The Integration of Bantu Loans Into Burunge (Southern Cushitic)*

,,-- - I

Spraehe und Gesehiehte in Afrika 16/17: 213-238 /

THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC)*

Roland Kiessling Universitdt Hamburg

1 Introduction 2 Areal situation: Burunge, its regional status and the neighbouring languages 3 Bantu loans into Burunge 3.1 Phonological adaptation 3.2 Morphological adaptation 3.2.1 Nouns: gender and plural 3.2.2 Verbs 4 Periods of contact 4.1 Transfers from Swahili and Rangi 4.2 Transfers between East African Bantu and West Rift 4.3 Transfers between Sandawe and Burunge 5 Result Notes References

1 Introduction

:\ This article deals with Bantu loanwords in Burunge, a Southern Cushitic language in Tanzania, and examines how these loans, taken from a Bantu source, are integrated into the grammatical structure of the receiver language. This is of some typological interest in two ways. First, the principles of assign- ing gender to a Bantu loan and forming its plural in a Southern Cushitic framework gives us some vital information about the way the Burunge noun system works. Second, Burunge uses a somewhat unusual channel to adapt foreign verbs to its structure. Several layers of loans from different sources can be recognized in Burunge. The article closes with an appendix including ------~----,

214 ROLAND KIESSLING

several comparative word lists as a preliminary outline of lexical transfers in the Rift area of Tanzania.

2 Areal situation

Burunge is a Southern Cushitic language spoken in the Burunge hills in the southeastern part of Kondoa district of Dod oma region in central Tanzania. The last decades have seen many Bantu-speaking Rangi immigrants moving into the Burunge country. Nowadays the Burunge still form the majority in l three villages (Go'ima, Mirambu and Cambaloo ) in the west and in the south of the Burunge hills, some thirty kilometres southeast of the district capital Kondoa. Burunge also settle in the neighbouring villages ofParanga, Chemba, Sogolo, Hombiri and Churuku, but there they are the minority among the Rangi. In Kondoa there are also some Burunge earning their living as traders or clerks, having given up their traditional way of life as farmers, and giving up their mother tongue for the benefit of Rangi and Swahili. According to an estimation by OSTBERG(pers. comm.), the total number of Burunge speakers approximates 20,000. The Burunge are farmers and cattle-keepers. They cultivate several kinds of millet and sorghum, maize, pumpkins and beans. Cattle is kept on small scale only. An essential part of the Burunge economy is honey. Most men are active bee-keepers. They practise a system of privatizing trees by using bee- hives (cf. CHRlSTlANSSONetal. 1991 :359). Many Burunge do hunting. And in the dry season that lasts from May to November they also gather wild fruit and greens. The Burunge are surrounded by the Rangi to the north, the Maasai to the east, the Gogo to the south and the Sandawe to the west. They don't have direct contact to their nearest linguistic relatives, the Alagwa, the Gorwaa and the Iraqw. There is no overlap of their areas of settlement (see Map). For a long time the Maasai used to be the traditional enemies of the Burunge. They were notorious for being warriors and cattle-raiders. Up to now there is no contact to them. Today most Burunge see another danger:

L_I THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 2 I 5

" Arusha

Datooga

Maasai Slnglda e ~L / e'<;'ht.m..OOJ / Go'ima \ MljrrtJu. • • ¥o ~a""a\~k>oBurungeer,," -~ --- '~' e Forkwa

Gogo ~km o 25 50 75 100

Neighbours of the Burunge Dadamo

They feel threatened by the dominating and expanding Rangi that seem to be much more skilled and efficient in business. Everywhere Rangi immigrants in- trude on Burunge land. They buy land and make Burunge work for them as day-labourers for a low salary. Many Burunge are attracted by the opportunity of getting money without having to wait too long, but they neglect working in their own field during the main season. So they have a small harvest and still become more dependent on the Rangi for day-labour. 216 ROLAND KIESSLING

The Burunge language is a homogeneous linguistic unity. There is no dialectal variation which is due to the comparatively low number of mother- tongue speakers and to the high mobility of speakers within their homeland. The Burunge language is definitely not on the brink of extinction, but it is pushed back into sociolinguistic comers. Burunge is used for oral communi- cation only. Reading and writing in the educational system and in the adminis- tration is done in Swahili. And also in most parts of everyday-life Burunge tends to be replaced by Swahili and Rangi. Even in the primary school of Go'ima Swahili is used as a medium for teaching, so children are exposed to Swahili in school at the latest. On the regional scale Rangi is more important, e.g. in trading. Burunge is spoken at home and in private environment only. There are only very few monolingual Burunge, most Burunge being trilingual at least with Burunge as their mother tongue, Rangi as a regional dominant lan-uage and Swahili as a national language.

3 Bantu loans into Burunge

In general, nouns and verbs have been borrowed by Burunge, the donor languages being Swahili and Rangi. Cultural vocabulary for concepts and cus- toms foreign to the Burunge is involved in most cases. But there are also doublets which show that a recent loan supersedes an original Burunge word:

source Burunge loan Burunge original gloss

SWA' kazi kaasi yondu 'work' SWA baraza baraasa kwasluuma 'council' SWA safiri safiirim hhiyuud 'to travel' SWA fua fulim hhunc 'to wash clothes' SWA fundisha fundisim caahhas 'to teach' SWA suka sukum hhutl 'to plait' RAN ntoromondo tarimondo maaxu 'hippopotamus' RAN kalanga kalangim xwere'es 'to fry' RAN sIngani singanoo laqawa 'needle'

Bantu loans, for being integrated into the grammatical system of Burunge, must be adapted phonologically and morphologically. THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 217

3.1 Phonological adaptation

Burunge has 31 consonant phonemes:3

labials dentals dental palatals velars/ labialised pharyn- glottals laterals uvulars velars/ geals uvulars

voiceless p t k 1<'" plosives Ef

voiced b d eJ3 9 if pJosives laryn- tJ' Ef' q if r '1 gealised

fricatives f s i X x" Ii h

nasals m n J1 1]

approx.l r 1 j w liquids

With regard to Swahili and Rangi the Burunge system displays two de- cisive and typically Southern Cushitic gaps. It lacks the voiceless palato-alveolar fricative and the whole series of voiced fricatives as well. So the main effect of phonological adaptation is the replacement of the foreign fricatives land z by sin Burunge.

