THE HAMBURG-ST.-PAULI-BRAND-

DIALECTIC

Examining Hamburg’s city branding approach and its effects on the local Red-Light-District

Miriam Green

Urban Studies Master’s Urban Studies (Two-year master) 30 Credits Spring 2019 Supervisor: Guy Baeten

THE HAMBURG-ST.-PAULI-BRAND-

DIALECTIC

Examining Hamburg’s city branding approach and its effects on the local Red-Light-District

Miriam Green

Spring 2019

1 Executive Summary

“What is certain is that the question of […] re-making a landscape of prostitution in the city […] needs to be viewed as part of a changing, global discourse on the nature of contemporary cities” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 114).

Prostitution – associated with well-known Red-Light Districts – has for a long time been seen as “a significant urban activity that relates to other economic and social functions of the city [and contributes] […] to the cognitive image of a city held by both residents and non- residents, even those who have never frequented them” (Ashworth, White & Winchester 1988, p. 201). It is therefore no surprise that within the neoliberal framework of inter-city competition, these once notorious districts, commonly associated with crime and violence, ascended into spaces of entertainment and consumption, neatly aligning with entrepreneurial city branding strategies. The Reeperbahn, Hamburg’s famous mile of sin, located within the district of St. Pauli is no exception to this rule. As a place traditionally located outside Hamburg’s social and physical city limits, it is nowadays frequented by thousands of tourists and party seekers, drawn in by the area’s myths and shady reputation (Khan 2012). Actively fostering the (economic) attractiveness of the so-called Kiez has long been part of Hamburg’s city politics and was reinforced with the creation of the Hamburg Brand Marketing Strategy in 2002, where the Entertainment Mile Reeperbahn alongside Hamburg’s Pulsating Scenes became two of the key success modules in branding the city. The repercussion this has had not only for the district and its inhabitants but specifically for the red-light industry has largely been understudied.

This Master’s Thesis therefore, aims at studying the general effects of city branding, such as displacement and conflict over spatial uses in the face of Over-Tourism and re-development strategies. Looking at the specific case of the Reeperbahn, it closes the gap of the somewhat understudied effects of gentrification on St. Pauli’s unique culture. By interviewing different local stakeholders, conducting a broad literature review as well as undertaking field work, the Hamburg-St.-Pauli-Brand-Dialectic will be analyzed subsequently, showing, how the Hamburg Brand and the city as a whole have profited from St. Pauli’s reputation and what consequences this has had in turn for the district.

Key Words: City Branding, Tourism, Gentrification, Red-light District, Prostitution, Sex Work, Neoliberalism, Revanchist City, Entrepreneurial City, Reeperbahn, St. Pauli, Marke Hamburg, NION

2 Content

Executive Summary ...... 2 Acknowledgements ...... 5 Introduction ...... 6 1. Research Status ...... 7 1.1 The Neoliberal City ...... 7 1.2 The Creative City...... 8 1.3 The Revanchist City ...... 9 1.4 The Dubiousness of Public Space ...... 10 1.5 Prostitution and the City ...... 11 1.6 Spatial Dimensions of Sex Work – Red-Light Districts (RLDs) ...... 14 1.7 Social Dimensions of Sex Work ...... 15 2. Research Methods ...... 18 2.1 Ethnographic Research ...... 19 2.1.1 (Participant) Observations ...... 19 2.1.2 Recordings ...... 21 2.1.3 Interviews ...... 21 2.2 Content Analysis ...... 23 2.3 Limitations ...... 24 3. Hamburg: From a social to an entrepreneurial city ...... 26 3.1 Development of Hamburg ...... 27 3.2 Hamburg – an entrepreneurial city ...... 29 3.3 City Branding ...... 30 3.4 Hamburg in the Making: Marke Hamburg ...... 31 3.5 Counter movements ...... 38 4. Reeperbahn – St. Pauli ...... 40 4.1 The district in numbers ...... 40 4.2 Early developments ...... 44 4.3 Upswings and downfalls ...... 45 4.4 The contemporary St. Pauli ...... 46 5. Prostitution in Hamburg ...... 53 5.1 Gesetz zur Regelung der Rechtsverhältnisse der Prostituierten – ProstG ...... 53 5.2 Prostituiertenschutzgesetz and recent developments ...... 54 5.3 The public perception of prostitution ...... 56

3 5.4 Fighting stigmatization through education ...... 57 6. Trends and developments at the Reeperbahn ...... 60 6.1 Business Improvement District Reeperbahn+ ...... 60 6.2 Rent development ...... 66 6.3 Re-development strategies ...... 71 6.3.1 Esso Häuser ...... 75 Conclusion ...... 79 Literature ...... 82 Picture Sources ...... 91 Annex ...... 93 1. Glossary ...... 93 2. Interview Guides ...... 99 3. City Guide Review ...... 101 4. Word Cloud Table ...... 107 5. Observations...... 110 6. Photos ...... 118

4 Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Guy Baeten, for his advice, feedback and foremost the liberties he granted me in carrying this work out as seen fit. My grateful thanks are also extended to Professor Els Enhus and Lucas De Melo Melgaço, who excellently introduced me to the field of criminology and laid the groundwork for my research question. Their valuable insights have fed this work in many instances. In this context I would also like to thank Malmö University for making my exchange in Brussels possible, which granted me many new opportunities.

I am also particularly grateful for the support of my interview partners, Julia Staron, Stefan Nöthen, Margot Pfeiffer, Steffen Jörg, Josefa Nereus and the Anonymous Interview Partner, whose insights have enriched this work and truly turned it into what it is.

Finally, I wish to thank my friends, co-workers and roommates for their constant support, interest and encouragement, guiding me and making me believe in the content and the scope of this work. In this context I would like to especially extend thanks to Russell, Vivi and Nora for taking the time to read through my work and give me extensive and valuable feedback.

This, and more of course goes foremost for my mother, who has always supported me and enabled me to come this far.

5 Introduction

St. Pauli, home to the world-famous Reeperbahn, has traditionally been a place physically and socially outside of Hamburg’s city limits. Whereas originally, people felt ashamed about living here, today the district is frequented by thousands of tourists or party seekers each weekend, mainly attracted by the area’s myths and shady reputation (Khan 2012). The repercussion this has had, not only for the district and its inhabitants but specifically for the red-light industry, has largely been understudied.

Within the paradigm of globalization, cities all over the world have entered a state of competition, where residents, infrastructure and businesses become assets to boost economic growth. “Planners now have a set of neoliberal tools and policies at their disposal that goes largely uncontested and is applied worldwide to different degrees and in different forms” (Baeten 2017 p. 108). Some of these tools include city branding, urban development projects or cooperation between the state and private investors to create an urban setting attractive to the so-called Creative Class. This has also been the case in Hamburg, where the neoliberal agenda has been pushed ever since the 1980s, leading to the implementation of a strategic marketing plan based upon twelve so-called success modules in 2009. Next to economic, cultural and aesthetic aspects, these modules also included Pulsating Scenes and The Entertainment Mile Reeperbahn, covering large parts of the formerly working-class and transition district St. Pauli. Met by an immense uproar, the Hamburg Marketing GmbH faced much criticism, when the Creative Class responded with the Not In Our Name Manifesto, refusing to be instrumentalized as a location factor and instead demanding a shift towards more socially sound planning and development strategies. While this movement gained much (international) attention, effects for the Reeperbahn have largely been left undebated.

This Master’s Thesis therefore aims at studying the general effects of city branding, such as displacement and conflict over spatial uses in the face of Over-Tourism and re-development strategies. Looking at the specific case of the Reeperbahn, it closes the gap of the somewhat understudied effects of gentrification on St. Pauli’s unique culture. By talking to different local stakeholders, conducting a broad literature review, as well as undertaking field work, the Hamburg-St.-Pauli-Brand-Dialectic will be analyzed subsequently, showing how the Hamburg Brand and the city as a whole have profited from St. Pauli’s reputation.

6 1. Research Status

“A spectre has been haunting Europe since US economist Richard Florida predicted that the future belongs to cities in which the ‘creative class’ feels at home. […] Many European capitals are competing with one another to be the settlement zone for this ‘creative class’” (NION 2010, p. 323)

This rise of entrepreneurial cities, largely discussed by David Harvey in the 1980s (Harvey 1989), based upon attracting more jobs and investment while functioning as spaces of consumption, emerged within a post-modernistic paradigm from the 1975s onwards. Here, post-industrial modes of production, the emerging service industries and new, distinctive consumer demands took over, creating the need for different lifestyles and spaces (Zukin 1998). “Cities are no longer seen as landscapes of production but as landscapes of consumption” (ibid., p. 825), catering to new patterns of leisure, culture and travel. Urban planning increasingly started considering these trends, catering to specific population segments, which resulted in (unwanted) consequences such as the rise of low-paid jobs, a decline in economic viability and global competition trends (ibid.). This cultural turn paired with the rise of a symbolic economy, caused for a new social divide based upon structural and institutional inequalities. Urban space in this context has become the battlefield of class struggles, actively fueled by neoliberal politics.

1.1 The Neoliberal City Neoliberalism is based upon

“[…] an unbridled belief in the natural superiority of the market to allocate land in the most efficient way; a principled distrust in state planning per se as it distorts the market; the mobilization of the state to dismantle its own planning functions; the outsourcing of planning functions to the private sector; and the reinforcement of the authoritarian state to fulfil repressive functions (such as forced displacement) that private actors cannot achieve” (Baeten 2017, p. 106).

In the early 1980s, neoliberal politics pushed for the state’s continuous restriction (roll-back Neoliberalism), followed by the so-called roll-out Neoliberalism from the 1990s onwards, retracting the state to combat emerging social downfalls. The present stage of Neoliberalism has been coined by Keil as “roll-with-it neoliberalization” (Keil 2010), where neoliberal politics have largely been accepted as the status quo, unquestionable and untouchable. For Swyngedouw, this post-political stage of acceptance, where “neoliberal governmentality […] has replaced debate, disagreement and dissensus with a series of technologies of governing

7 that fuse around consensus, agreement and technocratic management” (Swyngedouw 2007, p. 59), has caused for a general state of acceptance, without any alternatives to the current political, economic or social system. In this context political freedom and choice become merely an illusion, since true politics are shaped by fundamental conflict, aiming for revolutionary change. Translated into space, this means that “Urban regions […][have become] the collective actor and strategic terrain in the globalized struggle for location of individual enterprises, sectors of the economy, branch plants of multinational corporations […] and so forth […] [being] both prime sites of and major laboratories of neoliberal restructuring and state rescaling” (Keil 2010, p. 238). Competitive advantages, in the form of hard and soft location factors, have become key for the economic viability of cities.

1.2 The Creative City The works of Richard Florida, published around the turn of the century, became a key tool of urban entrepreneurialism and how to make cities more profitable. Based upon a range of vague assumptions concerning the motivation for labor migration, Florida claimed to have found a one-fits-all recipe for (de-industrializing) towns, turning them into suitable hotbeds for the Creative Class. “In Richard Florida’s social and economic theory this creative class is assumed to constitute a new economic power and the so-called creative capital of a society, which can be regarded to be the most relevant capital for economic growth in general” (Zenker 2009, p. 23), since their creativity and innovation will attract businesses, foster growth and ensure competitiveness. In order to attract this Creative Class, the three Ts

Technology, Talent and Tolerance are needed (Florida 2004). “Although FLORIDA’S approach received strong criticism from different scientific disciplines, his perspective has been readily qualified via the implementations of new creativity-based political actions initiated by local and regional authorities” (Pohl 2008, p. 317), aiming at elite consumption and creative niches. It has led to a multiplicity of problems such as the erosion of public space through commercialization and privatization, the return of the city of rents based upon financialization and rentiership as well as gentrification and social inequality (Smith 1996; Lees, Bang Shin & López-Morales 2015). Much has been theorized around gentrification since its proclamation in the 1960s (Glass 1964) and it has become clear that delineating its particular features is not clear-cut. “Contrary to early formulations, gentrification does not occur only in inner cities, it does not manifest itself only through renovation, it is not only market-driven, it is not limited to residential spaces, and it is not even limited to specific classes” (Hedin et. al 2012). The textbook example of post-industrial space acquiring charm and uniqueness through the invasion of creative pioneers, eventually attracting so-called Young Urban Professionals and

8 re-development strategies, driving out its original population, has long become much more complex.

1.3 The Revanchist City Within the larger frame of Neoliberalism, policing has started to comply with trends of inter- city competition, following the Culture of Control (Garland 2002) by policing especially city centers in order to assure their impeccable appearance. This “’de-personalization of preventive strategies’” (Künkel 2017, p. 731), based upon spatial and situational interventions have led to refraining from social prevention strategies, and efforts have been placed on situational crime prevention strategies such as Zero Tolerance Policing (ZTP). ZTP, emerged in 1990s New York under mayor Giuliani, trying to revitalize the city by creating a clean and orderly outside appearance following the Broken Window Theory. According to this theory, seemingly neglected areas, such as houses containing broken windows, would appear less supervised and eventually attract more criminal activities (Wilson & Kelling 1982). ZTP would therefore punish so-called quality of life offenses (minor activities seen as harmful such as loitering or graffiti), in order to deter potential offenders and induce a revaluation of public space (Belina 2011). Its vagueness and flexibility turned ZTP into a highly political and social tool, feeding into discourses around sociological and environmental impacts on criminal behavior as well as fear of crime (Belina & Helms 2003, p. 1848). Consequently, it led to the increased over-policing of marginalized population segments, held responsible for urban erosion, instead of being seen as victims thereof. This process has been intensified by the idea of a “revanchist city” (Hubbard et. al 2008, p. 372), which “[…] claims that the city has been stolen from the White middle class by all sorts of minorities” (Belina & Helms 2003, p. 1846). Consequences have been even stronger over-policing and efforts to clean city centers and to give assets to especially old, industrial cities to compete within the inter-city market. One can therefore pinpoint “[…] the discursive link between urban entrepreneurialism and ZTP as consisting of an initially straightforward assertion that crime and fear of crime are bad for business in the city centre and therefore a significant obstacle for successful interurban competition” (ibid., p. 1850). Traditionally, neoliberal politics have been known for hollowing out the state, but within the field of policing the opposite is true, turning police (inter)action into an increasingly wanted and provided public service. However, the idea of safety remains shaped by the needs of the majority, feeding into deeply embedded structural inequalities, creating so-called coercive care (Künkel 2017, p. 742). “The whole approach is ideological as it arguably addresses problems of crime and fear of crime, and in

9 fact serves the purpose of an aesthetic upgrading of city centres” (Belina & Helms 2003, p. 1862).

1.4 The Dubiousness of Public Space As already mentioned above, public space makes up an important area of tension when it comes to the spatial manifestation of neoliberal politics. Starting by its mere definition, it remains questionable if space can ever truly be public since it is always based upon (land)use struggles. Belina, for example, claims that “[…] public/private differentiation emerges as a social product, in which are inscribed power relations and meaning that actors can exploit by themselves by exerting strategic influence on this differentiation. In this sense, the public/private differentiation represents a strategy that can be used in socio-spatial conflicts” (Belina 2011, p. 15). The idealization of publicly accessible and usable space then becomes a tool to divert from other underlying problems and is essentially reinforcing structural inequalities, since “[…] assumption of an all-inclusive public sphere is and has always been an ideological tool for the few who are and were allowed to participate, […] [and denies struggles] about the placement of individuals and groups within socio-spatial power relations that are produced by structuring categories of class, race, gender, sexuality, and age” (ibid., p. 16). Contrary to public perception no space is accessible to everyone in the same manner since the ones in power will always determine its looks, purpose and usage, according to what is claimed to be the greater good. Consequently, minority and marginalized groups are banned from and often held responsible or criminalized for causing discomfort, essentially legitimizing their exclusion, where “[…] debates and practices concerning the treatment of racialized bodies, the poor, and other undesirables whose exclusion and expulsion from urban spaces are legitimized with reference to the quality of ‘public space’ in the context of ‘broken windows’ policing” (ibid., p. 13). These strategies largely divert from invisible crimes of the powerful by holding powerless entities responsible for visible and targetable actions (see the Crime Prism: Lanier, Henry & Anastasia 2015). “The discussion should instead be about capitalism, racism, and their neoliberal versions, which entail the punishment of the poor” (Belina 2011, p. 22), or other minorities such as homeless people, drug addicts and prostitutes. Their supposed status of self-inflicted poverty and misery is used as legitimization to push these people towards the edge of society. That society entails a variety of lifestyles and people might deliberately choose to sleep on the streets or offer sexual services for money is often unthinkable within society’s rigid norms and values, creating severe socio-spatial consequences.

10 1.5 Prostitution and the City Within the growing field of criminology much attention has been given to policing, police protection and preventative measures (Trevor, Newburn & Reiner 2017) as well as their socio-political consequences (Beck 1992; Garland 2002; Newburn 2007b). However, other segments, such as sex work, remain largely understudied. Sex work is one of the oldest existing occupations, established at least in the 18th century (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008), with its extent, geographic location as well as socio-political handling, differing over space and time due to problems of definition, localization and a general lack of social and political acceptance.

Throughout history, sexual displays in public (e.g. nudity, transvestism or homosexuality) have always been a topic of discussion, often associated with obscenity and profanity. Consequently, prohibition or censorship thereof was imposed early on, directly criminalizing sex workers. Where restrictions were not fruitful, so-called “’politics of concealment’” (Hubbard et. al 2008, p. 366) were applied, limiting the visibility of said activities through spatial marginalization by command-and-control or zoning techniques. From the 1990s onwards, rising demands and social support for sex work moved the debate on its legalization into the public realm in Europe (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008; Aalbers & Sabat 2012). Common responses led to the pursuit of either complete prohibition (the British Model), its abolition (the Swedish Model) or its legalization (the Dutch Model).

The British Model is based upon growing legislations from the 1950s onwards, increasingly penalizing both, procurers as well as solicitors of sexual activities. However, certain tolerance zones e.g. in the form of red-light districts, have often remained, where sex work has been allowed under strict supervision. Unfortunately, these zones of tolerance are usually subject to “’moral authoritarianism’” (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008, p. 145), underlying struggles over land use, over-policing and vigilantism. The introduction of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) within Britain’s ZTP strategies in the late 1990s, have increased the control of Toleration Zones even further. “Collectively, these laws have created a situation where it has proved virtually impossible for women to sell sex without breaking a number of laws” (ibid. p. 144). Furthermore, further stigmatization is fueled by the equation of human trafficking and sex work, leading to displacement and worsening working conditions. Therefore, “As has been argued before, removing sex work from the public space will not reduce the demand for sexual services or prevent the exploitation of sex-workers” (Van Liempt & Chimienti 2017, p. 1576), since recent figures show, that “the off-street trade has

11 not only grown in size and scope but has also steadily spread out across London into the suburbs and Home Counties” (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008, p. 148).

In Sweden, prostitution was decriminalized in 1964 and sex workers were no longer portrayed as socially deviant or a burden to the social health care system, uncontrollably spreading sexually transmitted diseases. However, in the years to follow, liberalization faced a lot of critique, especially in the context of European expansion and growing anxieties around trafficking and forced prostitution. Eventually, this prominent counter narrative lead to the Act on Prohibiting the Purchase of Sexual Services in 1998, criminalizing the buyer of sex, instead of its provider. The procurement of sexual services has ever since been punishable with fines or even imprisonment. Besides taking control of the matter, this act further reinforced national identity, conveying the impression of Sweden being able to take a stance for its values. While some might prefer this compromise over complete prohibition, its effects are all but the same, since sex work might disappear from the public sphere, but is merely displaced to less visible, less revised and unsafe spaces. Consequently, overall working conditions and public acceptance have dropped immensely (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008).

The Dutch Model (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008; Aalbers & Sabat 2012) generally sees sex work as a legal activity, however, an activity underlying extensive regulation. Until the 1980s, public display of sex work was also highly restricted within the Netherlands. However, counter movements led by the organization Rode Draad started challenging popular perceptions: “Sex workers wanted to have sex work recognized as a service, a type of work, and themselves as legal workers and not as ‘fallen’ women or victims” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 121). Therefore, from 1997 onwards, prostitution was officially legalized with the aim of fighting organized crime, forced prostitution, trafficking and illegal migration. Whereas legally, this led to further liberalization of sex workers, morally it enhanced their stigmatization. “Denying the idea that immigrant women might voluntarily become prostitutes, political debate figured all non-EU prostitutes as trafficking victims and, in the same move, as illegal migrants” (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008, p. 142). Increasing obligations, such as official registration and supervision, aiming at steering and improving overall working conditions, essentially had a contrary effect. Especially the more vulnerable demographics were pushed towards informality, trying to avoid tax payments and inspections, and protecting their anonymity and safety. “The result is that foreign non-EU prostitutes become the main target of the police, they often begin to rely on pimps to regulate their work,

12 have less choice in the customers they choose, in the prices they set and in general, in the conditions under which they work” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 121). It shows that the Dutch Model, while allegedly having the liberalization of sex workers at heart, is in fact partially leading to their further imprisonment. A more holistic approach on liberalization would be needed, in order to break the social barriers of marginalization and stigmatization, truly elevating sex work as a full job like any other. Otherwise, liberalization will only remain a tool to exert further socio-spatial control (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008; Musto, Jackson & Shih 2015).

