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Élémentsde Description Du Langi Langue Bantu F.33 De Tanzanie

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Élémentsde Description Du Langi Langue Bantu F.33 De Tanzanie ÉLÉMENTS DE DESCRIPTION DU LANGI LANGUE BANTU F.33 DE TANZANIE MARGARET DUNHAM Remerciements Je remercie très chaleureusement tous les Valangi, ce sont eux qui ont fourni la matière sur laquelle se fonde cet ouvrage, et notamment : Saidi Ikaji, Maryfrider Joseph, Mama Luci, Yuda, Pascali et Agnès Daudi, Gaitani et Philomena Paoli, M. Sabasi, et toute la famille Ningah : Ally, Saidi, Amina, Jamila, Nasri, Saada et Mei. Je remercie également mes autres amis de Kondoa : Elly Benson, à qui je dois la liste des noms d’arbres qui se trouve en annexe, et Elise Pinners, qui m’a logée à Kondoa et ailleurs. Je remercie le SNV et le HADO à Kondoa pour avoir mis à ma disposition leurs moyens de transport et leur bibliothèque. Je remercie les membres du LACITO du CNRS, tout le groupe Langue-Culture- Environnement et ceux qui ont dirigé le laboratoire pendant ma thèse : Jean-Claude Rivierre, Martine Mazaudon et Zlatka Guentchéva Je remercie tout le groupe bantu : Gladys Guarisma, Raphaël Kaboré, Jacqueline Leroy, Christiane Paulian, Gérard Philippson, Marie-Françoise Rombi et Serge Sauvageot, pour leurs conseils et pour leurs oreilles. Je remercie Jacqueline Vaissière pour ses conseils et sa disponibilité. Je remercie Sophie Manus pour la traduction du swahili du rapport de l’Officier culturel de Kondoa. Je remercie Ewen Macmillan pour son hospitalité chaleureuse et répétée à Londres. Je remercie mes amis à Paris qui ont tant fait pour me rendre la vie agréable pendant ce travail. Je remercie Eric Agnesina pour son aide précieuse, matérielle et morale. Et enfin, je ne saurais jamais assez remercier Marie-Françoise Rombi, pour son amitié et pour son infinie patience. Cet ouvrage est dédié à Théo. 2 Symboles et abréviations L’alphabet phonétique employé dans cet ouvrage est celui de l’Association Phonétique Internationale, à l’exception de <y> qui représente la semi-consonne palatale (transcrite [j] dans l’API). * forme non attestée / / transcription phonologique [ ] transcription phonétique | | transcription morphologique - frontière morphologique _ frontière syllabique ~ paire approximative . sert à relier plusieurs termes d’une même glose dans les mot- sous-mot : allongement vocalique 1pl 1ère personne du pluriel 1sg 1ère personne du singulier acc accompli adj adjectif angl anglais appl extension de l’applicatif ar arabe Ar Arabic ass extension de l’associatif aug augmentatif aux auxiliaire C consonne caus extension du causatif cl classe nominale comm. pers communication personnelle comp comparatif conn connectif cop copule déict démonstratif déictique dém démonstratif dém.é démonstratif d’éloignement dém.p démonstratif de proximité dém.r démonstratif référentiel dét déterminatif dist distal dur duratif Eng English ext extension de l’extensif imp impératif inacc inaccompli actuel inf infinitif inj injonctif int interrogatif intr intransitif italique lorsqu’un texte contient un mot d’une autre langue, celui-ci est mis en italique. loc suffixe locatif N nasale homorganique n/a non attestée nd nominal dépendant nég négatif neut extension du neutre 3 ni nominal indépendant obj marque d’objet pass extension du passif pd préfixe de dépendance perf perfectif pers personnel autonome pfx préfixe pi préfixe indépendant pl pluriel port portugais Port Portugese pos extension du positionnel poss possessif pré.pfx pré-préfixe prés présentatif pv préfixe verbal qq quelque RAD radical réfl marque du réfléchi rel relateur sép.intr extension du séparatif intransitif sép.t extension du séparatif transitif sfx suffixe sg singulier s.o someone sp spécifique s.t something sw swahili Sw Swahili tent extension du tentif tr transitif v voir V voyelle 4 1. Introduction L'étude présentée ici est une version légèrement remaniée de ma thèse, ainsi le style est quelque peu académique. Cette étude a été rendue possible grâce au soutien du LACITO du CNRS, je les remercie. Au début de ma thèse, j'ai demandé conseil à Gérard Philippson pour le terrain. A sa question « préférez-vous la mer ? la montagne ? » j'ai répondu que je n'avais pas de choix arrêté, et c'est ainsi que je me suis trouvée à Kondoa, en Tanzanie. Cette région est particulièrement riche du point de vue diversité linguistique, y sont encore représentées les quatre grandes familles linguistiques africaines. Le langi témoigne de cette diversité à travers plusieurs phénomènes linguistiques, par exemple l'expression du futur et l'emplacement du démonstratif. Cette étude comprend cinq parties principales, suivies de deux annexes. Dans l'introduction, je décris brièvement la situation linguistique et sociale du peuple Valangi, ainsi que le corpus sur lequel s'appuie la description linguistique. Dans les trois parties suivantes, je présente la phonologie, la morphologie et les fonctions syntaxiques du langi. J'essaie de présenter les données d'une manière aussi neutre que possible, de sorte qu'elles puissent être exploitées dans n'importe quel cadre théorique. Dans les annexes se trouvent des lexiques langi-anglais-français ; français-langi ; anglais- langi ; ainsi qu’une liste de noms d’arbres en langi avec leurs correspondances en latin et dans 41 autres langues parlées en Tanzanie. 