Bantu sh [J] -> Burunge s:

SWA fundisha fundisim4 'to teach' SWA shtaki sitaakim 'to accuse'

Bantu z -> Burunge s:

SWA kazi kaasi 'work' SWA baraza baraasa 'council' SWA geuza geyuusim 'to change, to be transformed' SWA uza 'uusim 'to sell'

This holds for the older generation, for monolingual Burunge and for the language purists among the Burunge. The young generation is much more ready 218 ROLAND KIESSLING

to take over the foreign pronunciation and to retain the original phonological shape of the Bantu words. This is because they have been much more heavily influenced by Swahili and Rangi in their everyday-life. Another striking difference between Swahili (and Rangi) and Burunge is the phonological status of vowel quantity. Both Swahili5 and Burunge have a five-vowel system, but in Burunge there is a phonemic contrast of short and long vowels, whereas in Swahili variation of vowel quantity is a purely phonetic phenomenon which is predictable from the position of the main stress on the penultimate syllable. So phonetic length of the penultimate vowel in Swa- hili kazi [ka:Z1] 'work' is rendered in Burunge kaasi Ika:si/ by a long vowel which is phonemic here, however. Occasionally phonological features are added, with the effect ofburung- izing the Bantu word. Thus the loan picim Ipitj' im/ 'to take a photo' gets a salient Burunge touch due to the ejective affricate c I tj'/, that is not present in the original Swahili word picha. It could have been adapted to Burunge simply by retaining the original palatal affricate ch Itjl which is a marginal phoneme in Burunge. A similar phenomenon of phonological cushiticization of a loan could be observed in Iraqw, where the Swahili word anza 'to start' is adapted to Iraqw by addition of a pharyngeal fricative initially to render Iansuus6 I fansu:9. Vowel onset of syllables is adapted to Burunge by insertion of h or glottal stop:

SWA andika handikim 'to write' SWA uza 'uusim 'to sell' RAN odo 'oday 'red sorghum'

A prothetic syllable 'v is added to dissolve nasal clusters in the syllable onset which are not allowed in Burunge:

SWA nta 'intaa 'bee-wax' SWA ngoma 'ingoma 'drum, dance' RAN mbirikera 'imberekiya 'iron bells' RAN nguriryo 'unguru'u 'pillar' RAN nkata 'inkita 'calabash dipper' THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 219

3.2 Morphological adaptation

Main typological differences between source and receiver language are the following: Whereas Swahili and Rangi are Bantu languages with nouns being divided into some eleven (Swahili) or 17 (Rangi) morphological classes, Burunge is a gender language, Le. nouns are divided into three morphological classes only. In both systems morphological class and number marking are closely connected and interdependent. But whereas Bantu languages mark noun classes and nominal plurals by the use of prefixes, Burunge - as a neat Southern Cushitic language - uses suffixes only. In verbal morphology Bantu and Southern Cushitic type converge. Both use suffixes for deriving extended verb stems. They partly converge in the verbal inflectional system: Besides suffixing the verb for marking the subject's person, its number and aspect, Southern Cushitic languages have developed a complex system of preverbal clitics that indicate subject's person, object's person and tense, which is similar to the Bantu prefixing system, as far as the position of the inflectional markers preceding the verb stem is concerned.

3.2.1 Nouns: gender and plural

The morphological adaptation of nominal loans into Burunge takes two ways. First of all, a gender - masculine, feminine or neuter - must be as- signed to the noun, so that it becomes accessible for inflectional marking on sentence level. Secondly, the loan has to be integrated into the Burunge number system. The borrowed noun base could be interpreted as representing a singular, a collective or a transnumeral concept. As a singular, it must be pos- sible to build a plural. As a collective, it should be able to form a singulative. And with a transnumeral concept, both plural and singulative may be derived from it. In general, it is not predictable whether a nominal loan is put into the masculine, the feminine or the neuter noun class. But there are exceptions: Assignment of a special gender could be triggered by phonological and semantic criteria. Nearly all loans terminating in u become masculine. With 220 ROLAND KIESSLING nouns denoting a collective concept the assignment of masculine gender is 100 percent, because the final u is being reinterpreted as the collective noun suffix -uwhich determines masculine gender. The same argument holds for nominal loans terminating in aa or 00 which denote a collective concept. They are all feminine, as the final aa or 00 respectively become reanalyzed as the collective suffixes -aa or -00 that determine feminine gender. In these cases the loans are integrated morphologically by reanalyzing the final vowels as collective suffixes that could be replaced by the suffixes -imo (m) or -iya (f) for deriving singulatives.

collective base singulative meaning source

jerekaaf jerekimom 'rows in cultivation' RAN gereka kalangaaf kalangimom 'groundnuts' RAN nkalanga pambaaf pambimom 'cotton plants' RAN pamba nyanyaaf nyanyimom 'tomatoes' RAN nyanya chukuroof chukuriyaf 'dried mud mixed RAN nchukuru with dung' 'intaa f 'intiyaf 'bee-wax' RAN inta doroboof dorobimom 'tsetse flies' RAN ndorobo funsaaf funsiyaf 'jiggers' SWA funza dengum dengimom 'lentils' RAN dengu kutunguuru m kutunguurimom 'onions' RAN krtunguru mungum mungimom 'edible calabashes' RAN mungu

Others however are analyzed as monomorphemic collectives:

piripirif piripiriya f 'pepper' RAN prriprri kataanif kataanimom 'sisal hemp' RAN katani muhoogom muhoogimom 'cassava' RAN muhogo ndiisim 'bananas' SWA ndizi naasim naasimom 'coconuts' SWA nazi mabalaasim mabalaasimom 'pigeon-peas' RAN mbalasi