The variety of models, as well as tendencies of re-scaling political power within the EU, have created a highly but unevenly regulated landscape of sex work shaped by discretion and selective enforcement. However, this complexity also comes down to the very nature of sex work, a very broad work field, were its core elements are hard to pinpoint. Sex work covers more than just sex for money, and rather includes a variety of activities such as escort services, striptease or erotic massages. At its core, it is based upon the commodification of sexual services and can happen in the open or behind closed doors (Musto, Jackson & Shih 2015). Whereas offline, outdoor and street-based prostitution is rather straight-forward, the organization of indoor activities can vary according to the service provided, ranging from big brothels over agencies to self-employed residential prostitution.

In this context it is important to acknowledge the changes increasing digitalization brought on in terms of possibilities and menaces. New, different forms of sexual encounters increasingly move sex work into a sphere which lacks (public) supervision, granting consumers increasing anonymity while completely exposing their suppliers. Furthermore, growing online sex work is taking a toll on traditional Red-Light Districts, draining them of customers and causing re- orientation.

13 1.6 Spatial Dimensions of Sex Work – Red-Light Districts (RLDs) “Since the nineteenth century, prostitution districts – often describe as vice districts – have been features of cities” (Van Liempt & Chimienti 2017, p. 1569), serving as gathering places for marginalized demographics as well as otherwise unwanted activities. Homelessness, criminality, poverty and drug addiction have therefore often co-existed alongside red-light activities. This might be due to the fact that moral acceptance is much higher in these areas but is also commonly led back to the fact that these often poor RLDs don not have the means to keep unwanted activities out. Furthermore, the spatial concentration of deviance is often actively fostered by politicians, which “may have grown accustomed to dumping socially undesirable functions in these neighborhoods” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 115).

Generally speaking, “Red-light districts are areas in cities or towns that are themed around sex […] [and] can be widely known outside the immediate area” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 114). While similar at the core, their configuration as well as their target group can vary over space and time, where each demographic brings along different necessities, translating into distinctive access, opportunities and constraints. Traditionally, big cities have largely entailed inner city prostitution, where RLDs have emerged in so-called transition or buffer zones between the more affluent and blighted areas of the city. Here, red-light activities often find space in former working-class or industrial areas, marked by poverty, high turn-over and low real estate prices. Furthermore, RLDs are often strategically positioned close to areas of transit e.g. airports, harbors or major train stations and try to cluster a multitude of sex-related activities and infrastructure, profiting from agglomeration economies (Martin 2008). “The services of prostitutes have always been in particular demand by travelers and it is not surprising that transport nodes in the city should be attractive locations” (Ashworth, White & Winchester 1988, p. 208). Due to their necessity of drawing in customers on the one hand and their sometimes complicated legal status on the other hand, they are dependent simultaneously on high and low visibility. “It is this paradox between visibility and invisibility that is characteristic of all red light districts” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 115). Since “soliciting in public is understood by sex workers to be both a risk to their personal safety as well as to their sense of self” (Hubbard & Sanders 2003, p. 87), RLDs also function as safe spaces, providing privacy, acceptance and a feeling of community.

Challenging the traditional characteristics of RLDs, increasing economic pressures has recently turned many central red-light zones into fully commercialized entertainment districts, offering a “complete package of sex-related activities” (Ashworth, White & Winchester 1988, p. 204). Essentially, these districts target mainly tourists, providing them with stores, clubs,

14 bars and entertainment venues, beyond purchasable sex. However, economic pressure has also led to the extension of RLDs in neglected, blighted and run-down areas, alongside poverty, criminality, drugs and organized crime, especially in countries where sex work is still considered illegal. Furthermore, new forms of communication have increasingly placed erotic services outside traditional RLDs. “Widespread dispersal is thus possible and offers attractions to both prostitute and client, whose anonymity is not threatened by a visit to the notorious red-light area” (Ashworth, White & Winchester 1988, p. 206). These districts, however, mainly cater to immediate residential demographics, creating multifunctional spaces in coexistence with other activities, often resulting in severe struggles over land use due to moral rejection.

1.7 Social Dimensions of Sex Work It becomes clear that the landscape of sex work covers everything between high-class and poverty struck offerings. Whatever their nature, RLDs have turned into a common urban feature or “a necessary moral equalizer” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 112) of urban spaces, assembling activities, normally not tolerated within society and turning them into “a significant urban activity that relates to other economic and social functions of the city [and contributes] […] to the cognitive image of a city held by both residents and non-residents, even those who have never frequented them” (Ashworth, White & Winchester 1988, p. 201). Their ability of “offering a window into the unconscious of the city” (Hubbard 1998, p. 61), has helped to (re)define moral standards, by externalizing immoral actions spatially and socially, constructing myths around the pure Western women and the immigrant sex worker, all while reaffirming “male bourgeois values” (Hubbard & Sanders 2003, p. 75). Placed in social twilight zones, sex workers are often subject to constructions around femininity, racialization and exoticization, exposing structural inequalities around gender and overarching hegemonic male fantasies. Whereas certain myths around sex workers, describing them as unhygienic, socially disconnected, diseased and submissive sex objects as well as outlets for the natural male excess remain, in reality sex workers generally don not comply with this socially constructed “spoiled identity” (ibid., p. 79).

Contrary to popular perception and portrayal, sex work cannot be equalized with poverty and exploitation, since only a minority of sex workers is actively forced into involuntary prostitution or subject to human trafficking. The United Nations has defined human trafficking as

15 "[…] the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs” (UNHR 2000).

Whereas “Scholars routinely observe that sex work and sex trafficking are empirically distinct phenomena” (Musto, Jackson & Shih 2015, p. 281), the popular discourse around these essentially de-coupled phenomena, paints them as supposedly interrelated, neatly aligning with mainstream nationalistic politics. Therefore, “the violation of the body of the trafficked sex worker has become emblematic of the violation of the state’s boundaries” (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008, p. 140) and is being used as a basis for increased securitization and states of exception on migratory matters. However, “contemporary law enforcement is actually enhancing opportunities for exploitation by perpetuating abandonment and exclusion” (ibid., p. 138).

Another important social function of sex work has been its impact on debates around feminism, gender equality, and self-determination. Whereas Abolitionist Feminism sees prostitution as a form of modern sexual slavery feeding into the omnipresent heteropatriarchy, the “’sex workers’ rights’ based approach” (Musto, Jackson & Shih 2015, p. 281) delineates sex work as a conscious and deliberate choice. The latter stands firmly against abolition and instead focuses on fighting other structural inequalities, such as police violence, employer accountability, secure payments or unionization, seeking overall social improvements. Furthermore, instead of playing into traditional gender roles, liberal feminists claim that prostitutes “are [in fact] subverting gendered expectations of appropriate behavior for women” (Hubbard 1998, p. 67), since “Within a rational and heterosexually-ordered city, street prostitution is seen as polluting because it challenges the notion that a woman can express her sexuality only in the confines of the home” (Hubbard & Sanders 2003, p. 82). Liberalization counters women’s inferiority to men by giving women the right and the power not only to actively shape their own lives but also to have an impact on the overall social development. Unfortunately, “While sex workers have incorporated new and innovative strategies for cultural activism, these perspectives are still often marginalized by mainstream, sensationalized portrayals of sex as an ‘iconic unequivocal, and perpetual human rights violation’” (Musto, Jackson & Shih 2015, p. 283). This is likely due to very unequal power

16 balances, since prostitution poses the capacity of becoming “a threat to the stability of a patriarchal society in which domesticised, vanilla hetero-sex is constructed as the norm […][and] the sight of women taking a more active sexual role is one that provokes considerable male anxiety” (Hubbard 1998, pp. 66-67).

Overall, it becomes clear that, while heavily understudied, sex work in fact is not a mere side issue, but lays “at the nexus of global capital, mobility, and the nation state” (Musto, Jackson & Shih 2015, p. 282), giving insights into social, criminological, spatial as well as political matters, while exposing processes of gentrification, speculation and displacement. The very famous vice district St. Pauli in Hamburg, entailing the sex and entertainment mile Reeperbahn, in this context has been heavily understudied; a gap which this study will try to bridge. After laying out the methodology of this study, part three will start off by giving a brief overview of the development of Hamburg and its marketing strategy. Subsequently, the district of St. Pauli and its residing red-light activities will be presented, before moving on to the last part where recent trends and developments at the Reeperbahn in light of increasing economic and marketing pressures are introduced. Some concluding thoughts and ideas will finalize this work up.

17 2. Research Methods

“Research design is ‘the entire process of research from conceptualizing a problem to writing research questions, and on to data collection, analysis, interpretation, and report writing’” (Wilson 2016a, p. 39). This thesis started out by looking at the Hamburg-Brand-Reeperbahn-Dialectic, exploring the effects local marketing efforts have had on the world-famous Reeperbahn and specifically its sex work industry. Since “It is a necessary and worthwhile endeavor to continually refine and reframe a question until it captures precisely the uncertainty you wish to resolve” (Wilson 2016e, p. 175), the angle of this thesis shifted slightly once the actual research had begun. Taking an inductive approach, the primary exploration of the Reeperbahn and its surroundings led to new discoveries, unfamiliar stakeholders and different perspectives, extending the focus onto the Hamburg-St.-Pauli-Brand-Dialectic.

Moving away from the traditional dichotomy of quantitative versus qualitative methods, mixed methods approaches have increasingly gained ground within research. “Mixed methods research is a systematic integration of quantitative and qualitative methods in a single study for purposes of obtaining a fuller picture and deeper understanding of a phenomenon” (Wilson 2016d, p. 57). It includes qualitative approaches, exploring the reasoning behind phenomena, eventually leading to the Figure 1: The scope of Qualitative Research (Petty, Thomson & formulation of theoretical concepts as Stew 2012, p. 382) well as quantitative measures, including mathematical and statistical tools. „Qualitative research is generally used as a broad umbrella term for a range of research methodologies, with differing epistemological assumptions” (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 378), including the Grounded Theory (Strauss & Corbin 1996), Case Studies as the “science of the singular” (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 379), Narrative Research, based on detailed stories or life experiences, or Phenomenology, as the non-bias exploration and universality of unique experiences (see Figure 1). However, due to arguments over the objectivity and

18 therefore accuracy, dependability and replicability of findings, qualitative research does acknowledge that it is far from unflawed and in need of control measures such as triangulation, transfer onto other contexts and simple disclosure of limitations. Overall, qualitative studies might not be completely transferable or generalizable, nevertheless, they can give insights into sociological processes and uncover underlying structural mechanisms.

Looking into structural and sociological matters were key aspects of this work, placing this research in the midst of qualitative investigation. In order to gain an overview on central concepts such as prostitution, city branding or Neoliberalism, as well as some case specific historical and socio-spatial facts, a documentary analysis was undertaken as a first step. This was based on written sources, amongst others several academic journal articles, marketing reports, an array of Hamburg city guides as well as online newspaper articles, documentaries, web pages and blogs. Since “Fundamental to analysis of documents is identifying the context of the document, establishing who wrote it and for what purpose” (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 381), sources were selected carefully, and their context taken into account. With this strong background of concepts and ideas in mind, subsequently an ethnographic research approach was pursued, entailing next to the document review, observations, interviews as well as mappings.

2.1 Ethnographic Research The roots of Ethnography lie in the establishment of Comparative Cultural Anthropology in the early 20th century, aiming at analyzing cultural patterns. At the core of this approach therefore lie participant observations, a method that “[…] centers a long-term intimate engagement with a group of people that were once strangers to us in order to know and experience the world through their perspectives and actions in as holistic way as possible” (Shah 2017, p. 51).

2.1.1 (Participant) Observations Ideally, researchers conducting ethnographic research, immerse themselves into a foreign context for at least a year, preferably 18 months or more, in order to uncover patterns of social interactions. Key is to conduct observations in a context which is foreign enough to recognize processes which self-reflexivity would not be able to uncover, but which are not too abstract to comprehend. Observations can be planned or informal, can be controlled or naturalistic, can happen at a distance or participative (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012). “Participant observation means that you try to experience the life of your informants to the extent possible;

19 it doesn’t mean that you try to melt into the background and become a fully accepted member of a culture other than your own” (Bernard 2013, p. 346). Balancing precisely this trade-off between engagement and objectivity posts probably the biggest challenge within ethnography, where researchers need to detach from their reality without losing themselves. Therefore, despite ethnography’s potential of creating new knowledge, uncovering structures that were once invisible and neglected, by “[…] taking seriously all those people and their histories that would be easily and willingly ignored by others” (Shah 2017, p. 56), findings can never be seen as purely objective, since their basis remains the researcher’s subjectivity. Furthermore, “While observation enables the researcher to see (and hear) exactly how individuals act and interact in a given situation, the presence of the researcher may influence behaviour” (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 381), adding yet another layer of distortion. However, participant observation can be a “revolutionary praxis because it forces us to question our theoretical presuppositions about the world, produce knowledge that is new, was confined to the margins, or was silenced [becoming] […] a profoundly political act, one that can enable us to challenge hegemonic conceptions of the world, challenge authority, and better act in the world” (Shah 2017, p. 45).

A complete immersion into the field would have been optimal for this study, creating more interaction with sex workers and making experiences more reliable and detailed. However, due to personal boundaries and time as well as space limitations, the ethnographic character of this study had to be limited to punctual observations. Nonetheless, attentively walking through the district not only gave away tacit experiences, shaped by weather conditions, entertainment establishments as well as crowds of people, but led to the discovery of certain unknown phenomena. Throughout this research, a total of six observations were undertaken at the Reeperbahn, both during the week and on weekends at different times of the day (see Annex 5). They all covered a time span from around 45-60 minutes and were undertaken while walking through the district, trying to blend in with the general public. Four observations took place during night-time and only two during the day, since the focus of this research laid on the district’s night-time value and (restricted) red-light-related activities. Spatially, observations were focused on the Reeperbahn and its surrounding areas – it being the main vein of the local socio-spatial micro-cosmos. The first observation was explorative, strolling around the Reeperbahn and its side streets. Since it showed which areas were more fruitful and interesting, it led to the establishment of a more or less set route for the coming observations (see Figure 21 on page 50). These dynamic observations were recorded via

20 jottings and multiple pictures. Blending into the crowd was a constant balancing act, causing for multiple confrontations and even verbal aggressions. Whereas people generally do not enjoy being observed, a working environment as sensitive as a RLD increased the necessity for respecting everyone’s privacy – something easier said than done.

2.1.2 Recordings Whereas observations might be the backbone of ethnographic studies, they often go hand in hand with recording methods such as field notes, audio- or visual tapings or mappings. According to Bernard, there are four types of field notes: Jottings, a diary, a log and proper field notes (Bernard 2013). Whereas a diary and a log fulfill a logistical and methodological purpose, creating space for personal experiences and feelings, as well as describing the layout and agenda of conducted observations, jottings and proper notes inform the actual research content-wise. Jottings are quick notes taken in the field, serving as triggers in order to bring back memories of incidences or details otherwise forgotten, which will later translate into well-formulated Proper Field Notes. Helpful in expanding one’s memory can be other types of recordings, such as audio or video clips as well as pictures. Another complementary tool can be different types of mappings, such as mental, emotional or concrete sketching, revealing personal experiences and different uses of space (Scheiner 2000). Within this research, notes throughout the observations were initially written down as jottings or scratch notes and subsequently turned into proper descriptive field notes. Even though the sensitive nature of the field made it hard to take long breaks and write down distinctive details in the field, a prompt elaboration and certain triggers made it rather easy to reconstruct specific situations or settings. Furthermore, a variety of pictures was taken, helping the reconstruction process and serving as a visual add-on throughout this thesis (see Annex 6).

2.1.3 Interviews Another valuable element of ethnographic research in order to extend or complement the further understanding of individual or collective experiences is interviewing is interviewing. It can take the shape of structured, semi-structured or unstructured interviews according to their degree of preparation and flexibility. “The conduct of semi-structured interviews involves a few pre-determined areas of interest with possible prompts to help guide the conversation” (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 380) and offers openings for new discoveries while remaining within the frame of the research area. They can vary from one-person interviews to focus groups, questioning a variety of stakeholders simultaneously. Individual and foremost

21 face to face interviews can give more in-depth information and offer insights into personal traits, whereas group Figure 2: Sampling Methods (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 380) interviews uncover social dynamics. Another important step is the choice of (a) suitable interview partner(s). Their sampling can be non-probable, not assuring the coverage of any specific elements and therefore not generalizable (see Figure 2). This includes Accidental or Convenience, Quota, Purposive, Snowball or Self-Selection Sampling (Wilson 2016c, pp. 45- 46), or is based upon probability and accurate representation of proportions, via Simple Random, Systematic, Stratified Random or Clustered Random Sampling (ibid.). Records of interviews can happen either via manual notes or via audio (-visual) recordings, which then need to be developed or transcribed. Subsequently, an analysis needs to be conducted to identify relevant information or citations.

Once the research design for this thesis was set up, an initial stakeholder analysis identified potentially important interview partners, including prostitute’s organizations, the local police station as well as city planning entities. These were hence based on theoretical sampling. Additionally, multiple contacted stakeholders provided further contact points, expanding my net of interview partners in a snowballing manner. This was especially true for the communication with city planning instances, which unfortunately could not spare time even for a short interview, constantly referring me to other colleagues. Apart from that, it was rather easy to get in touch with other stakeholders and set up prompt interviews. Throughout the course of this research six interviews were conducted (see Table 1), generating a total of approximately four hours of interviews. All but one interview were semi-structured, loosely based upon a previously elaborated set of questions, fed mainly by the literature review and later by previous interviews (see Annex 2). One interview, however, took place in the form of a recording, following the clear structure of the provided questions and later sent via e-mail.

22 Interviews

Person Occupation Contacted Replied Interview

Anonymous Social Worker at a counseling 31.01.2019 11.02.2019 13.02.2019 at the Interview center for sex workers office Partner

Julia Business Improvement District 16.02.2019 17.02.2019 19.02.2019 at her Staron Reeperbahn+ Manager venue Kukuun

Stefan Head of Strategy & Brand 31.01.2019 16.02.2019 25.02.2019 at his Nöthen Management at the Hamburg office Marketing Office

Margot Police Commissioner at the 07.02.2019 11.02.2019 25.02.2019 at the Pfeiffer Davidwache Davidwache precinct

Steffen Social Worker at GWA St. Pauli 05.03.2019 05.03.2019 19.03.2019 at Jörg within the field of neighbourhood localities of the politics GWA

Josefa Sex worker, press spokeswoman 18.03.2019 19.03.2019 27.03.2019 in the Nereus and activist form of audio tapes

Table 1: Presentation of Interview Partners

Following the iterative nature of this research, interviews were fed by other methods such as document analysis and observations and vice versa. For an easier and more complete analysis, all interviews were loosely transcribed, refraining from transcriptional language or translation. In order to make transcriptions easier, they were conducted within one week of the interview, taking advantage of the freshness of the memory. Subsequently, all interviews were analyzed.

2.2 Content Analysis Content analysis goes back to the study of mass communication which emerged during the 1950s and is based upon classification and coding, either along qualitative or quantitative guidelines. Coding entails “allocating labels to events, actions and approaches” (Petty, Thomson & Stew 2012, p. 378). Content can then be processes in a qualitative or relational manner, translating codes into broader concepts and comparing them across different data sets or considering them as valid numbers and counting within a conceptual analysis. “Quantitative analysis [then] starts with a hypothesis and a predetermined coding scheme that is designed to test the hypothesis” (Wilson 2016b, p. 41). This coding scheme can entail for

23 example a codebook, delimiting set standards, making counting and evaluation numerical. A qualitative approach filters concepts in an iterative process, feeding the codebook throughout the process, looking for new links, entry points and relations between the codes. While analyzing the transcripts, a qualitative approach was pursued, identifying common patterns, wordings or concepts through all or several interviews. Cues were especially aspects which were related to the branding of the Reeperbahn and the district St. Pauli, as well as its revaluation and gentrification process. These ideas and codes were then supported by key quotes, which were filtered out of the individual documents, merged into summaries and later weaved into the overall argument. A different form of coding was conducted while going through the guidebooks. Here, a mix of quantitative and qualitative coding was pursued, were initial concepts were actively looked for, nevertheless expanding the code book throughout the process of analysis. The amount of naming for each of the concepts was later fed into an online word cloud tool, making visual representations possible. However, the necessity of a clearly laid out quantitative research design became apparent throughout the city guide analysis, since the iterative approach of the design, caused confusion and potential inaccuracy. Seeing that this was the first time such coding was used, there has been a clear learning curve and realizations which will be taken into future research projects.

