frescoes) and the por- traits preserved in the foreign museums (in Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, Russia, Ukraine, etc ) or in the private collections give us the unique possibility of seeing the history as a whole, in all its nuances and colors, thus, filling in the gaps of the written descriptions that sometimes have a subjective character or are entirely missing Also, the visual aspect used in the methodology of historical research allows the author to combine texts and images, and, thus, to augment the value of the material documents – narrative sources and art pieces, in order to create the profound, multi-aspect, detailed portrait of the epoch in general terms, as well as to give out the reflection of the daily life, spirituality and morals of the time The different images of Maria (Lupu) Radziwiłł – engravings and paintings from the 17th–18th centuries – are of particular interest The present work aims to present certain fragments of the private life of the Princess Maria (Lupu) Radziwiłł1 and has been elaborated based on the analysis of the art pieces