Nominal bases which are borrowed as singulars form plurals depending on their gender. Burunge nouns have some 30 ways of forming plurals, most of them fossilized. Nominal loans can be used as a diagnostic means to test which of the numerous plural morphemes are most productive. THE INTEGRATIONOF BANTU LOANS INTOBURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 22 I

Loans that are classified as feminine pluralize by the suffix -aCzu:

bata batatu 'duck' RAN ibata, SWA bata nondoo nondadu 'hammer' RAN nyundo

mukaato mukaatatu 'tongs, tweezers l RAN mkwato 'inkita 'inkitatu 'calabash dipper' RAN nkata tongoo tongagu 'village' RAN itanga, SWA kitongoji balasa balasasu 'verandah' RAN balasa, SWA baraza singanoo singananu 'needle' RAN srngani, SWA sindano heeleeni heeleenanu 'earring' SWA heleni sokisi sokisasu 'sock' SWA soksi suruwaale suruwaalalu 'trousers' SWA suruali koofiya koofiyayu 'hut' SWA kofia saati saatatu 'shirt' SWA shati kapatula kapatulalu 'shorts' SWA kaputula kanso kansasu 'gown' SWA kanzu sokooni sokoonanu 'market' SWA sokoni kapu kapapu 'basket' SWA kapu

Loans that are categorized as masculine pluralize predominantly by the suffixes -aa' ee, -aC,a or -a' ing :

kimungu kimungaga 'insect (damage to com)' RAN krmungu 'weevil' kumbi kumbaba 'green coucal' RANnkwembe'hombill' pingu pingaga 'amulet' RAN mprngu 'jrimu 'irimama 'giant snake of stories' RANininu'goblin, ogre' tarimondo tarimonda'ing 'hippopotamus' RAN ntoromondo 'ingooma 'ingooma'ing 'drum' SWA ngoma maarimu maarima'ing 'teacher' SWA mwalimu mupiira mupiiraa'ee 'Indian rubber tree' RAN mupira matundu matundaa'ee 'bird trap (k.)' RAN matundu dangway dangwaa'ee 'knife (k.)' RAN dangura lungo lungaa'ee 'straw plate' RAN lungo bangiiri bangiiraa'ee 'bracelet' RAN bangiri, SWA bangiri kihaaray kihaaraa'ee 'winnowing tray' RAN kehare SWA kihero miringooti miringootaa 'ee 'sisal pole' RAN murrngoti samaaki samaakaa'ee 'fish' SWA samaki panga pangaa'ee 'sword' SWApanga kitanguru kitanguraa 'ee 'storing calabash' RANkItengero'pottery tripod holder' 222 ROLAND KIESSLING

There is one case of a transnumeral noun 'intaa (f) 'bee-wax' that de- rives a singulative 'intiya and a plural 'intatu as well.

3.2.2 Verbs

In Burunge there are two ways of adapting borrowed verbs morphologically to the Burunge structure, so that they are fit to take part in the inflectional system on sentence level. One way is to use the agentative suffix -uus - -iisthat is used otherwise to derive verbs from nouns in Burunge. Here are some examples for the internal use as a denominal agentative:

seehha 'drum' seehhuus 'to beat the drum' gimba 'language, speech' gimbuus 'to converse' 'ansa 'story' 'ansuus 'to tell a story' laamu 'fruit' laamuus 'to gather fruit' tikinaaniyo 'riddle' tikinaaniyuus 'to tell a riddle' la'oo 'oath' la'uus 'to take an oath' ga'a 'war' ga'uus 'to make war' ma'ay 'water' ma'ayuus 'to wet, moisten' kitlakw 'taboo' kitlakuus 'to observe a taboo'

Examples for the use as a morpheme for loanword adaptation are few:

kaasuus 'to work' SWA kazi 'work' suluhiis 'to reconcile' SWA suluhu 'reconciliation, peace'

This channel of adaptation is well attested throughout the other Southern Cushitic languages such as Iraqw and Gorwaa. Here are some examples of loan verb integration via the agentative in Iraqw:

soomuus 'to read' SWA soma lansuus 'to start' SWA anza paasuus 'to iron' SWA pasi 'iron (for ironing)' jaaluus 'to care' SWA jali shanga'uus 'to be taken aback' SWA shangaa baatiis 'to baptize' SWA batiza

The final sin baatiis'to baptize' is the result of phonological adapta-

I L THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHlTlC) 223

tion of z which is part of the verbal root in Swahili. In Iraqw it is reanalyzed as part of the agentative suffix -iis, in analogy to the ordinary way of adapting loan verbs to Iraqw structure. This is shown clearly in further morphological derivation because, according to the canonical order ofIraqw derivational affixes, the durative suffix is placed in front of the agentative suffix rendering baatimiis. But what is more peculiar now is that the most common way to integrate a foreign verb into Burunge is to stick the durative suffix -im to it:

SWA safiri safiirim 'to travel' SWA fundisha fundisim 'to teach' SWA fua fulim 'to wash clothes' SWA suka sukim, sukum 'to plait' SWA uza 'uusilll 'to sell' SWA geuza geyuusim 'to change, be transformed' SWA badilisha badilisim 'to exchange' ;1 SWA shtaki sitaakim 'to accuse' SWA andika handikim 'to write' SWA soma somim 'to read' SWA tawala tawaalim 'to rule' SWA saidia saydim 'to help' SWA picha picim 'to take a picture' RAN kalanga kalangim 'to fry'

As a regular verbal extension the durative suffix -im indicates that the action encoded in the simplex takes a longer time. Here are some examples of internal Burunge durative use:

waJ 'to vomit' waJam 'to vomit for a prolonged time' yakw 'to hide' yakum 'to hide for a long time' fiis 'to steal' fiisim 'to steal for a long time' naaf 'to lick' naafim 'to lick for a long time' daJ 'to burn' daJam 'to bum for a long time' kitahh 'to drink' kitahham 'to drink for a long time' mut 'to pierce' mutim 'to pierce in a prolonged way' yaJab 'to send' yaJabim 'to send for a long time'