2.3 Limitations This study tried to minimize the distance between researcher and topic of investigation. Instead of writing about the district and its inhabitants, representative stakeholders were pursued in order to give voice to underrepresented individuals such as sex workers, migrants or less culturally rich inhabitants. Unfortunately, as mentioned before, one of the big limitations was the sensitive nature of the sex industry, making it rather difficult to reach out to individuals directly involved within the milieu. As a study concerning the perspective of homeless people at the Reeperbahn (Scholtz & Strüver 2017) showed, prior contacts are a valuable asset when reaching out to less prominent individuals, something that was lacking for this study. The afore-mentioned approach was based on spatialized narrations through mobile interviews, where interviewer and interviewee were walking through the neighborhood, casually talking about perceptions, experiences etc. This was further complemented and visualized by mental mappings, spatializing experiences on paper. Ideally, such an approach could have been done with residents or sex workers of St. Pauli throughout this study. However, a lack of the necessary social connections as well as time limitations impeded the creation of strong connections to the district. However, the insights provided by

24 interview partner Josefa Nereus, can stand somewhat representative for at least a certain segment of sex workers and made this work much more reliable and rooted. Furthermore, moving marginalized individuals and topics more into the public realm has been the major reasoning behind this study something considered a success, which will become apparent within the following results.

25 3. Hamburg: From a social to an entrepreneurial city

“Hamburg is one of the poorest cities in the Global North and at the same time one of the richest”1 (Birke 2010, p. 185)

The Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg is located in the Northwest of Germany (see Figure 3) and with its 1.8 million inhabitants it is the second-largest German city after Berlin. “Hamburg is Germany’s most economically viable and dynamic city” (HMG 2014, p. 44)2, mainly due to its geographic position near the Elbe River, and its connection to the North Sea, making the city Europe’s third-largest port after Rotterdam and Antwerp and amongst the top 20 container ports worldwide (Hafen Hamburg Marketing e.V. 2018). Hamburg is one of Europe’s most important logistics locations, but is also known for its aeronautic engineering, creative industry and media Figure 3: Hamburg on the map of Germany – scene (HMG 2014). Furthermore, due to its Stepmap 2018 historical, cultural and architectural particularities, tourism in Hamburg has experienced tremendous growth over the years. A short historical overview will explain how Hamburg became one of the most dynamic and powerful regions in Europe, known for its liberal and alternative scenes, something actively instrumentalized by the Hamburg Brand in order to attract tourists, investors and capital, simultaneously causing social and spatial fragmentation.

1 All German quotes have personally been translated into English and the originals referenced in a foot note. Original quote: “Hamburg ist eine der ärmsten Städte im globalen Norden, aber zugleich auch eine der ganz reichen”. 2 Original Quote: “Hamburg ist Deutschlands Stadt mit der höchsten Wirtschaftskraft und den besten ökonomischen Zukunftsaussichten”.

26 3.1 Development of Hamburg Throughout its 1000 years of existence, the City of Hamburg, like many others, faced many successes and challenges. The modern city of Hamburg is located where a village called Hammaburg near the River Bille used to be, a prominent point when crossing the Alster Lake from North to South. From its very origin, the city therefore turned into a dynamic trading point. This was consolidated in the official trading license issued in the 12th century and the joining of the League of Hanseatic Cities, a trading alliance founded in the city of Lübeck in the 13th century. The latter gave Hamburg a crucial economic position in the world and is still anchored in its name – Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg (Schafer 2017).

It was not until the end of the 18th century that Hamburg started its first trading with sugar, coffee and caoutchouc towards the Americas, becoming an established “merchant republic” (Lindemann & Lau 2018, p. 325). Furthermore, throughout the mid-19th century Hamburg became known as the “Tor zur Welt” – the Gate to the World (Amenda 2006), since next to Bremerhaven, it became the most important European harbor for migration towards the New World. This also marked the birthmark of the so-called “Auswandererhallen” (Brinkmann 2016, p. 240) at the beginning of the 20th century, a small city on the Veddel Island created by famous ship owner Albert Ballin, making space for thousands of people waiting for their ship connections. Over time the so-called BallinStadt became one of the most important European counterpoints to Ellis Island, the migration gate in New York and simultaneously strengthened Hamburg’s maritime position (Schafer 2017). Other significant changes throughout the 19th and 20th century was the installation of an open tide harbor, the shift from sailing to steamboats, the installation of a tax-free zone in 1881 and finally the construction of the warehouse district Speicherstadt, inaugurated in 1888, relocating large parts of the population into so-called Gängeviertel (ibid.). Throughout the 20th century the harbor was constantly modernized and in 1913 ascended to the third-biggest harbor in the world after London and New York. Unfortunately, Hamburg’s ongoing economic success was strongly inhibited by both World Wars, destroying around 80% of the harbor and 50 % of the Speicherstadt and causing economic decline. A phase of reconstruction towards the end of the century leading to expansion and remodeling of the harbor towards a large container port and put Hamburg back on the map, by (re)turning the city into “[…] the main hub for traffic from and to the Baltic Sea and a gateway for cargo to Central Europe” (OECD 2015 p. 232).

27 From Hamburg’s very origin, the city’s harbor did not just shape its political and economic development, granting the city independence, wealth and excellent connectivity within the region and the world, but also shaped its demographics, social patterns and culture. An important transition happened when de-industrialization stroke from the 1980s onwards. During this time, especially German port Figure 4: Post-industrial economic city profiles (Anttiroiko 2015, p. cities such as Hamburg and 238) Bremen were led into economic crisis due to the shipbuilding decline, causing for unemployment rates surpassing the national average (Birke 2014). Hamburg’s political and economic response was a shift towards the service sector as well as economizing and improving the urban layout. “Already by 1983 the city became an avant-garde laboratory of neoliberal urban politics when former mayor Klaus von Dohnanyi of the Social Democratic Party forsook the redistributive principles of the soziale Stadt for the competitive principles of the unternehmerische Stadt, the ‘entrepreneurial city’” (Ufer 2015, p. 66). A shift towards agglomeration of technologies, manufacturing, finance and services is characteristic for post- industrial cities and clearly left its imprint on Hamburg. It is therefore no surprise that today 80 % of the city’s yearly gross value added derives from the financial sector (including insurances as well as property market), the trading sector (including mobility, logistics and IT) as well as other service sectors (including health, education etc.) (Handelskammer Hamburg 2018b), showing clearly how the Hanseatic city has turned into a service-oriented economy, focused on human capital, innovation and growth, catering to multiple post- industrial profiles, namely logistics, finances, business but also tourism as well as culture (Figure 4).

The transition to a service-led entrepreneurial city has brought on common trends such as urban renewal and gentrification, led by public private partnership and neoliberal politics. The HafenCity, including the Elbphilharmonie, does not only function as the city’s new flagship project but further facilitates city branding strategies within an era of inter-city competition

28 (Balke et. al 2017). Therefore, even though “The port has historically been the city’s economic growth engine and a central part of its identity as a city of trade” (Grossmann 2008, p. 2062), strategic global location factors such as urban attractiveness and a higher quality of life have become increasingly important, where “Both new economic sectors and inner-city waterfront space are crucial assets for the success of the city in the post-industrial society” (ibid., p. 2071). This so-called Glocalization (Robertson 1995), a combination of local patriotism and self-perception within the increasing pressures of globalization, has clearly translated into Hamburg’s city marketing strategy – The Hamburg Brand.

3.2 Hamburg – an entrepreneurial city

“[...] Hamburg is now Germany’s strongest city brand” (Kautsch 2017, p. 2)

A clear movement towards place marketing and city branding started in the 1980s in Germany and by 2009 reached around 70 % of all German cities. Place branding became very popular since it is said that “[…]high attractiveness and a strong appeal ensure the future of towns and cities of all sizes; secure the next generation of skilled workers that are so critical to companies; attract investors and businesses; create popularity among tourists, and, ultimately, increase the number of local residents” (Kautsch 2017, p. 1). Aiming for amenities, such as urbanity and diversity, nature and recreation, high job chances and cost-efficiency under this premise, shed a positive light on a city’s image and improved the chances of innovation and growth (Zenker 2009, p. 26).

In this context already from the 1980s onwards, Hamburg became one of the first German states to embrace a proactive growth-oriented policy, under the label “‘Unternehmen Hamburg’” (Novy & Colomb 2012). By promoting the pre-existing concentrations of artists, cultural industries and events, Hamburg tried to target four groups specifically: visitors, residents and workers, businesses and industries and the export market (Zenker 2009, p. 24). Almost four decades later, this enterprise management has turned Hamburg into a global city and a logistic hub, however, not free from socio-spatial repercussions. “Hamburg has become one of Germany’s prime sites for real estate speculation, the deregulation of the housing market, and gentrification” (Ufer 2015, p. 66), with rent controlled apartments having dropped from 23 % in 1994 to 11 % in 2011 and vacant office buildings reaching up to one million square meters (ibid.). Furthermore, under the label Over-Tourism, some areas of the

29 city have claimed being unable to withstand the increasing socio-economic pressures caused through the active marketing of the city.

3.3 City Branding The strategy of branding derives from the private economy sector and traditionally refers to the presentation of a specific product, making it stand out against its competition by fostering the same positive associations over a long period of time (Pirck 2005). Traditional marketing therefore aims at reducing genericness and enables concrete and clear ways of communication to increase word of mouth propaganda. Whereas classical product branding has enjoyed a long-standing tradition, city branding is fairly new and very particular, since it does not promote a unitary and static commodity, but rather stands for an ever-changing social construct made up by buildings, people and practices (Lefebvre 1991). In other words, “a city is not a deodorant. The important aspect is that we will never be able to compare a city with a commercial product. But we can apply some techniques where suitable” (Interview Nöthen 2019)3. Simplifying this complex reality into something comprehensible and transmittable, while remaining authentic and inclusive, presents an unavoidable conflict. The self-image of the city therefore becomes increasingly important, because citizens are not only targets but become brand makers too (see Figure 5).

Figure 5: The role of citizens within city branding (adapted from Sommer 2012, p. 79)

3 Original quote: “Eine Stadt ist kein Deo […]. Das Wichtige ist aber, das wir nie die Stadt mit einem Produkt vergleichen werden. Das sind eher Techniken, die wir aus dem Bereich anwenden, aber halt auch nur da wo es funktioniert“.

30 “In place branding, residents are not just passive beneficiaries or place customers, but also active partners and co-producers of public goods, services and policies” (Zenker & Erfgen 2014, p. 225). They can make or break the branding process since they “legitimize and actually ‘finance’ the energies and expenses involved in the place branding. Thus, […] [city branding] not only requires political support, but foremost sufficient approval by the citizenry” (ibid. p. 227).

Whereas branding has been critiqued by scholars as well as the general public, it has also been argued that overall urban improvements will have to be made to successfully brand a city and therefore “place marketing strives to increase the social function for all residents rather than favour any particular group” (Zenker 2011, p. 41). Furthermore, one cannot neglect the extent of jobs which are generated and created by the tourism industry. “Tourism doesn’t just secure Hamburg’s livelihood but also that of many other cities” (Interview Staron 2019)4. Unfortunately, these upsides largely seem to favor population segments already in power, feeding into processes of social and structural inequality. This will become clearer when taking a closer look at the Hamburg City Branding.

3.4 Hamburg in the Making: Marke Hamburg According to Stefan Nöthen, current Head of Strategy & Brand Management, the Hamburg Marketing Ltd. (from here on HMG) was founded in 2004 as an approach to unite different actors and institutions for a cohesive city branding (Interview Nöthen 2019). It initially had a lifespan of merely three years and was based on cooperation Figure 6: Hamburg and its surrounding counties (MHG 2014, between the City of Hamburg and the p. 24) Chamber of Commerce, but eventually expanded in 2007 by 14 districts and counties (see Figure 6). In 2011, re-structuring led to the creation of the Hamburg Marketing Holding with a total of 19 districts, counties and independent towns, merging all tourism-related entities. This included the Hamburg Tourism Ltd., responsible for private and business tourists and in charge of the city’s image, the Hamburg Business Development Agency, a consulting firm for

4 Original quote: “Der Tourismus ist nicht nur für Hamburg, sondern für viele Städte heutzutage eine Existenzsicherung“

31 the private sector, and the Hamburg Convention Bureau, an interface between the former two entities, mainly responsible for big, overarching events (HMG 2014). The HMG consequently fulfills the dual function of a holding firm and an operational unit. It combines all public and private activities and stakeholders related to urban marketing (see Figure 7) while actively participating in multiple projects as well as engaging in heavy self-marketing, since “Hamburg as a ‘product’ is best promoted via a consistent communication strategy by all civic service providers and private partners” (HMG 2014, p. 21)5. Currently, HMG is run by the city (77,5 %), the city’s chamber of commerce (15 %) and its surrounding states (7,5 %) (Ufermann 2017, pp. 18-19), actively pursuing the aim “that by 2030 Hamburg will become one of Europe’s most attractive metropolis – with a dynamic economy and a high standard of living” (ibid., p. 9)6.

Figure 7: Breakdown of the Hamburg Marketing Holding (adapted from Hamburg Marketing GmbH 2014, p. 14)

The city’s strategy started off in 2004 by looking into what aspects could be perceived as strengths of the Hanseatic city, in order to “systematically increase Hamburg’s international attractiveness” (Pirck 2005, p. 4). Therefore, different local and foreign Hamburg experts were questioned, laying the ground work further questioning of the local population which translated into nine so-called Erfolgsbausteine or Success Modules, implemented in 2008, combining all economic and livable particularities of the Hanseatic city (Interview Nöthen 2019). In this context, attracting human capital and foremost the Creative Class has long been

5 Original quote: “Das ‘Produkt’ Hamburg lässt sich am effizientesten und erfolgreichsten vermarkten, wenn es einheitlich kommuniziert wird, und zwar von allen städtischen ‘Leistungserbringern’ und den vielen privaten Partnern”. 6 Original quote: “[…] dass Hamburg im Jahr 2030 eine der attraktivsten europäischen Metropolen sein wird – mit einer starken wirtschaftlichen Dynamik und einer hohen Lebensqualität”.

32 part of the city’s business plan. “By 2007 it had become unmistakably clear how ‘creative city politics’ had begun to influence Hamburg’s policy discourse and urban development” (Colomb & Novy 2016, p. 322). Additional strength-based-analysis in 2009 and 2015 carved out important sites and values and led to the modification and expansion of the brand, aiming specifically at attracting individuals either as tourists or potential residents as well as businesses and investors. These were once again based upon questioning the local population but also included outside perspectives from Denmark, Sweden and the U.S. Therefore, HMG “promotes the city in the manner of product advertisement as ‘Hamburg Brand’ (Marke Hamburg) in order to attract businesses, investors, highly skilled workforce members, and tourism” (Ufer 2015, p. 67).

Latest findings were summarized and presented in a marketing strategy plan for 2013-2018 to further “determine how Hamburg is being perceived and what makes the city attractive” (Brandmeyer Markenberatung 2015, p. 2)7. The study of 2014 consulted 3000 private German households, 1200 private foreign households and 1800 national and international businesses (ibid.). Hereby, a variety of questions, covering affiliation with and attractiveness of the city, were posted for businesses and private individuals, uncovering clear strengths and weaknesses. Results showed that while the overall attractiveness for foreign individuals has increased, “the attachment of local residents to the city has decreased slightly” (ibid., p. 6)8, something also true for local businesses. However, on the national city-ranking scale, Hamburg moved from second to first place, surpassing former leader Munich (Figure 8), owing to the constant changes to and improvements of the Hamburg Brand, such as the re- development of Hamburg’s marketing strategy, re-targeting of former aspects of attraction and identifying new potentials (Brandmeyer Markenberatung 2015) (See Figures 9&10). This can be exemplified on Hamburg’s innovation and start-up scene, an underestimated aspect of the city’s economy (Interview Nöthen 2019).

Figure 8: German City Ranking 2015 (adapted from Brandmeyer Markenberatung 2015, p. 10)

7 Original quote: “Ermitteln, wie Hamburg wahrgenommen wird und was die Stadt/den Standort attraktiv macht” 8 Original quote: “Die Bindung der Hamburger an ihre Stadt hat etwas abgenommen”.

33 When it comes to Hamburg’s appreciation, interim-results from 2014 have shown that for German individuals, the three most important aspects are (a) Livable Metropolis, including appearance, economic, cultural and leisure activities, (b) Metropolis Near the Water with the HafenCity, Speicherstadt and the Fischmarkt as important sites, as well as (c) Pulsating Scenes with a variety of bars, (music)clubs, street culture and “the livable residential and party districts St. Pauli, away from the Reeperbahn, Karoviertel, St. Georg and Ottensen” (Brandmeyer Markenberatung 2015, p. 27)9, conveying a cosmopolitan, alternative and adventurous spirit. International visitors appreciate Hamburg as a Livable Metropolis and a Metropolis near the water, with its unique appearance, the provision of a multitude of activities as well as its shopping and gastronomic venues. Whereas for businesses the aspect of (a) an Attractive Business Environment, including cooperation possibilities, a rising start- up culture and favorable economic politics, (b) a Livable Metropolis and (c) the city’s status as an International Commercial Metropolis, operating one of the lead European harbors, are of importance. Both the Reeperbahn along with the Pulsating Scenes occupy the last or second to last ranks within this category (ibid.). Yet, “the Reeperbahn as an entertainment mile, contributes to Hamburg’s attractiveness especially with tourists” (HMG 2014, p. 46)10. Its role as a red-light venue, however, has been pushed to the backlines, with other functions largely taking over. “The red-light is still important, but not as much as during the 1980s or 1990s. And this was a trend we deliberately supported and balanced. We were not interested in promoting the Kiez merely as a RLD but we thought it was good to support a more balanced picture” (Interview Nöthen 2019)11.

9 Original quote: “die lebendigen Wohn- und Ausgehviertel, wie St. Pauli abseits der Reeperbahn, das Karoviertel, St. Georg oder Ottensen”. 10 Original quote: “Die Reeperbahn trägt als Vergnügungsmeile vor allem bei Touristen zur Attraktivität Hamburgs bei”. 11 Original quote: “Rotlicht gehört immer noch mit dazu, aber es ist nicht mehr so stark, wie es vielleicht in den 1980ern oder 1990ern der Fall war. Das war ein Trend, den wir auch noch mal verstärkt und damit auch ein bisschen ausgeglichen haben. […] Also wir hatten kein Interesse dran, den Kiez jetzt als reines Rotlichtviertel zu positionieren, sondern im Gegenteil, es ist gut, wenn es letztendlich ein ausgeglicheneres Bild gibt“.

34

Figure 9: Initial nine Success Modules of the Hamburg Brand (adapted from Gedaschko 2008, p. 6)

Figure 10: The revised Success Pattern of the Hamburg Brand (adapted from Brandmeyer Markenberatung 2015, p. 21)

35 Overall, the brand can be considered successful, because Hamburg has recorded an increase of 143,3 % within federal city rankings since 2001, presenting the highest increase in visitors behind Berlin. The Hanseatic city had established Figure 11: Brand Analysis Principles of the City of Hamburg itself within the German top ten (adapted from Brandmeyer Markenberatung 2015, p. 19) by 2012, three years earlier than expected. Consequently, “the tourism sector in Hamburg counts as one of the most important economic branches, not just in terms of revenue but also in terms of employment. Next to the harbor it is one of the most important employers within the metropolis” (HMG 2014, p. 32)12. Shifting travelling patterns due to contemporary trends such as globalization, demographic change, digitalization, sustainability and individualization have created new demands. Visitors now strive for adventurous travel spots offering a range of cultural activities, shopping and consumption opportunities between luxury and low budget (HMG 2014). The effect of social media in this context makes it even easier for cities to gain a marketing platform and reach all kinds of demographics, including young people or best agers. New kinds of mobility make an international and multicultural profiling important, since “the metropolitan region of Hamburg stands in direct competition with more than 300 cities worldwide when it comes to the attraction of businesses, professionals, tourists or investment” (ibid., p. 9)13. Therefore, the aim to further improve the city’s visibility and attractiveness remains, generating offers specifically tailored to target groups at hand and re-capture inhabitants who have lost touch with their city (Figure 11). According to HMG, the focus should lay on “visitors who can bring in the most money or future residents bringing in the necessary creativity and work force” (ibid.)14. In this context, a concrete multi-level strategy plan, projecting a Marketing Image 2030, has been created, based upon the two focal points

12 Original quote: “[…] die Tourismuswirtschaft in Hamburg [zählt] zu den wichtigsten Branchen der Stadt […] nicht nur [als] Umsatzquelle, sondern auch[als] ein bedeutender Beschäftigungsfaktor. Sie zählt neben der Hafenwirtschaft zu den wichtigsten Arbeitgebern in der Metropole”. 13 Original quote: “Die Metropolregion Hamburg befindet sich bei der Umwerbung von Unternehmern, Fachkräften und Touristen sowie bei Investitionen in den Standort in einem globalen Wettbewerb mit mehr als 300 Millionenstädten weltweit”. 14 Original qupte: “[…] als Besucher am meisten Geld bzw. als künftige Bewohner die benötigte Kreativität / Arbeitskraft in die Stadt bringen könnten”.

36 Quality of Life and Economic Dynamism, implemented and controlled by local politics, the HMG and associated partners (see Figure 12).

