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The Reign, Culture and Legacy of Ştefan Cel Mare, Voivode of Moldova: a Case Study of Ethnosymbolism in the Romanian Societies

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The Reign, Culture and Legacy of Ştefan Cel Mare, Voivode of Moldova: a Case Study of Ethnosymbolism in the Romanian Societies The reign, culture and legacy of Ştefan cel Mare, voivode of Moldova: a case study of ethnosymbolism in the Romanian societies Jonathan Eagles Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD Institute of Archaeology University College London 2011 Volume 1 ABSTRACT The reign, culture and legacy of Ştefan cel Mare, voivode of Moldova: a case study of ethnosymbolism in the Romanian societies This thesis seeks to explain the nature and strength of the latter-day status of Ştefan cel Mare in the republics of Romania and Moldova, and the history of his legacy. The regime and posthumous career of Ştefan cel Mare is examined through studies of history, politics and archaeology, set within the conceptual approach to nationalism that is known as “ethnosymbolism”. At the heart of this thesis lie the questions why does Ştefan cel Mare play a key role as a national symbol and how does this work in practice? These questions are addressed within an ethnosymbolist framework, which allows for the ethnosymbolist approach itself to be subjected to a critical study. There is a lacuna in many ethnosymbolist works, a space for a more detailed consideration of the place of archaeology in the development of nationalism. This thesis contends that the results of archaeological research can be included in a rounded ethnosymbolist study. First, the history of archaeological sites and monuments may contribute to understanding the way in which historically attested cultural symbols are adopted by communities over time. Secondly, if studied carefully, archaeological evidence may have the potential to trace the evolution of identity characteristics, in line with ethnosymbolism’s attempt to account for the formation of national identity in the pre- modern era. The warlike days are over. Blood is too precious a thing in these days of dishonourable peace; and the glories of the great races are as a tale that is told. Bram Stoker, Dracula (1897), 37 “Blood is too precious a thing in these times. The warlike days are over. The victories of my great race are but a tale to be told. I am the last of my kind.” Gary Oldman as Count Dracula, in Bram Stoker’s Dracula (1992), screenplay by James V. Hart, directed by Francis Ford Coppola PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The screenplay for Francis Ford Coppola’s film of Dracula skillfully adapts Bram Stoker’s original prose, to make a wistful joke of the vampire count’s need for fresh blood and to give an air of elegy to his quest for his long lost bride. A cinema audience need take no more from Gary Oldman’s rasping delivery of these lines. And yet, in both Stoker’s original words and those of the Hollywood screenplay nearly a century later, there are ideas which resonate for students of nationalism and which imbue Dracula with a seriousness and profundity which is quite unrelated to the themes of immortality, evil and desperate love that seem to inspire vampire literature. Talk of “the great races” and “my great race”; of peace and war; and of history preserved in “tales” contrasting with a sense of the end of history itself – “I am the last of my kind”: these are themes which underly the study of nations and nationalism. The identification of peoples with nations; the means by which peoples coalesce to form polities; the histories which define as well as record these “processes”; the personalities, mythical, legendary and historical, which populate national histories: these components are to be found in the study which follows, a study which focuses on the cousin of the historical Dracula. *** I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Andrew Reynolds, together with Mr Tim Schadla-Hall of the Institute of Archaeology at UCL for supporting me throughout this project. I am also grateful to staff and research students in the School of Slavonic and East European Studies at UCL for support and guidance. I am endebted to Dr Sergiu Musteaţă of the Ion Creanga State Pedagogical University in Chişinău and Dr Marian Zidaru of the Andrei Şaguna University in Constanţa for advice and help with materials. Dr Judith Rasson of the Department of Medieval Studies at the Central European University, Budapest, first directed me to consider Moldovan history as an interesting research topic. I would also like to thank Mr Jeremy Mikecz, Dr Catherine Skinner, Ms Sarah Cullum and the late Ms Sarah Soulsby for help with specific aspects of the research. i My wife Laura accompanied me on field trips to Romania and Moldova, serving as translator and negotiator in the hotels, restaurants, taxi ranks and car hire firms of Bessarabia and Bucovina. My mother took the photograph of Joan