Besides the durative suffix may also be used for the denominal deriva- 224 ROLAND KIESSLING tion7 of intransitive verbs and thus overlaps with the domain of the medio- passive or patientative derivation in -uud- -iid:

seelo 'oath' seelim 'to take an oath' lama 'lie' lamim 'to be mendacious, dishonest' sonkeeri 'heaps of earth' sonkeerim 'to heap up earth for crops' tletaa 'dreaItl' tletim 'to dream'

The durative and the ordinary denominal patientative may compete with single lexical items. Thus lamimand lamuudare both synonymous in meaning 'to be mendacious'. The same holds for the pair 'afa'afim and 'afa'afuud, both meaning 'to tell lies '. Whereas in Iraqw8 the agentative is chosen for adapting a borrowed verb, Burunge rather uses the durative:

Iraqw Burunge gloss source paasuus pasim 'to iron' sWApasi soomuus somim 'to read' SWA soma piimuus pimim 'to measure' sWApima lansuus 'to start' SWA anza

The durative as a morphological adapter is much more common in Bu- runge. And even those cases where the agentative is used can be analyzed as secondary internal denominal derivations in Burunge. For example, kaasuus. The original loan from Swahili may have been the noun kazi - kaasi 'work', with the verb being derived inside Burunge now with the agentative just as for any ordinary Burunge noun. Having been adapted, these verbs are not only accessible for inflectional marking on syntactic level, but they are also fully compatible with the derivational system of Burunge. For example, all these durative bases may derive progressive verbal stems by the affix -cvV:

durative base progressive gloss kalangim kalangiigim 'to fry' sitaakim sitaakiikim 'to accuse' THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 225

durative base progressive gloss handikim handikiikim 'to write' somim somiimim 'to read' picim piciicim 'to take a picture' sukum sukuukum 'to plait'

In deriving the verbal noun, the "loan duratives" behave like any ordinary Burunge durative verbal stem: They replace the durative suffix -im by the nominalizing suffix -iru :

durative base verbal noun gloss

kalangim kalangiru 'frying' sitaakim sitaakiru 'accusing' handikim handikiru 'writing' somim somiru 'reading' picim piciru 'taking a picture' sukum sukuru 'plaiting'

4 Periods of contact

Burunge has had and still has contact to several peoples in the Rift Valley area - contact that is reflected by different layers ofloans in Burunge and by layers of loans from Burunge in other languages.

4.1 Transfers from Swahili and Rangi

This contact is attested by a set of very recent transfers from Swahili and Rangi into Burunge. Terms for items of West em or Arabic culture (e.g. 'cloth- ing, textile') were borrowed from Arabic and English through Swahili and Rangi into Burunge (cf. Appendix, Table 3). Many Rangi loans into Burunge touch the semantic fields of fishing, iron-working (e.g. 'hammer', 'tongs', 'iron bells'), cash crop cultivation (e.g. 'row-cultivation', 'groundnuts', 'lentils', 'pigeon-peas'), trade and commerce, all of them fields which are not integral parts ofBurunge culture. This layer of transfer words is comparatively large and still expanding, which reflects the socio-economic situation that ------~~-~--~-~-~-~------

226 ROLAND KIESSLING

Rangi settlers press onto the Burunge nowadays. Many Rangi seem to be keen on magnifying profit and making money, whereas the Burunge tend to live on subsistence, as sketched in OSTBERG (forthcoming). On the other hand, transfer also went the other way round. There is evidence that Rangi borrowed from Burunge, which is illustrated by a set of words (cf. Table 2) which is found in Burunge and in West Rift, but which is not attested in East African Bantu outside Rangi. Many of these words relate to hunting (e.g. 'beast', 'to hunt') and cattle-breeding (e.g. 'barren cow', 'wether of goat', 'kid of goat').

4.2 Transfers between East African Bantu and West Rift

Another layer of words in Burunge (cf. Table 1) suggests that there must have been contact between the ancestors of the West Rift community and the East African Bantu ancestors. It is very difficult, however, to establish the direction of transfer here because ofthe extended distribution of these roots: They are found in other East African Bantu languages outside Rangi, such as Mbugwe, Gogo and Nyamwezi; and they could be reconstructed for Proto- West Rift. They include some basic terms in agricultural food production and cattle keeping (e.g. 'mortar', 'pestle', 'to herd', 'calf).

4.3 Transfers between Sandawe and Burunge

The huge set ofSandawe-Burunge transfers in Table 4 reveals that San- dawe must have had prolonged and intense contact to Burunge and to a West Rift community at different points in time. Transfer words in Burunge and Sandawe with no attestation in West Rift outside Burunge reflect contact of Burunge-Sandawe at some time after the split of Burunge and Alagwa. Second, there are transfer words with attestation in South-West Rift, i.e. Bu- runge and Alagwa, reflecting an earlier period of contact of Sandawe to a Proto-South-West Rift community. Earlier still, Sandawe must have had contact to the Proto-West Rift community, due to a set of transfers which are attested in all the extant West Rift languages (Burunge, Alagwa, Iraqw, Gor- THE INTEGRA nON OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 227 waa). And above that, there must have been a later contact of Sanda we to the North-West Rift community (Iraqw, Gorwaa). The Sandawe loans for 'flour', 'to stir', 'upper arm', 'top' and 'rotten' are found in Iraqw and Gorwaa today, but there is no Burunge attestation. This could be explained by an early transfer of a Proto- West Rift word into Sandawe, which was retained in Sandawe, but which became extinct in the South-West Rift branch later on. But if the Sandawe word tJ"'d:'rain' was borrowed from West Rift, it could only have taken place after Iraqw lenition of intervocalic voiced stops, because the San- dawe form displays the lenited version w of Proto- West Rift * b where Bu- runge still retains bin tlubay. The direction of transfer is not easy to establish. The presence of pharyngeals in West Rift words (e.g. BU /insoolay 'arrow for birds', BU cokd 'small', BU qwasa/ 'to bend', BU ta/ad'to run', BU tana/oo 'brain', BU baba/ iya 'cockroach', BU / uru'strength', North-West Rift * tluwa/a 'upper arm'), could be used as a diagnostic feature to make sure that transfer went the way from West Rift or Burunge to Sandawe and not the other way round. Words without diagnostic pharyngeals found in Burunge only with no external attestation suggest that also Sandawe material was transferred to Burunge and probably into Proto-Alagwa/Burunge. E.g., two Sandawe basic colour terms have been transferred into Burunge as ideophones for the respective colours.