Figure 12: Multi Level City Marketing Strategy in Hamburg (adapted from HMG 2014, p. 50)

Furthermore, Hamburg also started multiple re-development projects, e.g. the HafenCity in order to attract the so-called “global players” (Birke 2010, p. 156). HafenCity describes a mixed used inner-city district with residential, retail and office spaces, expanding the city centre by 40 % (Balke et al. 2017). Furthermore, it is home to the new Philharmonic Concert Hall, which was inaugurated in 2017 and is seen as “[…] a new landmark for the city and for Europe with international appeal” (Knöfel & Kronsbein 2016). In reality though, the project “pragmatically stands for a city branding that builds on ‘working’ (qualified professionals), ‘exclusive living’ and cultural events” (Birke 2010, p. 156), placing economic over social priorities, creating a city for profit, rather than for people (Brenner, Marcuse & Mayer 2009), causing intensified social and spatial fragmentation, and has not been left unchallenged.

37 3.5 Counter movements Seemingly, while creating the Hamburg Brand and its success modules, the existence of a local protest culture ever since the 1980s was ignored. Back then, the economic crisis led to first occupations of the Howaldtswerke-Deutsche Werft (HDW), the Hafenstraße and the Rote Flora, initiating what would become a long-standing tradition of counter movements (Birke 2014). Slowly dying down, these tendencies were heavily re-ignited in 2009, when the Not In Our Name Manifesto (Figure 13) was published, “[…] a daring critique of Hamburg's Figure 13: The Not In Our Name Manifesto growth- and image-oriented urban and economic (NION 2010) development policy in general, and of the utilization of cultural/creative-city strategies involving the marketing and commodification of (sub)cultural expressions to facilitate elite wealth accumulation in particular” (Novy & Colomb 2012, p. 1829). Specifically referencing the success factor Pulsating Scenes, essentially promoting the city’s alternative, underground scene as yet another commercial asset, activists, mainly from the arts and cultural sector, spoke up on behalf of the Creative Class:

“[…] Dear location politicians: we refuse to talk about this city in marketing categories. We don’t want to ‘position’ local neighbourhoods as ‘colourful, brash, eclectic’ parts of town, nor will we think of Hamburg in terms of ‘water, cosmopolitanism, internationality’, or any other ‘success modules of the brand Hamburg’ that you chose to concoct. […] We think that your ‘growing city’ is actually a segregated city of the 19th century: promenades for the wealthy, tenements for the rabble. Which is why we want nothing to do with the ad campaign for ‘brand Hamburg’ [where] […] artists are expected to follow the funding money and interim-use opportunities like a donkey after carrots – into development areas that need life injecting into them […]. We are meant to take care of the atmosphere, the aura and leisure quality, without which an urban location has little chance in the global competition […]. There could not be a more unequivocal definition of the role that ‘creativity’ is supposed to play: namely, of profit centre for the ‘growing city’. And this is where we draw the line. […] We say: a city is not a brand. A city is not a corporation. A city is a community […] We claim our right to the city – together with all the residents of Hamburg who refuse to be a location factor” (NION 2010, pp. 323-325).

38 With its rather straight-forward message, the NION Manifesto gained attention and recognition beyond the city limits, placing the Hamburg Brand under critical inspection. “We got caught in a crossfire we were not really part of, since it was essentially all about the sale of the Gängeviertel”15, says Nöthen (Interview 2019), referring to remains of the 19th and 20th century working class district in Hamburg’s city center, which were squatted in August 2009, due to threats of replacing it by more upscale office and residential buildings. A protest organized by around 200 actively involved squatters, in combination with high levels of media attention, that put great pressure on the city’s administration, eventually resulted in the city buying the buildings back from a Danish developer, with the aim of keeping them for mixed-use cultural purposes. It represents a somewhat disputed successful cooperation between the city and local activists, finding common grounds for renovation, preservation and usage of the district (Birke 2010). However, some people claim, the Gängeviertel was merely instrumentalized to fit the creative city script, pointing out the profit-oriented nature of this agreement (Colomb & Novy 2016, p. 328).

Parting from this critique, a closer examination of another, yet closely connected success factor, namely the Reeperbahn, will give further insights into actual consequences of city branding in Hamburg. However, before diving into its analysis, some context will give insights into socio-spatial peculiarities of the Reeperbahn and its surroundings.

15 Original quote: Wir kamen ja vor son Kreuzfeuer, wo wir eigentlich so gar nicht hingehört haben unbedingt, weil es ging eher um das Gängeviertel, um den Verkauf des Gängeviertels

39 4. Reeperbahn – St. Pauli The city of Hamburg is administratively divided into seven boroughs, covering a total of 105 quarters. St. Pauli, containing the Reeperbahn, is located in Hamburg-Mitte, the city’s central borough (see light red area on Figure 14). It covers a total of 142,3 m², uniting very diverse parts of the city, from international projects such as the HafenCity, the Elbphilharmonie or the international building exhibition IBA, to economic hubs such as Airbus or City-Süd, as well as touristic areas such as St. Pauli, the city center or St. Georg. This diversity brings a lot Figure 14: Hamburg Map (Wikipedia 2019) of potential but also major challenges, not only regarding the management of disparities between the quarters but also within them. One of the most diverse and notorious districts in this context is St. Pauli (see dark red area on Figure 14).

4.1 The district in numbers “St. Pauli – the name entails much more than the description of one of Hamburg’s districts. St. Pauli is definitely the most notorious districts of the proud Hanseatic City of Hamburg. St. Pauli probably is even the most notorious German district and its name stands like no other for a multiplicity of myths. But, how could it be any different, St. Pauli is much more than its image. It is larger than the mere surroundings of the Reeperbahn and much more diverse than it might appear at first sight”(Tietgen 2014, pp. 4-5)16.

St. Pauli contains areas surrounding the famous amusement mile Reeperbahn down to the Landungsbrücken (the old docks), including the open space Heiligengeistfeld, the trendy and up-and-coming Karoviertel, the city’s Congress Center, one of the largest local parks Planten un Blomen as well as Dammtor, one of the city’s five long-distance train stations (see Figure 15).

16 Original quote: St. Pauli – der Name ist weit mehr als die Bezeichnung eines Hamburger Stadtteils. […] St. Pauli ist auf jeden Fall der berüchtigtste Stadtteil der stolzen Hansestadt Hamburg […]. Wahrscheinlich ist St. Pauli sogar der bekannteste Stadtteil Deutschlands und sein Name wie kein anderer Stadtteilname aufgeladen mit Mythen. […] Doch – wie könnte es anders sein – St. Pauli ist selbstverständlich mehr als sein Image. Es ist räumlich größer als die Gegend rund um die Reeperbahn und es ist facettenreicher, als es auf den ersten, oberflächlichen Blick erscheint

40

Figure 15: Map of St. Pauli (own elaboration)

41 It serves as a tourist magnet due to a mixture of leisure facilities, gastronomic localities, bars, musicals, theatres, night- and music-clubs, alongside events such as the funfair Hamburger Dom, regular football games at FC. St. Pauli’s Millerntor Stadium and commercial exhibitions, while simultaneously being home to mainly weaker socio-economic demographics.

Table 2: Socio-demographic data on St. Pauli (adapted from Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg 2018, p. 62)

Table 2 shows St. Pauli’s housing and demographic features. Households here seem to generally be a bit smaller than the city’s average, translating into above average amounts of single-person households and less living space per capita, whereas Figure 16 also shows, that St. Pauli’s density lays above the Hanseatic average. Moreover, statistical information on Hamburg give insight into other demographic features, such as a lack of older and younger demographics or the presence of relatively high numbers of migrants or people with a migrant background (Statistisches Amt für Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein 2018). Furthermore, Figures 17, 18 and 19 show the relatively low income of local residents, paired with higher unemployment rates and more people depending on social welfare benefits. Even though these have traditionally been common features of this former working-class district, recent trends have been pushing the envelope of the district’s authentic character – originally, a “dystopian space outside the city limits” (Interview Staron 2019)17.

17 Original quote: “Ein Unort vor den Toren der Stadt”.

42

Figure 16: St. Pauli density (Statistisches Amt für Hamburg und Figure 17: Unemployment rates St. Pauli (Statistisches Amt für Schleswig-Holstein 2018) Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein 2018)

Figure 18: Revenue per capita (Statistisches Amt für Hamburg und Figure 19: Social Welfare (Statistisches Amt für Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein 2018) Schleswig-Holstein 2018)

43 4.2 Early developments From very early on, what used to be called Hamburger Berg marked the transition zone between the fisher settlement Altona – founded in 1535 and officially part of Denmark until 1866 – and the city of Hamburg. Encompassed by the two gates Altonaer Thor (from 1621 onwards Millerntor) and Nobistor, this area was officially considered foreign territory until its annexation to the German Reich in 1888. “Until that moment, St. Pauli, although technically a suburb to Hamburg, was considered foreign territory – much to the detriment of the local industries and businesses” (Tietgen 2014, pp. 85-86)18. Whereas this disconnect brought on some serious economic and social downfalls, it also paved the way for the area’s liberal character, manifested in the names of two of the most notorious streets at St. Pauli, namely Große and Kleine Freiheit (Big and Small Freedom). Here, guild-less craftsmen, religious people of non-Protestant faith, as well as other socially deviant activities and people found shelter turning this area outside the city limits into an important social and commercial hub. Consequently, “the Große Freiheit and the nearby Kleine Freiheit owe their names not to any sexual freedom but rather to its unique history as a place of commercial and religious freedom” (ibid., p. 47)19.

Throughout the Thirty Year’s War from 1618 to 1648, the city of Hamburg restructured its fortresses and built the so-called Wallanlagen, consolidating its boundaries and the exclusion of areas such as the Hamburger Berg, increasing its informal and uncertain character. On the one hand side, the city reserved the right to remove settlements within these Glacis – or fields of fire – in case of emergency, making settling here officially illegal. “To live at the Hamburger Berg was quite an insecure matter: Only one-storey houses were allowed and had to be cleared in case of war” (Tietgen 2014, p. 19)20. Its informal character, however, also consolidated its role for hosting everything and everyone unwanted in the city. “This included barkeepers, prostitutes, amusement venues, and undesirable institutions such as the Pesthof” (Schafer 2017)21 – a hospital for the diseased and mentally ill, established in 1606. Over time, more and more people were slowly pushed outside the city limits due to decreasing living conditions or labor necessity, such as the so-called Reepschläger – rope makers – who moved towards the Hamburger Berg from 1630 onwards, since their job required around 300-meter-

18 Original quote: “Bis dahin wurde St. Pauli also, obwohl als Vorstadt zu Hamburg gehörend, quasi als Ausland behandelt – sehr zum Nachteil der dortigen Industrien und Gewerbe”. 19 Original quote: “[…] verdanken die Große Freiheit und die nahegelegene Kleine Freiheit ihre Namen nicht den seit vielen Jahrzehnten an diesem Ort praktizierten und ausgestellten sexuellen Freiheiten, sondern ihrer besonderen Geschichte als Ort gewerblicher und religiöser Freiheiten”. 20 Original quote: “Auf dem Hamburger Berg zu wohnen war dagegen eine unsichere Angelegenheit: Häuser durften nur eingeschossig errichtet werden und mussten im Kriegsfall geräumt warden”. 21 Original quote: “Dazu gehörten Gastwirte, Prostituierte, Amüsierbetriebe und unerwünschte Institutionen, wie der Pesthof”.

44 long streets, something no longer existent within the city limits. It was these crafts(men) which gave streets such as the Seilerstraße – rope street – and the world famous Reeperbahn their name. However, the degree of freedom did not just attract dirt and misery, but also led to the installment of a flourishing entertainment industry.

4.3 Upswings and downfalls From the 17th century onwards, the Spielbudenplatz and the Jahrmarkt, opened spaces for fairs and entertainment booths, performances, small skits and plays. “Guest performances by travelling artists, which were not tolerated within the city centers of Hamburg and Altona, brought on entertainment and amusement. Everything thinkable and unthinkable was planted to the paying public” (Tietgen 2014, p. 26)22, including everything related to sex from 1732 onwards, due to the official prohibition of urban prostitution. Throughout the 18th century, the Hamburger Berg therefore established itself as a prominent leisure destination for weekend excursions, increasingly frequented by people looking for some light entertainment or simply taking a stroll outside the city. Simultaneously, the harbor and its boats were undergoing major development, with the introduction of the somewhat experimental steam boat techniques. It gave birth to the so-called Landungsbrücken as an alternative docking station outside the harbor as a safety measure. “Only after the upgrading of the harbor on the other side of the Elbe River at the end of the 19th century, big ships slowly started to disappear from the northern riverside, extending the trips for sailors to get to St. Pauli” (Tietgen 2014, p. 88)23. However, growth of the port meant increasing international attention and a larger and more diverse audience for St. Pauli. In this context, the St. Pauli Theater, formerly known as the Urania-Theater, was established in 1841, nowadays one of the oldest private theaters in the country. Yet another famous establishment was the Panoptikum, a wax museum, inaugurated in 1879, which has remained one of Hamburg’s main attractions up until today, although it was destroyed and rebuilt during the Second World War.

It is no coincidence that within the context of this boom, inhabitants of the Hamburger Berg were finally granted former citizenship of the city of Hamburg in 1831, changing the area’s administrative jurisdiction and renaming it in 1833, after a local church, into what it is globally known as today: St. Pauli. However, this did not mean that the area was fully annexed, with the Millerntor continuously shut during night-times, further upholding its

22 Original quote: “Dort gastierten fahrende Künstler mit ihren Belustigungen und Vergnügungen, die die Städte Hamburg und Altona in ihren Innenstädten nicht dulden wollten. […] Alle möglichen und unmöglichen Dinge wurden dem zahlenden Publikum untergejubelt”. 23 Original quote: “Erst mit Ausbau des Hafens auf der anderen Elbseite seit Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts verschwanden die großen Schiffe allmählich vom nördlichen Elbufer, und die Wege nach St. Pauli wurden für die Seeleute immer weiter”.

45 segregation. Only in 1861, these gates were permanently opened and in 1894 St. Pauli was finally officially annexed as a district to the city of Hamburg, granting its 72.000 inhabitants full citizenship for the first time (Tietgen 2014, p. 12).

After some hard recovery during the post-war years, in the 1920s, the entertainment industry in St. Pauli blossomed, where Cabarets re-opened and operetta houses set the stage for international stars such as Josephine Baker. The Second World War brought much restructuring under the Nazi regime, where prostitution was largely prohibited, limiting it merely to the notorious Herbertstraße. It marked a historic moment, when the famous visibility screens where installed, which have lasted until today (St. Pauli Reeperbahn 2019). Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the neighborhood slowly recovered from the Second World War, hosting a growing music scene at the freshly installed music clubs, where amongst other the Beatles had their debut. Also, “Towards the end of the 1960s a proper sex industry settled in St. Pauli, with around 1300 prostitutes, and sex shows at the Große Freiheit were so popular, that people were queuing outside of venues” (Tietgen 2014, p. 48)24. However, hygiene and security problems eventually induced a heavy decline throughout the 1970s and 1980s, raising the idea of demolishing and re-building the whole district altogether. “After the ‘golden age’ of the Miracle Years, the area experienced decades of decline marked by the advent of hard drugs in 1969, rising violence between rival crime gangs, and the AIDS epidemic of the 1980s” (Sneering 2009, p. 95). Major setbacks in the sex industry, a bad reputation in the emerging new media, induced some heavy decline and up until the 1990s St. Pauli was one of the poorest districts within Europe (Jörg & Schuster 2014). Sex, drugs and a leftist, counter culture attitude, are only a few of the many myths and ideas the contemporary St. Pauli stands for.

4.4 The contemporary St. Pauli Mainly induced by the re-development of the Spielbudenplatz in 2006, costing the city nearly 10 million Euros, St. Pauli has been increasingly turned into a party and entertainment district. The expansion of the cabaret scene, introduced by the Schmidt Theater around 1990, continuously affected nature and number of demographics frequenting the district. “St. Pauli was not very attractive for the local population. Its popularity came with the establishment of the Schmidt Theater by Corny Littmann and Mario Rispo and the Cats Musical. This kicked

24 Original quote: “Ende der 1960er hatte sich eine regelrechte Sexindustrie mit etwa 1300 Prostituierten auf St. Pauli etabliert, und die Sex-Shows in der Großen Freiheit waren nun so beliebt, dass die Leute Schlange stehen mussten, um in die Etablissements zu kommen”.

46 off a slow transition” (Interview Pfeiffer 2019)25. What used to be an area for seasonal tourism, largely neglected by the local population, turned into a place entailing everything you need for a night out, which is something both BID manager Julia Staron as well as local police officer Margot Pfeiffer pointed out in their interviews. Popular spots filled with bars and clubs are situated at the Große Freiheit, the Hans-Albers-Platz and the Hamburger Berg next to the Reeperbahn. Whereas during daytime the area might seem a little sketchy, lonely and sad, “it fills up especially during the weekend, once the party hungry masses arrive” (Tietgen 2014, p. 34)26. “Locals as well as tourists come to visit the notorious party district. Large billboards are blinking, hip clubs open their doors and pubs lure in the masses with live music” (Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg 2019)27. Classic locations are Zur Ritze, one of the oldest establishments or the Molotow, a club where several bands such as The White Stripes, The Hives, Mando Diao or The Killers had their musical debut. Famous are also notorious strip clubs such as Susis Show Bar or the Dollhouse, as well as several museums and multiple theaters such as the Operettenhaus, the Schmidt theatres or the St. Pauli Theater. Frequented mostly by tourists are famous erotic establishments such as the closed-off Herbertstraße, the sex shop Boutique Bizarre along with dozens of brothels and strip clubs. Also, the local police station, Davidwache, placed right next to visible street prostitution spots, has become a major tourist magnet. Furthermore, regular events, such as the weekly night market, public screenings of large events or the annual Reeperbahn Festival, cause for much hustle and bustle around the center piece of it all – the Reeperbahn.

Similar to the RLD in Amsterdam, the Reeperbahn and its surroundings entail an open area with rather porous boundaries, merging a mixture of different uses, from red-light and touristic activities to everyday life routines. However, the everyday life of the district is often forgotten, where despite its liberties people need to realize “that this is not a scenery but a place where actual people live, work and want to flourish” (Interview Staron 2019)28. St. Pauli moved from being the “nation’s mucky pup” (Bleyer 2018)29 to one of the most famous German districts. Gone are the days when people would only go to the Kiez when looking for sexual services or an outlet to blow off steam.

25 Original quote: “St. Pauli war ja nicht so attraktiv für die Hamburger. Das ist ja erst gekommen […] seitdem Corny Littmann hier am Spielbudenplatz mit Mario Rispo das Schmidt Theater machte und […] das Cats-Musical lief. […] Damit ging so ein langsamer Wandel in St. Pauli ein”. 26 Original quote: “[…] wird es vor allem am Wochenende deutlich enger, wenn die feierwütigen Massen hierher strömen”. 27 Original quote: “Einheimische und Touristen gleichermaßen besuchen dann das bekannteste Ausgehviertel der Stadt. Leuchtende Schriftzüge blinken um die Wette, die angesagten Clubs öffnen und Pubs locken mit Live-Musik”. 28 Original quote: “[…] dass das eben hier keine Kulisse ist, sondern ein Ort, an dem die Menschen leben, arbeiten und sich selber entfalten wollen”. 29 Original quote: “Schmuddelkind der Nation”.

47 Observations showed that while largely containing everyday life activities during the day, at night the area surrounding the Reeperbahn turns into a magnet for large groups of people seeking some thrill and entertainment. Figure 20 shows some of the most prominent attractions in the area, while Figure 21 uncovers the red-light and party zones delineated throughout multiple moving observations. Further field notes as well as complementary visual material have been attached in Annex 5&6.

The small ethnographic study uncovered multiple things, amongst others the dichotomy between order and chaos that prevails at the Reeperbahn. Pedestrian-friendly open spaces around the Reeperbahn, Hamburger Berg and Große Freiheit attract crowds of drunken teenagers or young adults. On the other hand, police presence, surveillance and strict rules are clearly noticeable. Therefore, street prostitution, for example, is strictly limited to night times, giving the areas a very different atmosphere during the day. The most alarming (new) trend are a multiplicity of guided tours mainly, but not limited to the early-evening hours. Groups of around 10-15 people are guided by clearly recognizable tour guides to points of interest such as the Davidwache, the Spielbudenplatz, the Herbertstraße or the Große Freiheit. This voyeuristic character was a recurrent theme throughout all observations, even during daytime, and not limited to any specific type of demographic, since, what seemed to be school field trips took place during observations on a Tuesday morning. Furthermore, stores and venues next to ATMs at almost every corner clearly pointed towards commercial aspirations, while simultaneously, multiple properties seemed to be empty, shut down and blighted.

Overall, it became very apparent that what used to be an amusement district seems to have turned into an outdoor museum and scenery for everything outside the norm, generating a bizarre voyeuristic fascination. Many people no longer come to participate but merely to watch. Others seek a timeout at all cost, leaving behind a trail of total destruction. This lack of respect for St. Pauli as a district and home to many people became painfully clear, where its function and appearance is only maintained for the sake of attracting visitors and capital.