1.1. Les Valangi Les Valangi habitent la ville et la région de Kondoa, situées entre Dodoma et Arusha, en Tanzanie. La ville de Kondoa est construite autour d’une source abondante, qui a attiré des peuples chasseurs-cueilleurs - les Sandawe et les Burunge ; des éleveurs - les Barabaig ; et des éleveurs-agriculteurs - les Valangi et les Alagwa. Nous reviendrons sur ces peuples dans la deuxième partie de cette introduction, pour parler de leurs langues. Tous les Valangi sont d’accord pour dire, d’une part qu’ils ne sont pas originaires de cette région, qu’ils viennent du nord, peut-être de l’Ethiopie, et d’autre part qu’ils ont migré avec un autre peuple, les Alagwa (Wasi en swahili). Dans l’histoire des Valangi, des phénomènes d’exode se sont produits à plusieurs reprises, dont un est attesté dans leur tradition orale, et deux autres dans des textes écrits (Ostberg, 1986 ; Encyclopaedia Universalis, 1992). Selon leur tradition orale, après avoir migré de « là-haut », les Valangi se sont installés à Haubi, un village situé sur le Mont Mkonga, à 34 km au nord-est de la ville de Kondoa. Suite 5 à une grande famine, les habitants ont été contraints de quitter la montagne, et depuis les Valangi sont présents dans toute la région. Chacun a dû trouver des moyens pour se nourrir, chaque moyen est à l’origine d’un clan. J’en ai relevé douze au total, le nombre exact varie selon les informateurs : - Le clan des Vaanazimba viendrait du lion, ce nom se compose vraisemblablement de vaana « enfants » et simba « lion » ; - le clan des VawOmbE devait avoir des vaches (NOmbE) ; - le clan des VawinO viendrait des moutons ; - les Vafiswa de la connaissance de la médecine traditionnelle ; - les VafutSu du contrôle de la pluie ; - les Vivira (singulier Mwivira) tirent leur nom du lʊfirE, un bâton utilisé pour touiller le lait ; - le clan des VakaWa utilisait un balai spécial pour ramasser les graines ; - les VarɪmbO étaient des oiseleurs ; - le clan des VandZEdZa viendrait du sorgho ; - le clan des VaWawu viendrait des chats ; - celui des Vasalʊ viendrait des sauterelles ; - et celui des VarambOwa des légumes (mbOwa). L’appartenance à un clan est transmise par la mère, mais je n’ai pas plus de détails, n’ayant pas fait d’enquête ethnologique spécifique. Plus récemment, avec la déclaration d’Arusha en 1967, le gouvernement de la Tanzanie a œuvré à la création de villages communautaires ou villages Ujamaa. Ces villages regroupaient les paysans dans le but d’organiser un travail collectif sur des terrains communautaires. En 1977 il existait 7.684 villages Ujamaa en Tanzanie, qui regroupaient 13.000.000 de personnes. Actuellement, les paysans tendent à revenir vers les fermes dispersées abandonnées dans les années 1970. Ces faits sont mentionnés dans bon nombre de livres d’histoire, encyclopédies, etc. Le troisième phénomène d’exode relevé remonte à 1979. La région de Kondoa connaissait de graves problèmes d’érosion des sols : la plupart des arbres ont été coupés pour tenter d’éradiquer la mouche tsé-tsé, ce qui faisait que sur les hauteurs, le passage du bétail créait des sillons de plusieurs mètres de profondeur. Dans les plaines, la couche de terre arable avait été balayée par la pluie et le vent. J’ai vu de vastes étendues où il ne reste qu’une pierre blanche, semblable à du quartz. Pour faire face à ce problème, concernant une superficie de 1256km², le gouvernement tanzanien a procédé à un déplacement de 90.000 têtes de bétail. 6 Les propriétaires ont été obligés soit de vendre leurs bêtes, soit de les accompagner. A partir de ce moment les Valangi sont devenus majoritaires dans les plaines autour de Kondoa, ils sont un des rares peuples dont l’expansion ne cesse de s’accroître. Ces faits sont étudiés dans Kerario (1992) et Ostberg (1996). Pour donner une idée de l’organisation sociale des Valangi et des autres peuples de la région, je vais citer un rapport que « l’Officier Culturel » gouvernemental de Kondoa a bien voulu me communiquer. L’officier culturel est un représentant du gouvernement chargé d’informer celui-ci sur les activités culturelles et sociales d’une région donnée. Ce rapport a été effectué en 1995, et porte sur le village de Dissa. Ce village se trouve sur une route (piste) secondaire, à environ 60 km au nord de Kondoa. Les habitants vivent certainement d’une manière plus traditionnelle que ceux de la ville de Kondoa. Ce rapport a été traduit du swahili à Paris avec l’aide de Sophie Manus, alors doctorante et chargée de cours de swahili à l’INALCO. Son impression est que l’auteur s’est contenté de noter exactement le récit des informateurs, faisant le calque du langi sur le swahili, et sans ordonner les faits rapportés.
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