5 Result

It has been shown how Bantu loans are adapted phonologically and morphologically to a Southern Cushitic framework. The phenomena of recent Ba- ntu loans superseding original Burunge words (non-cultural vocabulary) and the intrusion of Bantu loans in cultural vocabulary as well reflect the oppress- ed sociolinguistic situation of the Burunge today and illustrate the impact of Swahili as the national language of Tanzania, and of Rangi as a local lingua franca in the Kondoa area of northern Tanzania, on Burunge. Finally an at- tempt is made to give a sketch of the areal transfer vocabulary in the contact zone of Bantu-Cushitic-Khoisan in the Rift area of Tanzania. 228 ROLANDKIESSLING

NOTES

• I am very much indebted to Firouzeh AKHAVANand Derek NURSEwho generously made their unpublished field notes and wordlists on Rangi available to me. Any flaws, faults and shortcomings are my own, of course. The West Rift reconstructions are taken from work in progress on comparative West Rift phonology and lexicon by Maarten Mous and Roland KIESSLING.My Sandawe source is ELDERKIN(1983).

I Place names are transcribed in accordance with the principles of the Burunge orthography. The official Swahili transcription in maps is Goima, Mirambo and Chambalo.

2 Abbreviations used throughout this article: BUBurunge, ALAlagwa, IRIraqw, GOGor- waa, AL-BUProto-Alagwa-Burunge, IR-GOProto-Iraqw-Gorwaa, RANRangi, SWASwahili, MBMbugwe, PWRProto-West Rift, PSNProto-Southern Nilotic, PKLProto-Kilombero, PSH Proto-Southern Highlands (Tanzanian Bantu).

3 A brief note on the Southern Cushitic orthography which sticks closely to the principles of the Iraqw alphabet (cf. NORDBUSTAD1988:18) and which is used for transcribing the Burunge data in this article: hh is a voiceless pharyngeal fricative Ii, sl is a voiceless lateral fricative i, t1 is an ejective affricate with lateral release £!', ts is a voiceless dental ejective affricate £3', cis a voiceless palato-alveolar ejective affricate if, ch is a voiceless palato-alveolar affricate without ejection £f, jis a voiced palato-alveolar affricate cf3,/ is a voiced pharyngeal fricative f, 'is a glottal stop 1; nyis a palatal nasalj1; raised vowel signs ., " " represent whispered vowels, and long vowels are represented by double sym- bols. High tone is ., low tone is left unmarked.

4 The ending -im is due to morphological adaptation that will be dealt with below.

, Rangi probably has five vowel phonemes, too, I suspect, but as I don't find evidence for any sort of allophony regarding the pairs iand I, e and e, u and u, 0 and ;J the Rangi data, regarding vowel quality, are presented in phonetic transcription.

6 The ending -uusis due to morphological adaptation that will be dealt with below.

7 Some traces of this mechanism, the durative being applied for the denominal derivation of verbs, could also be found in Iraqw where the verb hhitiim 'to destroy' is derived from the noun hhitaa 'destruction'. The problem here is that the verb is transitive.

8 There is only one example for the durative used as an integrative morpheme for loan verbs in Iraqw: saa1iim'to pray', from SWAsa1i. THEINTEGRATIONOFBANTULOANSINTOBURUNGE(SOUTHERNCUSHITIC) 229

REFERENCES

Akhavan-Zandjani, F. 1990 Untersuchungen zur Grammatik des Irangi anhand des Materials aus dem NachlaB Dr. Paul Berger. Unpublished M.A. thesis. University of Hamburg.

Christiansson, c., I.S. Kikula & W. Ostberg 1991 Man-land interrelations in semiarid Tanzania: a multidisciplinary research program. Ambio 20: 357-361.

Ehret, C. 1974 Ethiopians and East Africans: The Problem of Contacts. (Nairobi Historical Studies, 3.) Nairobi: East African Publishing House. 1980 The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabu- lary. (Kolner Beitrage zur Afrikanistik, 5.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.

Elderkin, E.n. 1983 Tanzanian and Ugandan isolates. In: R. VOSSEN& M. BECHHAUST-GERST (eds.), Nilotic Studies. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Lan- guages and History of the Nilotic Peoples. (Kolner Beitrage zur Afrikanistik, 10.2.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, pp. 499-521.

Guthrie, M. 1967-71 Comparative Bantu. An introduction to the comparative linguistics and prehis- tory of the Bantu languages. Famborough: Gregg.

Hoffmann, C. 1952/53 Zur Verbreitung der Zahlwortstlimme in Bantusprachen. Afrika und Ubersee 37: 65-80.

Johnson, F. 1978 A Standard Swahili-English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Kiessling, R. 1994 Eine Grammatik des Burunge. (Afrikanistische Forschungen, 13.) Hamburg: Research and Progress.

Legere, K. 1988 Bantu and Southern Cushitic. The impact of Kiswahili on Iraqw. Zeitschrift fiir Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaji und Kommunikationsforschung 41 : 640-647.