48

Figure 20: Prominent attractions at the Reeperbahn (own elaboration with own picture) 49

Figure 21: Findings of moving observations (own elaboration) 50 It becomes obvious, that the Reeperbahn is no longer merely a RLD, since it attracts voyeuristic tourists as well as large party crowds, looking for some thrill or the display of some raw sexuality. “St. Pauli still feeds off the myths it once entailed, the red-light scene still attracts visitors, despite its continuous decline” (Steenbeck 2018)30. Furthermore, St. Pauli’s famous reputation of tolerance and authenticity is being strategically instrumentalized by the city, claiming: “The world-famous Reeperbahn in St. Pauli has evolved into an attractive entertainment district. It has much more to offer than just a red-light milieu. The scene, and the music, have always been ahead of their time, producing names such as the legendary ‘Star-Club’ and the Beatles, the ‘Golden Pudel Club’ and the ‘Mojo-Club’. And nowadays modern theatre productions, popular musicals and enthralling cabaret are providing new, contemporary highlights” (HWC 2007, p. 14). Advertising with “famously creative flamboyant personalities” (ibid.) and “the city’s pulsing night life” (ibid.), the City of Hamburg is clearly pursuing what one could summarize as “symbolic gentrification” (Künkel 2017), where the Reeperbahn stands at the nexus of the criminal and the creative, offering fascinating facets of society, usually largely unnoticed. It is not surprising that this uniqueness has become a key aspect of the city’s cultural repertoire. An analysis of ten Hamburg City Guides, has shown that the Reeperbahn enjoys almost the same attention as the most important Hanseatic landmark such as the HafenCity, the Elbphilharmonie, the Michel, the Landungsbrücken, the Speicherstadt, the harbor and the two iconic water features Elbe and Alster (see Annex 3&4). Figure 22 visualizes the frequency these and other features have been named throughout the literature, clearly showing the importance of the Reeperbahn within the city’s public image.

Local police officer Margot Pfeiffer has noticed the retributions of such popularity. In the 1980s, as she started working at the Davidwache on the Reeperbahn, tourism was limited merely to the summer months, from April to October “and now there are constantly people. The St. Pauli scene has changed. During the 1980s, it was filled with bars to the rim and you could find the classic red-light milieu. That is how it was! The heyday of prostitution” (Interview Pfeiffer 2019)31. Now, this tradition has largely been replaced by mass tourism and so-called “Ballermannisierung” (Bleyer 2018), where gentrification is causing the decline of the sex industry, destroying the uniqueness of the district and creating new areas of tension. “Our main problems are Friday and Saturday night. Pick pocketing, confrontations,

30 Original quote: “St. Pauli lebt noch immer von dem Mythos, den es mal hatte, das Rotlicht zieht noch immer die Gäst an, auch wenn es immer weniger wird”. 31 Original quote: “[…] und jetzt ist es ja durchgehend. Die Szene, St. Pauli hat sich verändert. In den 1980er Jahren hatten Sie hier Kneipen noch und nöcher, da hatten Sie das klassische Rotlichtmilieu so wie man sich[…] [das] vorstellt. Das […] wurde ja so gelebt! Prostitution hatte Hochzeit”.

51 Hamburger Berg, yet another problem. The red-light scene is not our problem; it always existed, as well as criminal offenses. But the other thing that is new”32 claims police officer Pfeiffer, explaining her struggles with uncontrollable party crowds at the Reeperbahn (Interview Pfeiffer 2019). It creates a landscape torn between different trends, values and interest groups, where “in the end, mainstream tendencies will destroy the old and sub- cultural flair” (Tietgen 2014, p. 97)33. “‘St. Pauli is balancing commercialization and spatial identity – against visitor record figures and the ‘gold fever’ of some investors. But facing shrinking uniqueness, one must ask the question: How long will St. Pauli be able to take this?’” (Tangermann 2018)34. Land valorization, commercialization, increasing housing prices and displacement have become omnipresent side effects, also clearly leaving a mark on the local sex industry.

Figure 22: Most prominent sites in Hamburg (own visual elaboration based upon a city guide analysis)

32 Original quote: “Unser Hauptproblem ist Freitagnacht und Samstagnacht. Taschendiebstähle, Auseinandersetzung, Hamburger Berg, wieder ein Problem. […] Das Rotlichtmilieu ist nicht unser Problem; gab‘s schon immer. Es gab auch schon immer Straftaten, damit leben wir. Aber das andere ist hinzugekommen”. 33 Original quote: “Am Ende frisst der Mainstream die Subkultur und das alte Flair des Stadtteils gleich mit”. 34 Original quote: “Auf St. Pauli selbst übt man sich in der Kunst, Kommerzialisierung und Stadtteilsidentität in der Balance zu halten – gegen die Last der Besucherrekordzahlen und den ‘Goldrausch’ einiger Investoren. Doch angesichts schwindender Identifikationsmerkmale muss man sich fragen: Wie lange hält St. Pauli das noch aus?”.

52 5. Prostitution in Hamburg “Overall, there is a lack of knowledge within the field of prostitution in Germany, causing a lack of scientifically sound counter narratives” (Kavemann & Steffan 2013)35.

Popular discourses around the repercussions of legalizing sex work, paired with a lack of reliable data on the extent of prostitution in Germany, have caused much speculation based upon everything but facts. Estimations provide varying numbers from 50 up to 400 thousand prostitutes actively working the streets, within brothels or out of their living spaces (Howe 2012). This big difference is not only due to dark figures and illegal activities, but also caused by grey figures because of difficulties of definition and publicness. “The majority of sex work happens in a concealed discrete manner, where no one takes notice” (Interview Nereus 2019)36. The annual global turnover of the sex industry is estimated at 14,5 billion Euros, generated by 1,2 million sexual claims daily, however, clearly point towards the importance of this highly controversial work field (Howe 2012).

For long periods of time, prostitution was also considered illegal in Germany, its status only adjusted in1927. However, the lifting of its prohibition, did not completely legalize sex work, but rather moved it into a grey zone, making prostitution and all its associated branches, subject to political and police discretion. While turning sex workers into tax paying members of society, their poor reputation remained, pushing them continuously towards the edge of society. A prominent response from the 1980s onwards, was the fight for rights and equality of the sex industry, paving the way for a new legal framework at the turn of the century (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008).

5.1 Gesetz zur Regelung der Rechtsverhältnisse der Prostituierten – ProstG With the establishment of the first prostitution law in 2002, sex work was finally recognized as an official work field in Germany. “Most important is the ruling, that contracts on sexual services and therefore the pursuit of voluntary prostitution, are legally no longer considered immoral” (BesD e.V. 2019)37. The dismissal of its unethical character finally enabled sex workers easier access to health insurance or a bank account. It also acknowledged the unilateral character of sexual contracts, granting only prostitutes the possibility to sue for their rightful income or payment, specifically strengthening prostitutes’ rights, and explicitly

35 Original quote: “Insgesamt ist festzustellen, dass zum Thema Prostitution in Deutschland zu wenig Erkenntnisse vorliegen […][weshalb] auf diese Weise der zurzeit laufende moralisch aufgeladenen Debatte aus fundierter sozialwissenschaftlicher Sicht wenig entgegengestellt werden kann”. 36 Original quote: “Der Großteil der Sexarbeit findet verdeckt statt, mega diskret und niemand bekommt etwas davon mit” 37 Original quote: “Wichtigste Regelung ist die gesetzgeberische Wertentscheidung, dass Verträge über sexuelle Dienstleistungen und damit die freiwillige Prostitution als solche juristisch als nicht mehr sittenwidrig anzusehen sind”.

53 denying any other stakeholders to benefit. Furthermore, the accountability of the now official establishments led to an overall improvement of working conditions. Previously, property owners would not undertake any maintenance of their informal and often temporary venues. However, new liberties also brought on duties and restrictions, such as official registration of all red-light venues and their authorization in accordance with freshly installed planning policies, determining the exact spatial contexts of sex work outside of residential or mixed areas (BmFSFJ 2007). Finding suitable spaces for sex work therefore remained rather difficult. Moreover, Germany’s division into 16 Federal States or Bundesländer, grants much flexibility of law enforcement, ranging between federal to communal levels, creating a very diverse legal landscape when it comes to police work or planning.

In addition, changes at the turn of the century merely covered the criminal code and did not counter popular perceptions and narratives around the field of red-light activities. Embedded prejudices consequently translated into planning or police discretion e.g. in regards to zoning, continuously inhibiting sex-related activities. One example was the installation of so-called Sperrbezirke – permanently or temporarily restricted areas – delineated by each state (St. Pauli Reeperbahn 2019). In Hamburg, it turned parts of St. Georg, St. Pauli, the City Center and Altona into restricted areas, where the pursuit of illegal street prostitution is punishable by fines or even imprisonment. For St. Pauli this means that “at the Davidstraße, around the Hans-Albers-Square, meaning at the Silbersackstraße and Erichstraße prostitution can take place between 8 p.m. and 6 a.m., since it is a closed circuit. Women can stand there and offer their services. But there are also establishments which operate around the clock, since they are not accessible to everyone” (Interview Pfeiffer 2019)38. This is also true for the Herbertstraße, “since the Herbertstraße, due to its blinds, is not accessible for everyone, it is not public” (ibid.)39, creating a semi-private space.

5.2 Prostituiertenschutzgesetz and recent developments In 2017, the former Prostitutionsgesetzt was expanded by the so-called Prostituiertenschutzgesetz, imposing further requirements for sex workers, their employers and erotic establishments. Whereas previous regulations strongly focused on zoning techniques and building permits, the new law claimed to improve overall working conditions (Bundesrepublik Deutschland 2016). It was pushed and drafted partly by the conservative

38 Original quote: “In den Straßenzügen Davidstraße, rund um den Hans-Albers Platz, Silbersackstraße, Erichstraße darf in der Zeit von 20:00 bis 6:00 Prostitution stattfinden, das ist so ein geschlossener Kreis. Dort dürfen Frauen stehen und sich prostituieren. Dann haben wir natürlich Laufhäuser, da darf rund um die Uhr gearbeitet werden, weil das nicht für Jedermann zugänglich ist”. 39 Original quote: “[…] weil die Herbertstraße durch diese Sichtblenden nicht für Jedermann zugänglich ist, sie ist nicht öffentlich”.

54 political party CDU/CSU and claims to tackle the lack of self-determination, since “it is the state’s duty to protect the weak”40 (Eisenreich & Hommerich 2018). The new law strives to oversee and manage the erotic branch, by forcing every sex worker to officially register and carrying an ID at all times. It covers the definition and zoning of sex work, the rights and duties of sex workers, as well as those of the erotic establishments. It also defines surveillance of and cooperation with the milieu, prohibitions and fines along with processing of personal data (Bundesrepublik Deutschland 2016). Under this law, sex workers need to partake in a general health consultation in order to apply for an official ID. Also, brothels must now comply with a range of conditions, amongst others, possessing a legal building and operating permit, issuing receipts, registering events and assuring decent working conditions, including the provision of adequate sanitation facilities and adequate escape routes. While supposedly aiming at the improvement of overall working conditions, the opposite has been the case because these requirements have favored big establishments, erased smaller venues and over- complicated the reality of most sex workers, pushing especially vulnerable demographics into the twilight. Interview partner and former press speaker of the federal union for sex workers - Bundesverband für erotische und sexuelle Dienstleistungen (BesD) – Josefa Nereus, therefore, claims that this law has been a missed opportunity. “The BesD has continuously raised the factual claim that this new law is missing the point and actually causing more harm than good. Unfortunately, these notes have hardly been considered” (Eisenreich & Hommerich 2018)41. She explains that the new approach clearly imposes further obligations and hardly extends any rights, pushing sex workers towards exit strategies instead of strengthening their work field. Therefore, she is requesting “the abolition of any special laws on prostitution, including the stupid Prostituiertenschutzgesetz [and instead] the extension of counseling centers, which can offer anonymous and free advice and foster more acceptance within society” (Interview Nereus 2019)42. Current exit-barriers such as fear of losing personal social surroundings would then be countered much more efficiently and facilitate a (re)integration into the labor market, if needed. Currently, security measures are largely failing because many sex workers refuse to register, fearing being exposed, extending their state of insecurity and precariousness (Eisenreich & Hommerich 2018). In this context, the public perception of sex work plays an extremely important role.

40 Original quote: “Die Aufgabe des Staates ist es, die Schwachen zu schützen”. 41 Original quote: “Der BesD hat sehr sachlich immer wieder darauf hingewiesen, dass hier am eigentlichen Bedarf vorbei reguliert wird und der Branche mehr Schaden als Nutzen beschert wird. Diese Hinweise sind leider kaum berücksichtigt worden”. 42 Original quote: “Die Abschaffung aller Sondergesetze, die es zur Sexarbeit gibt, inklusive dieses bescheuerten Prostituiertenschutzgesetzes, [und stattdessen] einen größeren Ausbau an Beratungsstellen, die anonym und kostenlos agieren können. Und auch mehr Akzeptanz in der Bevölkerung”.

55 5.3 The public perception of prostitution Besides political and legal pressure, sex work has become a key tool in media discourses, especially regarding migration and border control. Large raids are further dramatized and inflated in the media, showing a firm stance against organized crime through well-organized raids. A rather famous one took place in April 2018, executed in 12 federal states simultaneously, when 1500 officials searched over 60 properties. “Authorities are looking for forged visas, human trafficking, pimping and forced prostitution” (Reuters 2018)43, causing the immediate association of sex work with other criminal activities, leading to further stigmatization and the reduction of outlets and help centers (Hamburg 1 2018). Albeit it might be certain that 65% of prostitutes in Germany are foreign born, 50 % being from Eastern Europe, 21 % from East Asia, 16 % from Latin America and 13 % from Africa (Howe 2012), their reasons for coming to Germany are all but straightforward. More lenient laws, a decent welfare-system, as well as the prospect of a relatively well-paying job, explains increasing sex work-related migration to Germany (Hubbard, Matthews & Scoular 2008), since “contrary to popular belief many women chose to work in prostitution and are not brought […] with false promises of finding employment in other sectors of the economy” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 123).

However, as mentioned above, legal changes have always complicated the labor of prostitutes in Hamburg. So-called area bans for example, introduced in 2005, started to specifically target undesired activities in public space, such as drug dealing, begging, homelessness or nuisances in order to keep certain demographics from frequenting certain spaces, “reducing a social problem to a spatial one” (Belina 2007, p. 330). Another very prominent and highly debated example for this preventive method was the Verordnung über das Verbot der Kontaktaufnahme zu Personen zur Vereinbarung entgeltlicher sexueller Dienstleistungen im Sperrgebiet in 2012, which expanded the already existing restrictions by sanctioning not only providers but now also solicitors of sexual services (Hamburger Senat 2012). “From now on, whoever approaches a sex worker in St. Georg in order to do business can expect a fine up to 5000 €” (Gaßdorf 2012)44. Reasoning behind this was the protection of the public order, which seemingly appeared threatened by activities outside the moral norm. The upcoming, hip and gay-friendly St. Georg, has become a culturally affluent district, where public pressures and vigilantism have seemingly shaped not only the media but also the public discourse. “Precinct number 11 received complaints virtually on a daily basis” (Gaßdorf

43 Original quote: “Den Behörden geht es um gefälschte Visa, Menschenhandel, Zuhälterei und Zwangsprostitution”. 44 Original quote: “Wer künftig in St. Georg mit einer Prostituierten Kontakt aufnimmt, um mit ihr ins Geschäft zu kommen, muss mit einer Geldbuße von bis zu 5000 Euro rechnen”.

56 2012)45. Such public pressure not new in the field of criminology, often reinforcing further marginalization of already stigmatized demographics (Newburn 2007a). The execution entailed an increasing number of onsite (and often undercover) police officers noticeably taking its toll on the number of solicitors. However, the number of sex workers has remained, causing a drastic decline of working conditions, since sex has become cheaper, less self- determined and riskier, largely moving into unsupervised and dangerous settings (Hamburg 1 2018). “’Sex workers have a new pimp: The city of Hamburg!’” (Lasarzik 2016)46. This fact was also confirmed by sex worker Josefa and the Anonymous Interview Partner, the latter claiming: “It becomes very apparent from where the wind blows, and the situation is not really socially sound. It has become very apparent that the district should be cleaned up” (Anonymous Interview Partner 2019)47. Public and social institutions serving as safe spaces and raising awareness to foster de-stigmatization have therefore become increasingly important.

5.4 Fighting stigmatization through education The German Federal Association for Sexual and Erotic Services (BesD) rightfully claims: “Everyone speaks about us but no one speaks to us” (BesD e.V. 2019)48, criticizing the public portrayal of sex work as completely detached from reality. Countering this, there has been an increasing (media) presence of current or former sex workers and organizations, fighting myths and stigmatization surrounding the field of sex work. In this context, Josefa Nereus has become a rather prominent German public figure. The 33-year-old, based in Hamburg, formerly working as a digital media designer, has been working as a sex worker for five years as it not only turned out to be a better paying job, but most importantly better fitted her life concept (Interview Nereus 2019). Besides working in the erotic industry, Nereus has established a significant media presence through her Vlog “Wissen.Macht.Sex.”, a word play on sex and power, translating either into Knowledge Makes Sex or Knowledge Power Sex. Fighting ignorance surrounding the field of sex work, Nereus created a multiplicity of online videos, ranging from clarifications for outsiders to useful tips for co-workers (Nereus 2017). While doing so, she hides neither herself nor her experiences, speaks out directly and honestly, even when it comes to her (few) negative experiences. That coming out has not been easy, therefore is as much part of her story, as reiterating how her previous life in isolation had caused her much more harm (Stern 2018). Trying to empower the field of sex work,

45 Original quote: “Beim Polizeikommissariat 11 am Steindamm gehen nahezu täglich Beschwerden von Bürgern ein”. 46 Original quote: “Die Frauen haben einen neuen Zuhälter: Die Stadt Hamburg!”. 47 Original quote: “Es ist schon deutlich spürbar, wohin der Wind da jetzt weht und das ist irgendwie nicht sozial. Es ist ganz eindeutig, dass da aufgeräumt werden soll”. 48 Original quote: “Alle reden über uns, aber keiner mit uns”.

57 giving fellow erotic co-workers a platform, she strives to create “a brand, that stands for sensual sex workers and for women who do not shy away from talking about their sexuality in a liberal manner” (Nasti 2018)49. Besides her main job, until recently she was in charge of the BesD’s media relations, and actively partakes in round tables, interviews and (art) projects. Contrary to popular perceptions, her relationship of ten years also shows that working as a sex worker does not stand in contradiction to maintaining a steady relationship. Leading by example, Nereus has therefore become an important pillar in actively fighting stigmatization of sex work.

Next to prominent individuals, other essential components of fighting stigmatization have been the on-site and public relations activities of multiple prostitutes’ organizations and counseling centers. In this context, the BesD firmly stands for more rights for sex workers, while heavily critiquing legislative instruments impeding their prosperity, and insinuating the equalization of prostitution and human trafficking. “Generalizing labor migrants as victims is therefore wrong […] [since] human trafficking is a breach of human rights and should be combated. Sex work, on the other hand, is work” (BesD e.V. 2019)50.

Whereas the BesD is actively involved in improving sex work conditions on a federal level, several local organizations in Hamburg serve as contact points or safe spaces for everyday life problems. Next to Ragazza in St. Georg, that focuses on younger and drug-related forms of prostitution, the Fachberatungsstelle Prostitution Sperrgebiet offers consulting and information opportunities both within St. Georg and St. Pauli. Its current structure emerged from the fusion in 2014 of the former Café Sperrgebiet, located in St. Georg and the Kaffeeklappe St. Pauli, two spaces which had been operating since the 1980s, giving mainly street prostitutes a place to rest, take care of themselves and express themselves freely (Thiele 2018). Today, the organization is financially supported by the city and the local diaconia and serves as a meeting point and counseling center for (trans)women, where they can exchange experiences with co-workers and seek help from social workers, doctors, lawyers or other experts. Most importantly however, it serves as a safe space, fostering and reaffirming autonomy within a society that constantly confronts them with hostility and disrespect. “These women need a space where they are being respected and accepted” (Thiele 2018)51. Furthermore, the webpage entails extensive information on the definition of prostitution

49 Original quote: “[…] eine Marke, die für lustvolle Sexarbeit und für Frauen, die über ihre Sexualität reden, zu sich stehen und dabei kein Blatt vor den Mund nehmen”. 50 Original quote: “Arbeitsmigrant*innen in der Prostitution als Opfer zu pauschalisieren ist somit falsch […] [,denn] Frauenhandel ist eine Verletzung der Menschenrechte und soll bekämpft werden. Sexarbeit hingegen ist Arbeit“. 51 Original quote: “Die Frauen brauchen einen Ort, an dem sie respektiert und akzeptiert werden”.

58 versus exploitation, information on laws and regulations, and contact points for seeking help (Diakonisches Werk Hamburg 2019).

Throughout this part, a brief outline of sex work in Germany has given some insights into the overall conditions of sex workers in Germany. Mainly located around the Reeperbahn, this space has become an attraction to both suppliers and solicitors of sexual-related activities. However, much like St. Georg, St. Pauli has also started to face increasing valorization, followed by gentrification and displacement. This not only affected the red-light industry, but on the district as a whole, as the next part will outline.