of Arc. ii CONTENTS Volume 1 page Preface and acknowledgements i Contents iii INTRODUCTION: The framework of ethnosymbolism viii 1 An explanation of ethnosymbolism viii 1.1 Concepts of nationalism ix 1.1.1 “National consciousness” in medieval Europe xii 1.2 The connection between ethnicity and national identity xiv 1.3 Critiques of ethnosymbolism xvi 2 Archaeology and nationalism xviii 3 The treatment of archaeology by ethnosymbolists xxiii 4 Aims of this thesis xxviii 5 Structure of this thesis xxxi PART ONE: LA LONGUE DUREE Chapter One: Romania and Moldova: an historical overview 1 1 An outline history of the Moldovan lands 2 2 Unification and partition 8 Chapter Two: The reign of Ştefan cel Mare 12 1 A chronology of the reign 12 2 The character of Ştefan’s voivodeship 17 2.1 Longevity and stability 21 2.1.1 Centralised government 23 2.1.2 A militarised state 28 2.1.3 Family ties and dynastic policy 31 2.2 Military and diplomatic prowess 39 2.2.1 Military tactics 41 2.2.2 Diplomacy 48 2.3 Church-building: faith and the expression of power 53 3 The memorialisation of Ştefan’s reign: chronicles and historiography 61 iii PART TWO: THE PERSISTENCE AND TRANSFORMATION OF NATIONS AND NATION STATES Chapter Three: Romania and the Republic of Moldova: the legacy of partition 68 1 A profile of Romania 68 1.1 Socio-economic conditions in Moldavia 73 2 A description of the Republic of Moldova 78 3 The two states solution 84 3.1 Russian and Soviet influences on Moldovan identity 85 3.2 The failure of the reunification movements in the 1990s 88 3.3 The consolidation of the two states solution 92 3.3.1 The Republic of Moldova 92 3.3.2 Romania 94 3.4 Summary of clause 3: underlying problems 96 Chapter Four: How is Ştefan cel Mare revealed as an ethno-national symbol in Romania and the Republic of Moldova? 98 1 The prince as a national symbol 98 2 Ethnosymbolism in Central and Eastern Europe 100 3 Ethnosymbolism in Romania and the Republic of Moldova 103 3.1 Statuary 104 3.2 Pan-Romanianism vs Moldovanism 109 3.3 Ştefan cel Mare and the Romanian public 112 Summary of clause 3 116 4 Ştefan cel Mare in 2004: how and why did Ştefan become a contemporary national symbol in Romania and Moldova? 117 Summary of Chapter 4 123 Postscript: The Moldovan election crisis of 2009 125 iv PART THREE: ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOSYMBOLISM What are the key sites and monuments dating from the reign of Ştefan cel Mare and how does medieval archaeology contribute to a study of ethnosymbolism? Chapter Five: Archaeology of the reign of Ştefan cel Mare 132 Introduction 132 1 “Perennialism” 132 2 The practice of medieval archaeology in Romania and Moldova 134 Section One: Monasteries and churches 140 1 Putna and the tombs of princes 140 1.1 Putna monastery: historical timeline 141 1.2 The concept of a royal necropolis 144 1.3 The history of the princely tombs at Putna 149 1.3.1 The configuration of the Muşatin monuments 149 1.3.2 The style and decoration of the sarcophagi 152 1.3.3 The opening of the Muşatin tombs 157 1.3.4 Burial practice and the iconography of death and resurrection 164 1.3.5 Princely tombs across the Principality 167 2 Archaeological work at monasteries and churches 172 2.1 Putna and Bălineşti 173 2.2 Căpriana and churches east of the Prut 181 Summary of Section One 188 Section Two: Fortresses 189 1 Orhei 189 2 Cetatea Albă 197 2.1 The city-fortress 198 2.2 “Another Constantinople” 202 3 Suceava and the heartland fortresses 205 3.1 Suceava, Neamţ and Roman: historical summary 206 3.2 The evolution of castle design along the Siret valley 210 v 3.3 The archaeology of Suceava Castle in the reign of Ştefan cel Mare 213 3.3.1 The castle 215 3.3.2 The Field of Ditches 218 Summary of Section Two 222 Section Three: Princes’ courts 223 1 Curti domneşti in Suceava, Iaşi and Bacău 223 2 Art and display in the curti domneşti 233 3 At the court of the Wallachian voivode 236 Overview: The “culture” of the Muşat dynasty 239 Section Four: Archaeology before, during and after the age of nationalism 243 1 Why are sites chosen for investigation? 244 1.1 Selection and resonance 247 2 The origins of a nation: do sites and monuments reveal Ştefan cel Mare as an ethno-symbol before the modern age? 248 2.1 Archaeology, ethnicity and ethnosymbolism 249 2.2 Archaeology and ethnosymbolism in the Principality 250 Summary of clause 2: the longevity of dynastic culture 253 Chapter Six: How does medieval archaeology influence public life? 255 1 Defining the relationship between archaeology and ethnosymbolism 255 2 Suceava Castle as a contemporary monument 257 3 Monasteries and churches as cultural resources 261 4 Cultural resources in the Republic of Moldova 264 4.1 Căpriana monastery 265 4.2 Case study: Orheiul Vechi since Independence 267 Summary: the definition of archaeology in public life 275 CONCLUSION: What does the case of Ştefan cel Mare reveal about ethnosymbolism (and vice versa)? 278 vi Bibliography 282 Online sources
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