Maganga, C. & Th.C. Schadeberg 1992 Kinyamwezi. Grammar, Texts, Vocabulary. (East African Languages and Dia- lects, 1.) Cologne: Rudiger Koppe. 230 ROLAND KIESSLING

Mous,M. 1993 A Grammar of Iraqw. (Kuschitische Sprachstudien/Cushitic Language Studies, 9.) Hamburg: Helmut Buske.

Nordbustad, F. 1988 Iraqw Grammar. An Analytical Study of the Iraqw Language. (Language and Dialect Studies in East Africa, 8.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.

Nurse, D. 1988 The diachronic background to the language communities of southwestern Tanzania. Spraehe und Gesehiehte in Afrika 9: 15-115.

Ostberg, W. 1992 "Land is coming up". Burungi thoughts on soil erosion and on soil formation. EDSU Working Papers, II. forthc. Some struggle for a living, some make money - as the soil floats down the slopes. Land management strategies in Burunge hills, Kondoa District, Tanzania, EDSU Working Papers.

Rottland, F. 1982 Die siidnilotisehen Spraehen. Beschreibung, Vergleichung und Rekonstruk- tion. (KijJner Beitrage zur Afrikanistik, 7.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.

Seidel, A. 1898 Grammatik der Sprache von Irangi. In: C.W. WERTHER(ed.), Die mittleren Hoehliinder des nordliehen Deutseh-Ost-Afrika. Berlin, pp. 387-434.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG

Der Beitrag untersucht Lehnworter verschiedenen Ursprungs in der siidkuschitischen Burunge-Sprache in Tansania und die Art, wie sie phonologisch und morphologisch dem grammatischen System des Burunge angepallt werden. SchlieBlich wird versucht, einen Oberblick iiber das areale Transfer- Vokabular im abfluBiosen Gebiet Tansanias im Kon- taktbereich Bantu-Kuschitisch-Khoisan zu liefern, wobei sich mindestens drei Transfer- Paarungen ergeben: Burunge-SwahililRangi, Burunge-Sandawe, West Rift-Ostafrikani- sches Bantu.

RESUME

Le present article examine les mots d'emprunt des origines differentes dans Ie Bu- runge (Couchitique de Sud) et leur modes d'adaptation phonologique et morphologique. En essayant de faire nne liste de vocabulaire territoriale de la region sans ecoulement de Tanzania, nous trouvons trois accouplements de transfert, c'est-a-dire Burunge-Swahilil Rangi, Burunge-Sandawe, West Rift-Bantou de I'Afrique orientale. THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 231 I _ I: I APPENDIX

Comparative wordlists

Table 1. Transfers between East African Bantu and West Rift. meaning Rangi Bantu attestation Burunge Proto-West Rift attestation 'mortar' kunyu SWAk inu, * -n(i, Bantu kunu *kunu ; cf. Table 4 zones E, G, K, L, R

'pestle' muasi PKL *musi/mwisi maysu *maysu 'to herd' -dema PSH *-dimal de'em *de'em

'sweet potatoes' viras] SWA viazi biraasi *biraasi 'seven' mufungate *-p(iggate- p(iggati fanqw * fanqw Bantu (eastern distr.)'

'cheetah' duma PSH, PKL *-duma du'uma *du'uma

'leopard' J 'beehive' murInga *d/gga Bantu (eastern maringa *maringa dislr.) 'louse' ntini 'black *-dli Bantu (eastern 'itinoo * 'itaa 'lice' ant' dislr.) 'bed bug' kunguni *-kiigguni Bantu mukonkoonimo *mukonkoonimo (eastern dislr.) 'locust' Ingimaga *-g/ge Bantu (eastern 'ingagimo • 'ingagimo 'centipede' dislr.)

'calf ndama SWA ndama4 dama *dama 'water pot' siribi MB sirivi sibida *sibida ; cf. Table 4

'village' itanga SWA kitongoji tongoo * tango' deserted homestead'

'barrier, door- pingo '-plgg- Bantu (eastern pingoo AL-BU *pingoo; bar' distr.) IR-GO *pindoo

'goblin, ogre' irimu * -djmiJ Bantu (general 'irimu 'giant IR 'Ama-' i17lJf dislr.) snake of 'female ogre of stories' stories' 'father' tata *-taa tli Bantu (general taataa * taataa distr.) 'tobacco' itumbatu Nyamwezi ituumbAtf tumbaatiya * tumbaat- 'mother' 'iyo *-yjyoBantu zones C, F 'iyoo~ 'ayoo * 'ayoo 'grandmother' mama *maamaa Bantu (general maamaa *maamaa distr.) 232 ROLAND KIESSLING

Table 2. Transfers from Burunae ta Rana;. meaning Rangi Burunge Proto-West Rift attestation 'cattle-enclosure, fence' wama qwaama *qwaama

'hoe, heel' k0010 'foot of cow' k00100 'hoe' *k00100 'heel, ankle'; cf. Table 4 'beast' maka makay'beasts' "'makay'beasts' 'trough' mu1ambo mi1ambu AL-BU •.milambo 'skull' feena peena 'bald head' *payn- 'bald head' 'mole' ikuta kutiya *kutiya 'spirillus' nkandi kundufimo •.kunduruf- ~ •.xunduruf- 'beer filter, strainer' nchimbu 'utumboo •. 'utumboo 'pipe' krpundE kibondee- no attestation kubendee 'small house, hut' kItara kitara *kitara 'rank; hut' 'edible calabashes' mangu mungu "'mungu 'oath' i1aha 1a'00 "la'o'strong wish' 'to hunt' -sakata slagaad *slakaatS 'piHar' nguriryo 'unguru'iya AL-SU •.hungur-- •.'unguru'-

'puff adder' itafufu tafahha 'cobra' AL-BU •. tafahha 'cobra' 'barren cow' ntahata ca'ata '"tsa'ata 'barren animal' 'wether of goat' mpunta pUDeu AL-BU •.puntsu 'kid of goat' ndowEda daxwada AL-SU •.daxwad-