59 6. Trends and developments at the Reeperbahn Clearly, Hamburg is no exception when it comes to pursuing neoliberal politics of re- development and inter-city competition. Tourism in Hamburg has grown steadily over the past years and become one of the city’s main sources of income (Handelskammer Hamburg 2018a). The city’s extensive promotion has put central attractions like St. Pauli, under much pressure to comply with market forces. Hereby, the district’s inhabitants are often neglected, carrying the burden of thousands of curious and party seeking visitors. “St. Pauli entails freedom and the tolerance level is a bit higher than elsewhere. However, there is something called respect, something which is also needed here” (Interview Staron 2019)52. However, the opposite is largely fostered by the authorities, having turned St. Pauli into “’the city’s milking machine’” (Jörg & Schuster 2014, p. 154)53, where as much profit as possible is being squeezed out of the district’s central location, its shady red-light character as well as its high entertainment factor. How this has translated onto space and what consequences it has brought for local residents and industries can be exemplified best by looking at current investment trends in the area, aiming for further upgrading and promotion.

6.1 Business Improvement District Reeperbahn+ The concept Business Improvement District emerged in the early 1970s in North America, countering the flourishing of suburban shopping centers and the simultaneous decline of the city centers. Via public private partnership, different commercial stakeholders joined forces to re-inject new life into blighted inner-city commercial areas through large monetary investment (Interview Staron 2019). Very first examples manifested in Toronto and later New York but did not reach Germany until the early 2000s, when Hamburg was the very first German city to initiate such a project. Today the city can show for a total of 26 BIDs, with many more in the pipeline.

In Hamburg, BID projects are aiming at improving and strengthening the retail and service centers over a period of at most five years and are financed by municipal taxes as well as private investment by local property owners. BIDs can include the improvement of business infrastructure, upgrading of public space as well as complementary marketing strategies, to improve overall location qualities (Behörde für Stadtentwicklung und Wohnen 2019a). However, necessary juridical steps have only been undertaken in some German states, making

52 Original quote: “St. Pauli […] ist auch ein Ort der Freiheit, und hier dürfen auch alle ein bisschen mehr als woanders. Dennoch gibt es zwischenmenschlichen Respekt, und den gibt es hier auch”. 53 Original quote:” ’Melkmaschine der Stadt‘”.

60 Hamburg the frontrunner, led by a strong chamber of commerce. The very first BIDs were Sachsentor and Neuer Wall, followed by BIDs in Wandsbek, Hamburg-Mitte, Eimsbüttel, Altona and many more. Due to its economic viability and successful improvement of public infrastructure, the strategy was transferred onto the residential sector in 2007, under so-called Housing Improvement Districts (HIDs) (ibid.).

The idea of a BID Reeperbahn+ originated in 2008 but was not established until 2014. With a budget of 1.9 million €, generated from participating local business and property owners, a marketing plan for five years was set up, which ended earlier this year. However, the possibility of an extension might add another two years if the majority agrees. As the name already reveals, this BID cover more than just the Reeperbahn (see Figure 23). The main driver behind the idea was the Interessensgemeinschaft St. Pauli (IG St. Pauli), an association of local businesses. Founded in 1985 she is trying to steer the commercial and touristic development of the district. It entails “local business representatives, united in order to tackle specific local challenges which were closely related to the red-light scene, where St. Pauli had drastically slipped-off into a rip-off culture and local businesses joined forces to counter this development, providing legal businesses” (Interview Staron 2019)54.

Figure 23: Spatial Scope of the BID Reeperbahn+ (Pfadt 2019)

54 Original quote: “[…] eine Vertretungsgruppe für Gewerbetreibende, die […] sich aus dem Grund gegründet hatte, weil hier im Viertel eben bestimmte Herausforderungen waren, die sehr stark aus dem Rotlicht kamen, wo St. Pauli ziemlich abgerutscht ist, weil hier nur noch Nepp und Schlepp existierte. Und da hatten sich Gewerbetreibende zusammengefunden, die gesagt haben, wir wollen ordentliche und legale Geschäfte machen”.

61 BID manager Julia Staron claims that contrary to conventional BIDs, there has never been any ambition to make changes to the built environment, but the strategy was rather based on services and communication (Interview Staron 2019). Through different measurements such as marketing, better outreach to visitors, reduction of waste, fostering innovative events and a professional district management, all embedded in a newly created Corporate Identity, the agenda seems rather clear: “The goal is a valorization of the world famous entertainment venue St. Pauli” (Pfadt 2019)55. Whereas interview partner Jörg clearly perceives this as “an instrument of further valorization and commercialization of the Kiez” (Interview Jörg 2019)56, local resident and stakeholder Staron claims her aim has always been to balance the interests of different local stakeholders ranging from property owners and businesses to local inhabitants and associations “namely to better represent St. Pauli’s interests. I think we proved throughout the last years, that we were not striving for any upgrading but working on communication, fostering trust and motivating people to speak with each other instead of about one another. We were politically active at board meetings since St. Pauli and the Reeperbahn were often used as a cash cow, used for marketing purposes but no one really cared for it” (Interview Staron 2019)57.

However, the main priorities throughout the first years of operation were “pursuing Hamburg Tourism’s interest of strengthening the entertainment district St. Pauli” (Pfadt 2019)58, promoting an expansion of the gastronomy, entertainment and cultural program, improving the area visually through clean-up campaigns, better lighting and improved public spaces as well as an augmented public image, by integrating the brand stronger into national and international tourism strategies. The management was mediating between local stakeholders and allocation managers. Projects have been i.a. (a) an art walk, with local celebrities, (b) cleaning campaigns called YOUR PLEASURE, OUR HOME! and St. Pauli Pinkelt Zurück, (c) refurbishment of the Beatles Square and creation of a Beatles Road Map, (d) empowering local businesses with the campaign Trink dort wo du feierst, and (e) supporting the annual Reeperbahn-Festival (Pfadt 2019).

55 Original quote: “Ziel ist die Aufwertung des weltweit bekannten Vergnügungsstandortes Sankt Pauli”. 56 Original quote: “Ein Instrument der weiteren Ökonomisierung und Inwertsetzung des Kiezes”. 57 Original quote: “[…] die politischen Interessen St. Paulis stärker zu vertreten. Wir haben auch, glaube ich, die letzten fünf Jahre gut bewiesen, dass wir das eingehalten haben. Also, wir haben hier keine Aufwertung gemacht, sondern die Kommunikation versucht aufzubauen, Vertrauen zu schaffen, Leute dazu zu bringen, miteinander zu reden, und nicht übereinandern usw. […]Haben viel politische, also Gremienarbeit gemacht, […] denn St. Pauli und die Reeperbahn waren im Hamburg Tourismus gerne so eine kleine Melkkuh: Man hat damit Werbung gemacht, nach außen, ohne sich um die Belange des Viertels zu scheren”. 58 Original quote: “Stärkung des Vergügnungsviertels St. Pauli als Ziel des Hamburg-Tourismus”.

62 Balancing touristic and local interests therefore always remained the central discussion. “The main challenge was to preserve the entertainment mile’s unique flair with its numerous bars, clubs and shops while assuring its further development” (Behörde für Stadtentwicklung und Wohnen 2019a)59. However, this process has suffered some extensive social repercussions. Exemplified on the sassy yet creative St. Pauli Pinkelt Zurück campaign, where multiple walls were covered with a liquid repelling coat, making the walls literally pee back, one can clearly identify deterrence techniques typical for neoliberal policies (Jones 2013). Unclear, which walls have actually been covered, this crime prevention technique triggers the sentiment of constant surveillance and self-discipline according to Foucault’s famous theory on discipline and punishment through the Panopticism (Foucault 1977). Even though the BID has claimed this campaign was based upon local inquiries from 2012 and a wish for more cleanliness (Häuser 2018), residents have actually started to feel more pressured, fearing further processes of gentrification and displacement. Overall, it seems that this campaign is aiming at luring in even more tourists, while simultaneously claiming to take care of their negative effects. In reality, the installment of this kind of landscapes by marginalizing rhetoric strongly contradicts what St. Pauli traditionally stands for.

Yet another BID-grown idea is the inclusion of St. Pauli into UNESCO’s intangible world heritage list. Contrary to the traditional heritage list, the intangible heritage does not entail the preservation of landmarks but rather tries to accentuate traditions or living expressions, such as performing arts, social practices or unique knowledge and skills which have been passed on from generation to generation (Figure 24).

Figure 24: A visual representation of the intangible world heritage idea (UNESCO 2019)

59 Original quote: “Die große Herausforderung des BID liegt darin, bei gleichzeitiger Weiterentwicklung des Quartiers das besondere, einzigartige Flair der Party- und Erlebnismeile mit seinen zahlreichen Bars, Kulturangeboten, Clubs und Shops zu erhalten”.

63 “While fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity in the face of growing globalization. An understanding of the intangible cultural heritage of different communities helps with intercultural dialogue and encourages mutual respect for other ways of life” (UNESCO 2019). The pursuit of respect and recognition is exactly what Staron is aiming for by including St. Pauli’s unique flair within the world heritage list. “It is about the appreciation of a place which has experienced much adversity throughout its history but which has always found a way to reinvent itself and re-emerge like a Phoenix from the ashes, creating a culture and attitude which is exemplary within society” (Interview Staron 2019)60. In order to get the process going, the BID launched a campaign and a questionnaire in 2018, inquiring how mainly locals but also visitors feel about this idea.

The overall aim is to delineate and appreciate the district’s uniqueness. Staron therefore says: “I want to encourage the city to appreciate St. Pauli more” (Interview Staron 2019)61. St. Pauli is a unique attitude, shaped and perceived from the inside and the outside. Its openness and freedom stem from its history of marginalization and exclusion. “People at the edge of society and unwanted elsewhere consistently found shelter here, this included: foreigners, penniless, underprivileged and deviant people – a status that connects” (kukuun 2018, p. 2)62. Today, however, St. Pauli has become a main economic driving force, attracting millions of tourists each year, where Hamburg strategically uses “the ‘quirky’” facets the ‘dirty district’ has added to the well-behaved Hanseatic city and is using in a lucrative manner what it once hid away” (ibid.)63. In order to prevent the district’s decline into mainstream boredom, the afore-mentioned UNESCO survey aims at identifying the unique character of the district and how both locals as well as visitors feel about the district’s potential and merit of becoming a UNESCO world heritage site. The application is framed as a win-win situation, leading towards either a self-discovery or “if everything works out as planned, we can actually think about an official application to show the world that St. Pauli is much, much more than Reeperbahn or flashing spot-, red- and blue light” (ibid., p. 6)64. However, the idea has met much criticism since mainly business-oriented local celebrities such as Olivia Jones, Corny

60 Original quote: “Es geht auch um die Würdigung eines Ortes, der in seiner Geschichte sehr, sehr viele Widrigkeiten erlebt hat, sich aber immer wieder selbst erfunden hat und immer wieder wie ein Phönix aus der Asche erstiegen ist, und der hier eine Kultur und eine Haltung entwickelt hat, die für Gesellschaftsmodelle mustergültig sein darf”. 61 Original quote: “Ich möchte auch die Hansestadt dazu bringen, dass sie St. Pauli würdigt”. 62 Original quote: “In dieser Umgebung fanden stets jene ein zu Hause, die andernorts vertrieben wurden oder ihren Platz am Rand der Gesellschaft hatten: Fremde, Mittellose, Unterprivilegierte und ‘von der (jeweiligen) Norm Abweichende’ – ein Status, der verbindet”. 63 Original quote: “Heute freut sich Hamburg über die ‘schräge’ Facette, die der ‘Schmuddelstadtteil’ der ’braven’ Hansestadt beifügt und nutzt gewinnbringend, wofür es sich lange geschämt hat”. 64 Original Quote: “wenn’s ganz optimal läuft, können wir tatsächlich über die Bewerbung und was auch immer daraus wird, der Welt zeigen, dass St. Pauli viel, viel mehr ist, als Reeperbahn, Rampen-, Rot- und Blaulicht”.

64 Littmann or Günter Zint have been supporting this idea, whereas local social workers and residents have been very skeptical. Fear of further revaluation, displacement and commercialization have increased since “this application will only bring more tourists, increasing real estate prices and displacement, for everything once unique to this quarter” (Bleyer 2018)65, eventually destroying what it aims at preserving. Staron, however, sees the application as “a political statement, a door-opener for potential funding, for political proposals” (Interview Staron 2019)66, since intangible world heritage sites are not included in any tourist destination list. Furthermore, it could counter the severe party and red-light image St. Pauli has been somewhat suffering from and open up hardened fronts towards stronger cooperation and a united identity. Local social worker Steffen Jörg, however, remains skeptical, pointing out the commercial manpower behind the idea. “It is being presented as in idea which aims at protecting local wishes and necessities, preserving the heterogeneous and diverse spirit which constitutes St. Pauli, to declare this intangible heritage. I would say this is an extreme legitimacy discourse, claiming that we all want the same and that St. Pauli must remain diverse, quirky and rebellious. But this is backed by businesspeople following a St. Pauli brand ideology, who do not care about the Abramovichs or the Müllers, who have been living here for 20 years, depending on social security and facing the threat of displacement” (Interview Jörg 2019)67.

It remains unclear which impact the UNESCO idea will actually have on St. Pauli but it simultaneously clearly reiterates the sudden discovery of St. Pauli as a cultural and monetary asset, neatly aligning with overall neoliberal tendencies.

65 Original quote: “[…] die Kulturerbe-Bewerbung werde nur noch mehr Touristen, schneller steigende Immobilienpreise und Verdrängung bringen. Für alles, was den Stadtteil einst ausmachte”. 66 Original quote: “Ein politischer Akt, so ein Türöffner für mögliche Förderungen und für politische Anträge in der Stadt”. 67 Original quote: “Es wird so verkauft, dass es darum geht, die Wünsche und Bedürfnisse und dieses Heterogene, dieses Bunte und das, was St. Pauli ausmacht, das als immaterielles Weltkulturerbe zu schützen. Ich würde sagen, das ist ein krasser Legitimationsdiskurs in Form von, wir wollen doch alle das Gleiche und St. Pauli soll dieses Quirlige und Bunte und Heterogene und Widerspenstige und so haben. […][Aber] da sind Interessen von Gewerbetreibenden, mit einer Marke St. Pauli-Ideologie am Start, die nicht das Interesse haben zu sagen, was ist mit der Familie Abramovich oder der Familie Müller, die hier seit 20 Jahren wohnt, Hartz IV empfängt und jetzt hier irgendwie rausverdrängt wird”.

65 6.2 Rent development The process of gentrification was first observed by Ruth Glass in 1960’s England, where she noticed the movement of the so-called gentry into traditional working-class districts (Glass 1964). This, initially somewhat accidental process of displacement nowadays has turned into a well-known consequence of physical revalorization, feeding into what has been coined Super-Gentrification (Pohl & Wischmann 2014, p. 42). What used to be limited to a demand- led social process, has become a supply-led planning and policy technique in order to revitalize blighted areas or simply capitalize from increasing rent gaps. Here, so-called pioneers, residents in possession of cultural capital, however lacking the monetary means, are actively lured into run down spaces, activating them for further investment, attracting the so- called gentrifiers, which in turn increase the overall living standards and eventually displace the original population. However, new economic dynamics alongside further social stratification have lately translated differently into space, where e.g. pioneers all of sudden have become gentrifiers or gentrifiers are being replaced by even richer demographics (Clay 1979; Butler 2011). Gentrification has therefore become an omnipresent feature of urban spaces, wearing cities down from the inside. A prominent accompaniment of gentrification typically has been an increase in rent prices. This has especially been true for blighted, run down and often heavily neglected industrial areas with no prominent use within a post- industrial, service sector-oriented economy. Decreasing ground rents have caused a widening rent gap between actual and potential profit, something eventually actively exploited by private or public entities, channeling their capital, in the hopes of capturing large profits (Harvey 1973; Smith 1979; Clark 1988). Within the context of proclaiming Hamburg an entrepreneurial city in the 1980s, neoliberal politics alongside revaluation and re-development projects started to significantly shape urban planning politics. The “’Floridarization of city politics’” (Pohl & Wischmann 2014, p. 44)68, became a legitimization tool for setting certain priorities while marginalizing other demographics. Simultaneously, re-urbanization trends caused a steady population growth ever since the late 1990s, entailing growing pressures on the local housing market. Even though there have been some gentrification studies on Hamburg in the 1980s, generally social studies in this context, have been rather focused on Eastern parts of Germany (Pohl & Wischmann 2014, p. 42).

68 Original quote: “Floridarisierung der Stadtpolitik”.

66 In Hamburg, the annual rent development study by the Ohmoor Highschool, which has been evaluating the local housing market for the past 32 years, has for a long time provided current figures, making long-time studies for the overall city and specific districts, such as St. Pauli,

Figure 25: Development of housing prices in Hamburg over the last possible (Redaktion Elbe 10 years (Gymnasium Ohmoor 2019) Wochenblatt 2018) (Figure 25). Based upon this study, Pohl & Wischmann synthesized some facts and figures. For example, within the ten years between 2000 and 2011 a 38 % increase of local rents has been recorded in Hamburg (Table 3), with especially central districts such as St. Georg, the new City Center, Altona and Hoheluft surpassing this result, and St. Pauli, Eimsbüttel and Barmbek not far behind. The Ohmoor-study furthermore shows, that since 2009 the price per square meter for apartments in Hamburg has risen from 10,10 Euro to 13,24 Euro per m², showing Table 3: Rent development in certain parts of Hamburg 2000-2011 (adapted from an increase triple the size of Pohl & Wischmann 2014, p. 48) overall living costs

67 increments. Solely between 2016 and 2017 rents have increased by 4,4 % – towards the outskirts even by up to 7,6 %. Latest results in 2018 revealed that “as the most expensive districts surpassing ground rents of 17 Euro per m² have crystallized in ascending order Uhlenhorst, St. Pauli, HafenCity and the Old Town” (Brinkmann & Bautsch 2018)69, whereas cheaper rents have grown limited to mainly areas on the southern banks of the Elbe River (Figure 26).

An overall increase in rents has hindered the formation of ghettos on the one hand, but more importantly, has left many people without adequate housing options, something which should be provided as a basic human right. Overall, the process of gentrification, induced through “’property-led development’” (Pohl & Wischmann 2014, p. 42) has clearly expanded itself onto Hamburg’s landscape.

Figure 26: Distribution of rent prices in Hamburg in 2018 (Gymnasium Ohmoor 2019)

69 Original quote: Als teuerste Quartiere mit über 17 Euro/m² empfehlen sich in ansteigender Reihenfolge Uhlenhorst, St. Pauli, HafenCity und die Altstadt

68 In the case of St. Pauli this has had some rather drastic retributions. The previously run-down, stigmatized and marginalized part of the city, experienced a slow ascent towards the turn of the century, induced mainly by the restructuring of the entertainment sector, where St. Pauli has neatly aligned with the overall upgrading of the city. This caused an inflation of 17,65 Euros per m² (an increase of 24 %), showing for one of Figure 27: Media discourse around gentrification with a clear the highest price increases focus on St. Pauli (adapted from Pohl & Wischmann 2014, p. 50) within the city (Redaktion Elbe Wochenblatt 2018). “Soon people will not be able to move to St. Pauli since living there has become a luxury” (ibid.)70. Pohl & Wischmann have looked more closely into the discourse analysis around gentrification and housing prices, especially in St. Pauli and came to the conclusion, that even though this district had just yet started to be gentrified, its media presence surpassed any other, already gentrifying areas such as Altona or St. Georg (Figure 27). Besides the increasing rent prices, a major critique has been the indirect displacement of locals due to physical changes or big (touristy) events and venues, destroying the local spirit and making residents feel uncomfortable and unwelcomed in their own neighborhood. The presence of a strong counterculture, backed by multiple projects and initiatives may be one reason, why specifically St. Pauli has become a prominent face of the process of gentrification in Hamburg (Pohl & Wischmann 2014). Another rather obvious reason might be that the displacement of middle-class families in other districts may cause less immediate harm than the marginalization of families largely dependent on social security, with no true alternatives to cheap housing in St. Pauli.“[…] Generally speaking, St. Pauli as the former poorest district within Western Germany, is still largely poor: Large shares of social security-depended people, many migrants or foreigners, which are mainly low-income demographics, and simultaneously St. Pauli is now Hamburg’s third most expensive district”

70 Original quote: “Bald kann man nicht mehr nach St. Pauli ziehen, Wohnung ist dort zum Luxus geworden”.

69 (Interview Jörg 2019)71. Also, the Anonymous Interview Partner has noticed severe changes at the Kiez: “Rents have increased immensely here, I do not know how this will continue. Much Kiez-history is getting lost and I would agree that there is definite displacement happening here. Definitely” (Anonymous Interview Partner 2019)72.

Whereas this process could be countered to some extent by introducing rent-controlled apartments, there are not yet any mechanisms when it comes to industrial uses, containing further expansion of the (harmful) entertainment industry. Therefore, strategies of inclusion and participation within development and planning are needed in order to steer the overall development of the district. Whereas multiple local re-development projects have failed at this, the following example, Esso-Häuser represents a somewhat successful form of cooperation.

71 Original quote: “Generell gibt es die Situation, dass St. Pauli als ehemals ärmster Stadtteil Westdeutschlands immer noch ein sehr armer Stadtteil ist: Einen hohen Anteil an Harz IV EmpfängerInnen, einen hohen Anteil an Leuten mit Migrationshintergrund oder sogenannten Ausländern, die […] in der Regel überdurchschnittlich zur einkommensschwachen Bevölkerung gehören. Und gleichzeitig ist St. Pauli inzwischen drittteuerster Stadtteil Hamburgs”. 72 Original quote: “Also die Mieten hier sind so horrend, ich weiß nicht, wie das irgendwie hier noch laufen soll. […]Hier verschwindet schon viel Kiezgeschichte, das würde ich schon sagen, dass man das sieht und Verdrängung findet auch hier statt. Definitiv”.

70 6.3 Re-development strategies Next to the previously mentioned renovations of the Spielbudenplatz and its surroundings from 2005 to 2006 (see Figures 28&29), there have been multiple re-development projects at the Reeperbahn over the course of the last 15 years, and with even more to come. The revaluation process would have already begun in the 1980s, if buildings at the Hafenstraße had actually been torn down as planned (see Figure 30). Whereas, local inhabitants and squatters were able to save this nowadays rare piece of alternative lifestyles, its surroundings were not able to stand the immense speculative pressures and have over time aligned neatly with the rest of Hamburg’s neoliberal skyline.

From 2005 to 2007 the former Astra brewery at the Bernhard-Nocht-Straße, that today belongs to the Holsten company, was replaced by a new complex, entailing the so-called Brau Quartier with 120 apartments, as well as the luxury Empire Riverside Hotel with its famous and high-class Skyline Bar 20up (see Figure 31& 32). Glass-high-rise-architecture expanded further, when between 2009 and 2012 the former Bowling Center right at the entrance of the Reeperbahn, housing amongst others the art collective Schöne Kunst Allen Menschen (SKAM), was replaced by the so-called Tanzende Türme (Dancing Towers), designed by local star architect Hadi Teherani (see Figures 33&34). Its dancing shape supposedly internalizing the local red-light and musical spirit, houses though, merely office buildings, a luxury roof-top restaurant and the investor’s 4 star hotel Arcotel Onyx. Within this sea of neoliberal architecture, the arts and appropriation project Park Fiction clearly stands out and symbolizes at least some remainders of the old, traditional St. Pauli spirit (see Figures 35& 36). Also the now only open space towards the waterfront, was supposed to be replaced by yet another luxury apartment, office or hotel building. However, a strong local initiative saved this territory and turned it into a space of art, participation and democracy, with a variety of freely accessible events and uses (see Figures 37&38). Moving towards the end of the Reeperbahn, what was formerly known as the Nuttenbunker (Whore Bunker) or the Todesturm (Tower of Death) due to its shady appearance and uses, was refurbished between 2011 and 2012, causing drastic increases of the ground rents, displacement of former residents and the installation of further commercialization (see Figure 39). Furthermore, not far off the Reeperbahn, the areas surrounding the Wohlwillstraße where revitalized between the 1990s and 2012 actively countering the expansion of the district’s red-light character into this area (Bezirk Hamburg-Mitte 2008). However, probably the most well-known and heavily disputed maneuver, has been and remains the demolition of the Esso-Häuser in 2014 paired with its ongoing re-development.

71

Figure 28: The old Spielbudenplatz before its renovation in 2006 Figure 29: The new Spielbudenplatz after its renovation (Own (Bildarchiv Hamburg 2004) picture)

Figure 30: View at the Hafenstraße (Schär 2009)

72

Figure 31: The old and iconic Astra Tower (Pauls Figure 32: The New Astra Tower (DEKA 2019) Immobilien 2019)

Figure 33: The old Astra Bowling Center (Pauls 2019) Figure 34: The Dancing Towers at the beginning of the Reeperbahn (Wolkenmond 2012)

73

Figure 35: Showing the successful implementation of Park Fiction Figure 36: Park Fiction – attracting a large public (Park Fiction (Park Fiction Kommitee 2014) Kommitee 2014)

Figure 37: Claiming a Right to the City at the Park Fiction (Park Figure 38: Claiming more participatory planning strategies, Fiction Kommitee 2014) exemplified on the project Park Fiction (Park Fiction Kommitee 2014)

Figure 39: The Niebuhr House at the end of the Reeperbahn (own picture)

74 6.3.1 Esso Häuser According to local activist Steffen Jörg, struggles around the Esso-Häuser are “a prime example, which received much public attention and stands symbolically for what is currently happening in St. Pauli” (Interview Jörg 2019)73.

The Esso-Häuser was a building complex, comprised by around 110 apartments (with relatively low ground rents ranging from 4-12,50 Euro per m²). It also housed some local businesses and venues such as the Molotow and the Meanie Bar, as well as an Esso gas station, which gave the complex its nickname. Ever since it was opened in 1949, Figure 40: The former Esso-Häuser (Bildarchiv 2014) this gas station had been running 24/7 year round, turning into a “’Kiez-Kult-Tanke’” (Twickel 2011) a local institution. “Here, prostitutes, tattooists, pensioners, bouncers, drunks and participants of bachelor parties come together” (Twickel 2011)74, was proclaimed before its demolition in 2014. Already from 2009 onwards there was a discussion around the future of the structure, which was intensified after a study in 2011 showed that renovations would not be economically viable. Furthermore, closer examination of the building in 2013 resulted that the complex was in danger of collapsing, terminating in a cloak-and-dagger evacuation towards the end of that same year, setting the course for the building’s subsequent demolition. However, this process was accompanied by a tough fight between the property owner, the city and local inhabitants. According to Jörg, the situation unraveled after the complex was sold to the Bavarian real estate company Bayerische Hausbau Ldt. in 2009. With the help of a tenancy lawyer, the social organization GWA St. Pauli started to cooperate with the residents. “We started going into the houses, ringing people’s doorbells, asking them ‘What kind of contracts do you have? Did you hear about the sale?’, in order to establish relations with the inhabitants, which eventually led to the creation of the Esso Initiative, trying for four years to stop the demolition. Even though we did not succeed, political pressure at least enabled a participation

73 Original quote: “So ein Paradebeispiel, […] was auch viel in der Öffentlichkeit war […]. Das ist symbolisch für das, was in St. Pauli grade stattfindet”. 74 Original quote: “Hier treffen sich Luden und Tätowierer, pensionierte Türsteher und Prostituierte, besoffene Kiezgänger und die Teilnehmer von Junggesellenabschieden”.

75 process which to my mind leads by example” (Interview Jörg 2019)75. Consequently, even before the public tendering, a participative process was initiated through the foundation of PlanBude in June 2014, a planning initiative, aiming at channeling local ideas and wishes into the project development.

A heated negotiation process between all entities eventually translated into a binding contract, signed at the end of 2018, covering an array of specific agreements on the usage, composition and physical appearance of the new so-called Paloma Viertel, located within the delineation of Taubenstraße, Kastanienallee and Operettenhaus. The five main negotiating points covered (a) the private investment in a hotel and businesses, (b) the creation of a sub-cultural cluster, (c) the installment of privately financed residential and business facilities, (d) publicly financed residential and business facilities as well as (e) a joint building venture. Overall, the public space within all of these areas, like open, green roofs, pedestrian bridges as well as alternative uses needed to be certified. Privately financed spaces must be rented out and cannot be sold for at least 25 years, whereas at least 60 % of all housing units must become and remain social housing for the same amount of time. Furthermore, the return of former tenants as well as the Molotow and the 24/7 shop needed to be facilitated. Lastly, the sub- cultural cluster and the joint venture, should grant preservation of the local spirit, assuring the aptitude of new residents and businesses (Bezirksamt Hamburg-Mitte 2018).

75 Original quote: “[…] und dann haben wir angefangen, in die Häuser zu gehen, bei den Leuten zu klingeln und sie zu fragen: ‘Was habt ihr für Mietverträge?’ ‘Habt ihr von dem Verkauf gehört?’ Um in dieser Situation, Beziehungen zu den Leuten aufzubauen. Und daraus ist letztendlich die Initiative Esso-Häuser geworden, die vier Jahre lange versucht hat, den Abriss zu verhindern. Das hat sie nicht geschafft, aber sie hat den politischen Druck so hoch gemacht, dass tatsächlich ein Beteiligungsverfahren durchgeführt wurde, was ich sagen würde, beispielhaft ist“.

76 Figures 41&42: Ideas, Hopes and Aspirations for the Paloma 45 Project (PlanBude 2015)

In order to provide a definition for the district’s unique culture, the St. Pauli Code was formulated, by PlanBude under the authority of the local municipality and in cooperation with the public (PlanBude 2017). Seven core aspects were formulated, comprising the prevalence of a) diversity instead of homogeneity – for different life plans outside the mainstream realm, b) granularity and diversification by providing more accessible and open meeting spaces, c) low prices for maintaining (cultural) diversity, openness and uniqueness, d) home grown spaces and identities, e) open spaces for appropriation and freedom of expressions, f) experimentation and subculture instead of trivial mainstream, and g) non-commercial and free public spaces. These main ideas clustered along the working areas housing, community and interconnectedness, strengthening its interactions, diversity and the unique spirit. Next to housing, the complex should therefore fulfill community functions and offer co-working spaces, a communal canteen, a counseling center for local sex workers, a music-cluster with rehearsal and studio spaces as well as small scale commercial and service spaces, catering to people’s daily needs. The main contract was therefore accompanied by multiple special use contracts, covering all the afore-mentioned sub-categories, as well as logistics, infrastructure and noise protection. The specific Baupläne or building plans have been presented at the beginning of the year and were publicly exhibited and discussed by PlanBude from March to April 2019 (Figures 41&42). While in an interview at the end of March, was still rather hesitant about the realization of the proposed plans, fearing a “cookie-cutter investment project, where the district generated great ideas which were eventually not implemented” (Interview Jörg 2019)76, a statement by PlanBude, released only three weeks later, showed major satisfaction with what had been achieved. Here, PlanBude expressed content about the city’s intention to

76 Original quote: “Ein nullachtfünfzehn Investorenprojekt, wo der Stadtteil schön tolle Ideen reingebracht hat, aber nichts für den Stadtteil dabei rumgekommen ist”.

77 buy one of the buildings, making the overall realization more feasible. However, the initiative will only feel relieved once every detail has been hashed out, claiming: “‘Our planning office and dream archive will remain until all parts from the cluster to the roof tops are finalized’” (PlanBude 2019, p. 1)77. Overall, it becomes clear that the initial plan of breaking ground in May 2019 has to be pushed back due to final negotiations, and its success therefore still hangs in the balance. „Indeed, Planbude has become a reference example for legitimate participative planning processes” (PlanBude 2019, p. 2)78 and has even enjoyed multiple international exhibitions, however, one project alone will not be enough to counter recent trends at the Reeperbahn and St. Pauli.

77 Original quote: “Wir bleiben mit der PlanBude und dem Wunscharchiv vor Ort bis die Realisierung aller Bausteine, vom Cluster bis zu den Dächern, wirklich gesichert ist” 78 Original quote: “Die PlanBude ist inzwischen ein Referenzbeispiel für glaubwürdige partizipative Planung”.

78 Conclusion Throughout this research multiple challenges within the Hamburg-St.-Pauli-Brand-Dialectic were identified, largely going back to the district (re)discovery as a lucrative tourist magnet. Going back to the district’s very origin, the area has grown accustomed to a liberal and accepting attitude, hosting a variety of activities and people at the edge of society. Recent trends have been challenging these values, chipping away the district’s unique culture by economic, commercial and promotional pressures. Especially for already marginalized demographics this has brought on severe repercussions, such as (in)direct displacement, loss of traditional practices and venues as well as constant exposure to voyeurism. It has caused further marginalization of the sex industry while also uncovering larger socio-spatial developments. “What is certain is that the question of […] re-making a landscape of prostitution in the city – needs to be viewed as part of a changing, global discourse on the nature of contemporary cities” (Aalbers & Sabat 2012, p. 114), where sex work and its associated functions clearly mirror over-all socio-economic trends. Therefore, Pfeiffer rightfully claims “I believe one can often spot emerging societal changes first within St. Pauli” (Interview Pfeiffer 2019)79, where revalorization and displacement due to economic pressure have become a largely global phenomenon.

Whereas it cannot be denied that tourism plays an increasingly important economic role within service economies, cities such as Venice, Amsterdam or Barcelona have proven that there is only so much a city can handle when it comes to its strategic commercialization. In this context the two interview partners Staron and Nöthen both claimed that Hamburg has luckily not (yet) suffered the consequences of so-called Over-Tourism, and marketing tools could be strategically implemented to steer the city’s economic growth. However, Jörg disagrees, pointing out that St. Pauli has already reached its limit and residents are being pushed aside when it comes to speculative reasoning. The Anonymous Interview Partner holds a similar position, fearing further rent increases paired with a steady decline of social institutions such as counseling and consumption rooms or street work. “I do not see the city increasing social offers, I rather feel a strive for profit” (Anonymous Interview Partner 2019)80. Especially the red-light scene has suffered severe consequences with traditional erotic venues being dis- and replaced, lowering the overall rates and working conditions, pushing the sector towards precarity. Observations have largely supported the imposition of mainstream culture, shaped by bachelor parties, voyeuristic crowds and guided groups,

79 Original quote: “Ich finde immer, man kann manchmal so gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen in St. Pauli als erstes erkennen”. 80 Original quote: “Ich denke nicht, dass […][die Stadt] sozialer wird […], sondern ich habe eher das Gefühl, dass natürlich hier auch Geld verdient werden soll”.

79 turning St. Pauli from an entertainment and red-light district into a theme park shaped scenery. “And one does not have to beat around the bush, St. Pauli is in the midst of gentrification processes” (Interview Jörg 2019)81, where deviance and poverty is a thorn in the investor’s side. “This entails an approach of fighting the poor instead of countering poverty. And considering the broad definition of gentrification, including cleanliness and security discourses, this becomes extremely clear in St. Pauli. It is supposed to remain loud and diverse, that’s the old real estate slogan – to live where others party, not on the edge but right in the middle. But once people move here, they find this corner too dirty and that corner too loud, with sex workers, homeless people and trash all around” (ibid.)82. Like in St. Georg, increasing police presence, surveillance, stop-and-searches, alongside cleaning and revitalization campaigns are fostering a polished yet alternative and hip image of St. Pauli. Police officer Pfeiffer says “Such a district must provide balance. There must be space for people who hardly can afford to rent an apartment. It needs to remain a gathering place for people at the edge of society. That is something essential to this milieu. On the other hand, the district also needs well-educated demographics sending their kids to school here. There needs to be balance and harmony” (Interview Pfeiffer 2019)83. This, however, requires the involvement of a variety of stakeholders such as social workers, business-people, property owners, municipalities, authorities etc. “It needs to be a joined effort” (ibid.)84. With planning tools such as the Rahmenprogramm Integrierte Stadtteilentwicklung (RISE), which was installed in 2009, entailing a holistic city development approach (Behörde für Stadtentwicklung und Wohnen 2019b), the so-called Erhaltungsverordnung St. Pauli from 2012, under which the inherited milieu and the local population are supposedly being protected from displacement (Bezirk Hamburg-Mitte 2019d) as well as the Bezirkliches Wohnungsbauprogramm Hamburg-Mitte 2018 actively tackling housing shortages (Bezirk Hamburg-Mitte 2019c), the city has shown some degree of willingness to support the local culture. In practice however, the increase of development projects and a lack of initiative, have left the district largely stranded. Furthermore, counterstrategies cannot be reduced to

81 Original quote: “Und, das muss man auch nicht schönreden, St. Pauli befindet sich mitten in der Gentrifizierung“ 82 Original quote: “Das heißt, es ist generell eine Herangehensweise von nicht Armut, sondern die Armen bekämpfen. Und auch das ist Teil der breitgefächerten Gentrifizierung, mit Sauberkeit-, Sicherheitsdiskurs, Ordnungsdiskursen. Das merkt man hier in St. Pauli ganz stark. […] Es soll natürlich laut und bunt sein, den das ist die Maklerlyrik – wohnen Sie da wo andere ausgehen und mittendrin statt nur davor. Nur wenn dann die Leute hier wohnen, dann ist die Ecke eben doch zu schmuddelig und da ist es zu laut, und da stehen die Sexarbeiterinnen rum und die Obdachlosen und Müll überall und so“. 83 Original quote: “Es muss immer einen Ausgleich geben, grade in so einem Milieu. Es müssen noch Leute hier wohnen können, die sich Wohnraum kaum leisten können. Also es muss noch so ein Auffangbecken von Menschen geben, die am Rand der Gesellschaft stehen. Das muss ein Milieu wie dieses einfach leisten. Auf der anderen Seite […] muss es aber auch diesen Part geben, wo bildungsstarke Menschen da sind, die ihre Kinder hier zur Schule bringen. Es muss so ein Gleichgewicht da sein und das muss auch harmonisch sein”. 84 Original quote: “Da müssen alle an einem Strang ziehen”.

80 mere planning policies but need to sensitize and build general awareness around neglected topics and demographics such as sex workers, fighting for acceptance and de-stigmatization, which will eventually also translate into space.

However, so far it has been easier to merely exploit Hamburg’s RLD with its heinous, alternative and erotic flair since “St. Pauli is one of the strongest global brands, […] stronger than Hamburg” (Interview Staron 2019)85. Therefore, when it comes to the dialectic character of the Hamburg-St.-Pauli-Brand, it seems to remain a one-way street, where people need to fight for their right to remain and flourish in their own homes. One thing is for sure – Hamburg has arrived at a cross-roads and it is left open, how the city will move on from here on, or as PlanBude puts it:

“’We are facing the question on how to tackle the societal and urban decay. On how to provide non-profit inner-city housing, social and cultural spaces. In the context of pointedly discourses around increasing rents, Hamburg could strive to lead by example’” (PlanBude 2019, p. 1)86

85 Original quote: “St. Pauli ist eine der stärksten Marken der Welt, […] stärker als Hamburg”. 86 Original quote: “Wir stehen vor der Frage, wie dem Auseinanderfallen von Gesellschaft und Stadt begegnet werden kann. Wie auch in teuren Innenstädten gemeinnützige Wohnformen, soziale und kulturelle Räume möglich werden. Im Licht der schärfer werdenden Mieten-Debatten kann Hamburg hier ein Modell erproben, wie das geht”.

81 Literature Aalbers, M. B., & Sabat, M. (2012). Re-making a Landscape of Prostitution: the Amsterdam Red Light District. City 16:1-2 , pp. 112-128.

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Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg . (2018). Bezirkliches Wohnungsbauprogramm Hamburg-Mitte 2018. Abgerufen am March 2019 von Hamburg.de: https://www.hamburg.de/mitte/wohnungsbauprogramm/

Gedaschko, A. (2008). Hamburg und seine Nachbarn: Wechselbeziehungen aus politisch-planerischer Perspektive. Hamburg: Hansestadt Hamburg.

Gymnasium Ohmoor. (2019). Hamburger Wohnungsmarkt 2018. Abgerufen am April 2019 von bautschweb.de: http://www.bautschweb.de/mieten/mieten.htm

Park Fiction Komitee. (2014). Warum Park Fiction den Pudelsalon braucht und der ganze Pudel kollektiviert werden muss. Abgerufen am May 2019 von park-fiction.net: http://park- fiction.net/warum-park-fiction-den-pudelsalon-braucht-und-der-ganze-pudel-kollektiviert-werden- muss/

Pauls, S. (2019). Gaplanter Abriss von C&A: Auch diese Hamburger Gebäude gibt es nicht mehr. Abgerufen am May 2019 von mopo.de: https://www.mopo.de/hamburg/geplanter-abriss-von-c-a- auch-diese-hamburger-gebaeude-gibt-es-nicht-mehr-26205956

PlanBude. (2015). Planbude - Intro - D. Abgerufen am May 2019 von planbude.de: https://planbude.de/planbude-intro/

Schär, J. (2009). Hafenstraße. Retrieved May 2019, from fotocommunity.de: https://www.fotocommunity.de/photo/hafenstrasse-jutta-schaer/18391371

Sommer, C. (2012). Du bist Hamburg. Standort. Zeitschrift für Angewandte Geographie Vol. 36 No. 2 , pp. 77-81.

Stepmap. (2018). Retrieved January 7th, 2018, from http://www.stepmap.de/landkarte/deutschlandkarte-hamburg-1484726

91 Wikipedia. (2019). Hamburg-St. Pauli. Abgerufen am May 2019 von wikipedia.org: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamburg-St._Pauli

Wolkenmond. (2012). Tanzende Türme Hamburg. Abgerufen am May 2019 von wolkenmond.de: http://www.wolkenmond.de/foto/unterwegs/2012_11_11.html

92 Annex

1. Glossary

Airbus – An international pioneer in the aerospace sector.

Alster – A tributary of the Elbe River taking the shape of a lake in Hamburg’s city center.

Altona – Hamburg’s most Western borough. Until 1938 it was an autonomous city.

Astra – The name of a local beer, which originated in Altona probably in the 17th century.

BallinStadt – It makes reference to the emigration museum, based upon the former emigration village.

Barmbek – One of Hamburg’s districts, which originally was a village and suburb to the city of Hamburg.

Bauplan/Baupläne – A unique feature of German planning law, delineating an explicit and binding construction plan or project procedure.

Bernhard-Nocht-Straße – Street running parallel to the Reeperbahn.