Table 3. Transfersfrom Rangi and Swahili to Burunge. meaning Bantu attestation Burunge 'row cultivation' RAN magereka jerekaa; cf. Table 4 'red sorghum' RAN odo 'oday

'winnowing tray' RAN kehare, SWA kihero kihaaray 'trough'

'to winnow' RAN-chekasa, SWA ehekeso 'sieve' -ehekeeha

'cassava' RAN muhogo, SWA muhogo muhoogo 'bananas' SWA ndizi 'indiisi

'groundnuts' RAN nkalanga, SWA karanga ka1anga 'coconut' SWA nazi naasi

'lentils' RAN dEngu, SW A dengu dengu

'corton' RAN pamba, SW A pamba pambaa

'pepper' RAN prriprri, SWA piripiri pilipi1i THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 233

'onion' RAN krtunguru, SW A kutunguuru kitunguu

'tomato' RAN nyanya, SWA nyanya nyanyaa

'pigeon-peas' RAN mbaJasi mabalaasi

'sisal hemp' RAN katani, SWA katani kataani

'Indian rubber tree' RAN mupira, SWA mpira mupiira

'cat' RAN nyau nyaa'u

'sheep and goat dung' RAN nchukuru chukuroo 'dried mud with dung'

'squirrel, mongoose' RAN dangi dangadangway

'hombiIl' RAN nkwembe kumbi 'green coucai'

'duck' RAN ibata, SWA bata bata

'bird trap' RAN matundu, SWA matundu matundu 'kind of bird trap from plaited grass'

'to trap' SWA -tega teegiya 'birdlime'

'fish' SWA 8amaki samaak j - samank j

'bee-wax' RAN inta, SWA nta 'intaa

'lip' RAN muhlllo, SW A mdomo 111001il110 'hole for bees in beehive'

'tsetse flies' RAN ndorobo, SW A ndorobo doroboo

'wild bee' RAN mpunje pumbuujimo'drone'

'jigger' SWA funza funsaa

'tick' RAN nkufa kuufaa 'small winged insects' 'weevil' RAN kIJl1Ungu k imungu' insects that do damage to maize' 'rice' RAN mchere, SWA mchele munchere 'gruel' RAN itantI tantim'to cook'

'wood' (k) RAN dabiri dabiring

'to fry' RAN -kalanga, SWA -kaanga ka1angil11

'hammer' RAN nyondo, SW A nyundo nondoo

'tongs, tweezers' RAN mkwato, SWA mkato mukaato 'incision'

'iron bells' RAN mbirikera 'imberekay

'knife' (k) RAN dangura dangway 'small blunt knife'

'chisel' RAN krheto 1ukeetoo -1ikeetoo

'thread' RAN mputi puting

'comb' RAN isanuwa, SWA chanuo chanuwo

'pottery tripod holder' RAN krtengero, SWA kitanguru 'calabash for storing kitenge1e'stripe' things'

'calabash dipper' RAN nkata, SWA ladle 'inkita 'dipper' 234 ROLAND KIESSLING

'calabash seeds' RAN ntetere teteree

'pipe' RAN krpunde kibondee - kubendee

'box' RAN isanduko, SWA sandukoo sanduku

'basket' RAN krkapu, SWA kikapu kapu

'straw plate' RAN lungo, SWA ungo lungo

'verandah' RAN balasa, SW A baraza balasaa

'sisal pole' RAN murrngoti, SWA miringooti mlingoti

'to accuse' RAN -sitakiya, SWA -shtaki sitaakim

'candidate for circumcision' RAN mware waarimo, waaree(pl)

'amulet' RAN mprngu,SWA pingu pingu

'a cold' RAN cbrmpa temba; cf. Table 4

'cowries' RAN nkrrimamba mambaa

'drum, dance' SWA ngoma 'ingoma

'traditional dance' RAN ch:Jrr8 choora

'needle' RAN sIngani, SWA sindano singanoo

'cloth for carrying a child' RAN ngovi 'ingowa

'hat' RAN kufiyo, SWA kofia koofiyaa

'sock' SWA soksi sakisi

'trousers' SWA suruali suruwaale

'shirt' SWA shati saati

'shorts' SWA kaptula kapatula

'gown' SWA kanzu kanso

'market' SWA sokoni'in the market' sokooni

'bracelet' RAN bangiri, SWA bangili bangiiri

'ear-ring' SWA heleni heeleeni

'grinding stone' RAN siyo siyaadim 'to grind' 'incision mark' RAN lusanu losonaa 'dance after circumcision'

'shoes' RAN VI-ratu, SWA viatu viraatu(in song)

Table 4. Transfers between Sandawe and BurunRe. meaning Sandawe Burunge Proto-West Rift attestation 'mortar' [unu kunu *kunu, cf. Table I 'hoe' [019: kooloo *kooloo 'heel'; cf. Table 2 'donkey' diik'''e: daqway *daqway THE INTEGRA nON OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHITIC) 235

'knife (type)' pha16 'ipa100 'sickle' like no attestation knife'

'arrow (type)' 71s611 Iinsoolay'arrow for AL-BU '/ ins001ay birds' 'big pot' sibiri sibida 'water pot' '"sibida 'water pot'; cf. Table 1

'arrow (type)' supe supay 'wooden arrow for no attestation war'

'white' 1'6: poy 'ideophone for very no attestation white'

'red' bUt/'j but1; 'ideophone for no attestation very red' 'to mount (animals)' lil'se sli"to breed' • 51 i' 'to have intercourse' 'to drill' !eM siubisay'twirl' '"slipisay 'drilling instrument' 'rubbish' M:ra slaarahhaa 'grain .51 aarahhaa stalks' 'grain stalks'

'to carve' JO?'se: sloo"to brand, mark' * sloo'j 'brand'

'grass' lupa sluufaa 'grass (type)' no attestation

'foam' luMra sluhariya • slubar- 'spider' lubii:Ff: slaabas1aabiya no attestation 'spider's web' 'to clear a field' xarcHe 'i1axaasl imo 'rake, • xaas] 'to scraper' smoothen surface'

'crow' x6:xor( xwanxwaraariya .xwa'aar- ~ .xwaraa'j 'small of back' xunu xiring •x iring 'waist' 'to stir' x'iila xwaranxwarees'to '"xwar- 'to stir, mould' mould' 'sap, glue' ts'f:k';j ciiqaw'drizzle' *tsinqaw'drizzle' 'baby' ts'f:t'e ciih 'to be pregnant' *tsihay 'pregnancy' 'to squeeze, wring' ts'ime ci ima 'python' AL-BU * tsiim8 'python' 'giraffe' ts'amasu camasu 'giraffes' *tsamasu 'giraffes' 'bushbuck'6 ts'awadti cawadu 'waterbucks' *tsawadu 'waterbucks' 236 ROLAND KIESSLING

I sterile cow' ts'aFt" ca 'ata 'barren animal or AL-BU * tsa'ata woman' 'barren animal'; cf. Table 2 'to leak out' ts'Jk'(} eaqam'to leak heavily' *tsaq 'to leak' 'to become small' ts'6: eakal'small' no attestation 'gazelle' tl'ak'at6 tlaaqetiya *t1aaqetiya 'impala'

'dust' tJ'ar!!: no attestation IR-GO •. tlarangw 'flour, dust' 'mud' tl'6k'gd6 tl oqandu 'cattle dung' *tlaqand- 'dung (type)'

'arm' tJ'y: no attestation IR-GO. tluwala 'upper arm'

'to pound sth. wet' tl'urfe t1up 'to hit, beat' *tlup'to smash' 'cloud' tl'ygu tlanga *t1ang- 'cloud, mist' 'rain' tl' "p: t1ubay *tlubay; IR tluway 'sth. which has been cut k'a:tl'a quut1 'to cut off *quutl 'to cut into off pieces'

'youth' k'ar/!: qara'imo *qara'i 'age- mate' 'male' k'iJb;l yaqamba'big male *yaqamba'big animal' bull' 'back of neck' k'6ts'6 qansa 'back of head' AL-BU •.qonsa 'back of head' 'to congeal' k'"asa?' qwasaJ- qusu/ 'to bend' no attestation 'tamiss' P'ale pas1 id 'to be different' *paas1- 'to differ' 'to be drilled' 1'9: poo' 'to be open' *poo' 'to be open'

'to cook' /'1me tan tim AL-BU •. tan tim 'to cook' 'to run' /'ii ta/ad no attestation 'cold' tshawa caaqwa •.tsaaqwa 'cold wind' 'bewitcbing (type)' tS'6g{iwa: cagad'to bewitch' *tsagad'to poison, bewitch' 'to be tipped up' 1C'ere?' kere'es'to tear off, no attestation separate'

'to spill' 1C'6?' ku'us .ku'us

'to pound' pue puuhum •.puh - *puuh 'to pound grains' I: THE INTEGRATION OF BANTU LOANS INTO BURUNGE (SOUTHERN CUSHlTlC) 237

I 'brain' {ini tana/oo .•tinal- - tanal- 'brain' 'a cold' {i1:M: temba AL-BU• temba;cf. Table 3

'solid honey' {time: tumay 'bee pollen' AL-BU .• tumay 'bee pollen' 'hearth-stones' tiM kebabu AL-BU• kebi- •kabi 'hearth- stone'

'milking jug' te16wa kaleewa AL-BU .•kaleewa 'ladder' #7}: kiki'a 'peg' *kiki'a'peg' 'to crack' lfd: ka 'as 'to split'; ka'ang •kaha 'as 'to split' 'half of a beehive' 'tick' ti1:de kundufimo'spirillus' .•kunduruf-- .xunduruf- 'spirillus' 'cockerel' tg:torj konkaku .•konki 'chicken' 'five' f'aJ'na koo'ani .•.koo'ani

'cockroach' MMJ'{o babaJiya • babaJaa 'roaches' 'firstborn' Mdiso badiisu *badiisu 'to tell' b6 bee 'saying (quotation JR baw particle)'

'zebra'7 doro doroo no attestation

'rateI' dzirjM diriba AL-BU *diriba 'honey badger' 'to go bad' dzixe no attestation IR dixte'in decay, rotten'

'back' dzjjdza danda *danda 'to lie in wait' gMe giid *giid'to lie in ambush'

'mounds' gerek"a jerekaa no attestation; ef. Table 3

'hill' gawa no attestation IR gawa 'top'

'orphan' meteM: makeebiya no attestation 'uncle' ma:me maamay 'maternal uncle' *maamay 'maternal uncle' 'shame' miJre muree • muree Ishame, respect, pity' 'to circumcise' ware waaree 'candidate for waaree circumcision' 'circumcision' 238 ROLAND KIESSLING

'hare' lii:?e Laa 'ay'trickster hero of no attestation (iR stories' Liich'trickster hero of stories')

'to get up early' JaM lah no attestation 'to refuse' ?(sj sF .si' 'ox' ?af6re 'afuurimo 'boar' • 'afuurimo 'warthog' 'to bring up a child' ?iime 'om • 'om 'to foster'

'branch' ?a16: 'eleema * 'aleema 'phlegm' ?axjte no attestation IR 'axari

'strength' 7urj /uuru */uuru 'to breathe' hJ:llasj himp *himp 'cow' hyM humbuu 'lowing of cow' no attestation

I See also EHRET (1974:19).

2 For the distribution of this root, see also HOFFMANN (1952/53:71) and EHRET (1974: 19). ) See also EHRET (1974:19). , For the Bantu distribution of the root dama 'heifer calf, see EHRET (1974: 19). 'This root is also reconstructed for Proto-Southern Nilotic (cf. ROITLAND 1982:301).

6 For the Bantu distribution of the probably related root sawada 'kudu', see EHRET (1974:21).

7 For the Bantu distribution of the probably related root dulu 'zebra', see EHRET (1974:22).