Bezirkliches Wohnungsbauprogramm Hamburg-Mitte 2018 – Housing program for the borough Hamburg-Mitte for 2018

Boutique Bizarre – A famous sex shop at the Reeperbahn, only accessible when of age due to its explicit nature.

Bundesland/Bundesländer – Germany is divided into 16 federal states. Three of them, including Hamburg, serve the function of a city-state.

Bundesverband für erotische und sexuelle Dienstleistungen (BesD) – German Federal Association for Erotic and Sexual Services based in Germany’s capital, Berlin.

City-Süd – Office location and long-term real estate project in the southern parts of the borough Hamburg-Mitte.

Corny Littmann – German theatre director and producer, actor and LGBTQI+ activist. Former FC St. Pauli president and property owner of the Schmidt Theater and the Schmidts Tivoli located at the Reeperbahn.

Dammtor – The third biggest out of Hamburg’s five long-distance train stations.

Davidstraße – One of the multiple streets situated between the Reeperbahn and Hafenstraße which were given male first names during the late 18th century. It is also one of the few streets where prostitution is permitted during certain hours of the day.

Davidwache – Police department located at the Davidstraße at the heart of St. Pauli. It originated in the mid-19th century and has gained fame through its media presence.

93 Dollhouse – One of Hamburg’s most famous strip clubs.

Eimsbüttel – One of Hamburg’s seven boroughs. It is known as a media and creative industry location as well as the former Jewish quarter.

Elbe River – A 1094 km long river which originates in the Czech Republic, crosses Germany and ends at the North Sea.

Elbphilharmonie – The (in)famous concert hall, which was inaugurated in 2017 (7 years behind schedule) and serves as Hamburg’s new landmark. Its sound system is supposed to be one-of-a-kind.

Erichstraße – Another street located between the Reeperbahn and Hafenstraße which was given a male first name during the late 18th century. It is also one of the few streets where prostitution is permitted during certain hours of the day.

Esso-Häuser – Former building complex, named after the attached Esso gas station. It was demolished in 2013 causing much protest and becoming the symbol for gentrification within St. Pauli.

Fachberatungsstelle Prostitution Sperrgebiet – Counseling center for sex workers at the Reeperbahn and St. Georg.

Fischmarkt – Legendary fish market, taking place each Sunday from 5:00/7:00-9:30 at the old docks, offering not only fish but also fruits and vegetables in bulk for small prices.

Gängeviertel – Former working class residential districts from the 19th century. The only 12 buildings left have become famous when they got caught up in a conflict over use in 2012 and nowadays stand exemplarily for cooperation between the city and local activists.

Gesetz zur Regelung der Rechtsverhältnisse der Prostituierten (ProstG)/Prostitutionsgesetz – The first German law, declaring sex work as an official occupation and no longer illegal nor immoral.

Glacis – Modern type of permanent fortress, combining trenches and steep defensive walls.

Große Freiheit – A side street of the Reeperbahn which acquired its name due to its location outside the city limits and the freedom it granted religious and crafts people.

Günter Zint – Famous German Photographer, who worked, amongst others, for the DPA, Spiegel and Stern.

HafenCity – Waterfront re-development project and district of the city of Hamburg, replacing large parts of the former free-trade harbor with residential buildings , offices and commercial spaces.

Hafenstraße – Street running parallel to the Reeperbahn along the Elbe. The term also stands representative for counter movements and squatting in the late 1980s.

Hamburger Berg – The former name of the district of St. Pauli. Today it describes a side street of the Reeperbahn filled with smaller bars, offering dance floors for free.

Hamburger Dom – Local fun fair at the Heiligengeistfeld close to the Reeperbahn, taking place three times a year for four weeks respectively.

94 Hamburg-Mitte – One of Hamburg’s seven boroughs, covering the city center as well as the island Neuwerk, located at the Elbe Estuary.

Hans-Albers-Platz – Famous public square named after the popular actor Hans Albers. It is surrounded by residential buildings with restaurants, bars and hotels on the ground floor.

Heiligengeistfeld – 20 ha open air event premises which in the 15th century used to be part of the convent hospital “Hospital zum Heiligen Geist”.

Herbertstraße – A 100 m long world famous side street of the Reeperbahn, where around 250 sex workers offer their service by presenting themselves in glass windows. Since 1933 screens on both ends of the street have turned it into a semi-public space, only accessible to men.

Hamburg Marketing GmbH (HMG) – Hamburg’s Marketing Ltd., which was founded in 2004 for the purpose of uniting all stakeholders and activities in connecting to tourism and city branding.

Hoheluft – Entails two of Hamburg’s districts and describe some of the most densely populated German districts.

Holsten – A local brewery, founded in 1879 in Altona. Today it is part of the Danish Carlsberg company, with the brewery still located in the district of Altona.

Howaldtswerke-Deutsche Werft (HDW) – One of Germany’s largest wharfs, located in Hamburg and Kiel.

Interessensgemeinschaft St. Pauli (IG St. Pauli) – An association of local business owners in St. Pauli, founded in 1985 in order to steer the (economic) development of the district.

Internationale Bauausstellung (IBA) – The international building exhibition held in Hamburg from 2007 to 2013, tackling planning and political challenges through architectural, social and cultural projects.

Jahrmarkt – German term for funfair or carnival, entailing joy rides, shooting stands and snacks.

Karoviertel – or Karolinenviertel is a small part of the district St. Pauli, bordering the Schanzenviertel.

Kiez – Generally, German slang for neighborhood. In Hamburg it exclusively stands for the district of St. Pauli.

Kleine Freiheit – Like the Große Freiheit, a side street of the Reeperbahn which acquired its name due to its location outside the city limits and the freedom it granted religious and crafts people.

Landungsbrücken – This place was Hamburg’s first docking station, constructed in 1839. Today it merely hosts passenger ships.

Mario Rispo – Original co-founder of the Schmidt Theater.

Meanie Bar – Bar, located within the former Esso-Häuser, right next to the famous Molotow music club.

Michel – Slang for Hamburg’s main church St. Michaelis, located in the city center, which is the city’s landmark.

95 Millerntor – It used to be the western entry gate to the city of Hamburg, separating Hamburg from the former town Altona.

Millerntor Stadium – It is a football stadium at the Heiligengeistfeld in St. Pauli belonging to the football club FC St. Pauli.

Molotow – A music club, formerly located within the Esso-Häuser, momentarily exiled to a different location at the Reeperbahn until its return to the Spielbudenplatz.

Neuer Wall – A shopping street in Hamburg’s city center, surrounded by several canals. It belongs to one of the ten contemporary luxury shopping streets in Europe.

Nobistor – The counter part to the Millerntor, as it marked the entry gate to the city of Altona. The area within these two gates described what today is known as St. Pauli.

Nuttenbunker/Todesturm – Skyscraper located at the end of the Reeperbahn, known for housing prostitutes and serving as a spot for suicide.

Olivia Jones – A famous German Drag Queen, running multiple travesty venues at the Große Freiheit.

Operettenhaus – A theater and musical venue at the Spielbudenplatz.

Ottensen – A district within the borough of Altona which experienced much revaluation from a former migrant to a trendy neighborhood in the 1980s.

Paloma Viertel – Name for the re-development project replacing the former Esso-Häuser.

Park Fiction – An artistic and sociopolitical project which emerged during the mid 1990s and resulted in the creation of publicly accessible and appropriated space.

PlanBude – Intermediary piece between the civic and planning instances of the Esso-Häuser. The interdisciplinary team made up by members of the Esso-Intiative or the Park Fiction project, facilitated the participatory nature of the Paloma Viertel.

Planten un Blomen – A 47 ha park complex, comprising a botanical garden on the premises formerly occupied by ramparts. Its name derives from the lower German words for plants and flowers.

Prostituiertenschutzgesetz – A German law implemented in 2017 enhancing regulations of sex work. Its most prominent modification was a compulsory registration for all sex workers.

Rahmenprogramm Integrierte Stadtteilentwicklung (RISE) – A political and planning tool, assuring the improved quality of life of certain districts in Hamburg, without causing displacement or segregation.

Ragazza – A counseling center for drug consuming sex workers, offering help concerning health, drug consumption and other related issues.

Reeperbahn – Hamburg’s notorious red-light and party mile.

Reepschläger – German word for rope makers.

Rote Flora – An autonomous leftist center located in the heart of the Schanzenviertel in Hamburg.

96 Sachsentor – Located within the district of Bergedorf, it is has become home to one of the first BIDs installed in the city of Hamburg.

Schanzenviertel – A district located within the borough of Altona which used to be marked by its run- down, multicultural and diverse character but ever since the turn of the century converted into the epicenter of gentrification in Hamburg.

Schmidt Theater – A private theater located at the Spielbudenplatz, which was opened in 1988 by, amongst others, Corny Littmann and Mario Rispo.

Schöne Kunst Allen Menschen (SKAM) – An art collective which used to be located within the premises of a former old bowling alley.

Soziale Erhaltungsverordnung St. Pauli – A political and planning tool in order to preserve the unique spirit of the district and prevent the displacement of the local population.

Seilerstraße – Street running parallel to the Reeperbahn.

Silbersackstraße – A side street of the Reeperbahn, close to the Hans-Albers-Platz, where street prostitution is allowed at certain hours. It is also home to the famous bar Zum Silbersack.

Speicherstadt – Hamburg’s famous warehouse district, constructed between 1883 and 1927. Since 1991 it underlies monumental protection and it one of Hamburg’s major tourist attractions.

Sperrbezirk/Sperrgebiet – Description of an area were street prostitution underlies complete or temporary restriction.

Spielbudenplatz – A large square at the southern side of the Reeperbahn which ever since its installation served as a space for entertainment. Today it is home to several theaters, bars and other entertainment venues.

St. Georg – A district within Hamburg’s city center right next to the central train station. It is known for its duality between trendy, gay friendly and largely gentrified areas, next to run-down, drug and sex work-related parts.

St. Pauli Code – Entails guidelines on how to pursue re-development strategies within the district of St. Pauli in order to preserve the district’s unique character and prevent displacement.

Susis Showbar – A table dance bar located at the entrance of the Große Freiheit, which was inaugurated in 1979 and has become one of the most famous venues within Hamburg’s red-light district.

Tanzende Türme – Skyscrapers located at the entrance of the Reeperbahn, which were constructed in 2012. They entail office, gastronomy and entertainment premises.

Uhlenhorst – A rather conservative residential district located in northern Hamburg.

Verordnung über das Verbot der Kontaktaufnahme zu Personen zur Vereinbarung entgeltlicher sexueller Dienstleistungen im Sperrgebiet

Wallanlagen – German word for ramparts.

97 Wandsbek – A large district located in northern Hamburg, which used to be an autonomous town. It describes one of the wealthier district in Hamburg.

Wohlwillstraße – A street leading from the district of St. Pauli towards the Schanzenviertel, which has undergone much renovation and seeming gentrification.

Zur Ritze – Famous Pub and boxing ring at the Reeperbahn.

98 2. Interview Guides

1. Anonymous Interview Partner - What kind of establishment is this? What kind people do you get in touch with? - In the context of the equalizing of human trafficking or exploitation and sex work, what is the reality you witness here? - In comparison to St. Georg, are certain political or planning instruments also used at the Reeperbahn which could be interpreted as gentrification? - How has prostitution evolved over the past years? What role does tourism play in this context? - How is the cooperation between social workers and the city and/or the police? - What future do you see for the Reeperbahn?

2. Julia Staron - What is the BID Reeperbahn+? What are your ideas and aims? - How has the red-light scene developed at the Reeperbahn? What has been the role of tourism? - Can you elaborate on the UNESCO idea? - What has been the reaction to this idea?

3. Stefan Nöthen - What is the Hamburg Brand? How and why was it created? What is it based upon? - Can you specifically elaborate on the success module Reeperbahn? - How do you deal with the critique that a city should not be branded since it is not a product but rather a social construct and a living environment?

4. Margot Pfeiffer - Could you briefly introduce yourself? - What is the precinct’s jurisdiction and what are main functions or tasks? - How do you handle red-light activities? Is there any sort of discretion or a grey zone? - How is the relationship between the police and local residents or visitors at the Reeperbahn? - What kind of people or situations do you get confronted with? - Have you encountered situations related to forced prostitution, exploitation or human trafficking? - How has the red-light scene and the Reeperbahn evolved over the years? - What prospects do you have for the Reeperbahn?

99 5. Steffen Jörg - What do you do at the GWA St. Pauli? What are your main tasks? What people or issues do you encounter? - What trends have you witnessed in St. Pauli? - What prospects do you have for St. Pauli? What do you think of the idea of turning St. Pauli into an intangible UNESCO world heritage site?

6. Josefa Nereus - Briefly present yourself, who you are, what you do and what kind of milieu you frequent. - How has the working field of prostitution evolved? Do you have information on the workings and development of street prostitution? Maybe even concretely for the Reeperbahn? - How is the cooperation with the city, administrative and political entities? - What prospects do you have for the field of sex work? What do you fear? What do you wish for?

100 3. City Guide Review

Title Year Type Cover Main attractions Reference to St. Pauli/Reeperbahn Picture 1. 2011 Short stories/ HafenCity Elbtunnel (new&old), (lack in) historic appearance, Street prostitution, evenining performances, Gebrauchsanweisu utility book traditional food, Hanseatic appearance, HafenCity, Große Freiheit, Hamburger Berg, sexshops, table- ng für Hamburg Elbphilharmonie, Esso gas station, Fischmarkt, Elbe boat dance bars, porno cinemas, lifesex shows, trips, beach, Speicherstadt, Harbor, Blankenese, Herbertstraße, Spielbudenplatz, Beatles Platz, Treppenviertel, Altes Land, Hafengeburtstag, Hafenstraße, Esso Häuser, Davidwache, Sinful Mile, Rote Flora, Schanze, Media Metropolis, Gentrification, Entertainment Mile, tourists, buyable sex, rope Rathaus, Chilehaus, St. Pauli vs. HSV, multiple events (Harley makers Days, Dom, Alstervergnügen, CSD), Ohlsdorf graveyard, density of millionairs, Hip Hop scene, Hagenbecks, St. Georg, Lange Reihe, Strandperle, Störtebecker, green livable character, British affinity, bad weather, musical city, rage of modern construction

2. Top 10 Hamburg 2017 Standard city Elbphilharmo Top 10 are: 1) Rathaus 2) Michel 3) Elbphilharmonie 4) Entertainment Mile, theaters, clubs, bars, guide based on nie Speicherstadt (and its museums) 5) Maritime Museum 6) casinos, Spielbudenplatz, Beatles Platz, Hans- 10 highlights Rickmer Rickmers 7) Reeperbahn 8) Planten un Blomen 9) Albers-Platz, Davidwache: focus on throughout Hamburg Art Gallery 10) Hagenbecks entertainment, no mention of prostitution, sex multiple shops, strip clubs etc. categories

101 Other aspects: the traditional-modern dichotomy, food/drinks, shopping, Störtebeker, water and nature, Alster, Elbe, beach, city park, Ohlsdorf graveyard, musicals, Dom, Hafengeburtstag, HafenCity, Media Metropolis, Daytrips into Hamburg's surroundings, Alstadt, Neustadt, harbor, Speicherstadt, St. Pauli, Karoviertel, Schanzenviertel, Altona/Ottensen, St. Georg, Grindelviertel, Krameramtsstuben, Fischauktionshalle, Chilehaus, Elbtunnel

3. Hamburg (MP) 2016 Standard city Speicherstad City center, shopping, Rathaus, museums, Chilehaus, Alster, Nightlife in St. Pauli, Schanzenviertel, Ottensen, guide with 6 t Jungfernstieg, Hansaviertel, St. Pauli, Landungsbrücken, St. Georg (Prostitution/drugs), Davidstraße, highlights worth Elbtunnel, Rickmer Rickmers, Park Fiction, Reeperbahn, Talstraße, Hamburger Berg, Prostitution, drugs, visiting Speicherstadt and its museums, HafenCity, Deichtorhallen, crime, Reeperbahnfestival Elbphilharmonie, Altona, Altonaer Museum, Altonaer Rathaus, Fischmarkt, Fischauktionshalle, Ottensen, Övelgönne, Strand Perle, Teufelsbrück, Grindelviertel, Stolpersteine, Abaton, Grindelhochhäuser, Planten un Blomen, Eppendorf, Ballinstadt, Ohlsdorf graveyard, Stadtpark, Altes Land, Süllberg, Treppenviertel, Sports, Jazz, Creativity, Gängeviertel, Craft beer, wind and water, green city, Michel, diverse food, Shopping miles, Isemarkt, openness, Hafengeburtstag, Dom, Alstervergnügen, CSD, Weihnachtsmark, building and gentrification

102 4. Hamburg (DD) 2017 Standard city Elbphilharmo Key points are: 1) Rathaus 2) Jungfernstieg&shopping 3) Hans-Albers-Platz, Spielbudenplatz, Tanzende guide with 15 nie Kontorhausviertel (Chilehaus) 4) Speicherstadt (UNESCO Türme, Davidwache, Hamburger Berg, Große key points world heritage site) 5) Elbphilharmonie/HafenCity 6) Michel Freiheit, Beatles Platz, table dance, sex shops, (Portugiesenvierel, Krameramtsstuben) 7) clubs, bars, street prostitution, Herbertstraße, Landungsbrücken/Elbtunnel 8) Hafenrundfahrt 9) diversified nightlife, world record in bars, tourism Fischmarkt/Fischauktionshalle 10) Reeperbahn 11) Karoviertel 12) St. Georg (hip/gentrification and drugs) 13) Eppendorf (Isemarkt) 14) Ottensen/Altona 15) Övelgönne (beach/Strandperle)

Other aspects: Tor zur Welt, tourist hub in Germany, british finess, harbor, Störtebeker, water, nature, Alster, Elbe, Ohlsdorf graveyard, Hafengeburtstag, Dom, Hagenbecks, weather, Blankenese, Treppenviertel, Schanzenviertel, Gentrification, migration, museums

5. Hamburg (Geo 2013 Thematic Sailors on a Green, beach, Rathaus, Alsterarkaden, Bismark statue, Reeperbahn, Gentrification through new Special) magazine boat on the Mittwochsregatta, Alster, Speicherstadt, Stadtpark, Michel, buildings and displacement of old population, Elbe River reservedness, alternative, Esso-Häuser, world commerce Spielbudenplatz, Große Freiheit, Zum Silbersack, with the city, old Elbtunnel, HafenCity, Elphilharmonie, (commercial) Herbertstraße, Prostitution, Geiz Club, unfinished port Davidwache, tourism, Disneyification, brothels Elbphilharmo nie in the background

103 6. City Guide 2014 Posh, British city No picture Binnenalster, Four Seasons, Rathaus, HafenCity (re- St. Pauli more than Reeperbahn, infamous red- Hamburg guide development), Nikolei, Laeiszhalle, Michel, water, green, light district, Davidwache as a modern building: (Wallpaper*) wealth, commercial port, Media Metropolis, growing city, no mention of prostitution or other erotic Elbphilharmonie, Eimsbüttel (creative hub), St. Georg (gay), establishments Schanze (left/hip), Alsterarkaden, Alster, Planten un Blomen, Kontorhausviertel, Eppendorf/Harvestehude (bourgeois), Altona/St. Pauli (gritty, multicultural, chilled), Docklands, Flakturm IV, Tanzende Türme, Chilehaus, Speicherstadt, shopping city, sports, spa, day trips to Lübeck, Blankenese, Sylt 7. Alles über 2008 Facts and figures Stylized Herbertstraße as a special street, mentioned as Hamburg on Hamburg representati the smallest street in Hamburg, Reeperbahn on of Michel, named as an entertainment street, connected to Köhbrandbrü sailor romanticism, Hans Albers, purchasable sex, cke & with more entertainment, parties and tourism Rickmer nowadays Rickmers 8. INGUIDE 2017 Standard city Landungsbrü Must see: HafenCity, Hamburger Dom, Fischmarkt, Davidwache, Große Freiheit, Beatles, KOMPAKT guide cken/harbor Reeperbahn, Große Freiheit, Jungfernstieg, Rathaus, Herbertstraße, Dom, FC St. Pauli, famous, image Speicherstadt, Chilehaus, Schanzenviertel, Hamburg change through new entertainment offers, Museums; Must feel: international maritime museum, Schmidt, former problem child, acended to Hafengeburtstag, water light concerts, Fischbrötchen, trendy neighborhood, red-light is declining, Elbwanderweg, Altes Land, Kanutour, Theaterschiff tourism, alternative flair, Herbertstraße still alive

104 Other aspects: Old town, Europapassage, Kontorhausviertel, Thalia, Art Gallery, Central Station, MfKG, Deichtorhallen, St. Nikolei, Alsterarkaden/passagen, Staatsoper, Laeiszhalle, Krameramtsstuben, Michel, Media Metropolis, Alster, villas, Grindelviertel, Eppendorf, Isemarkt, Alstervergnügen, Planten un Blomen, Stadtpark, Ohlsdorf graveyard, Schauspielhaus, St. Pauli, Karoviertel, Fischmarkt, Messe, Fernsehturm, Schulterblatt, Wasserturm, Schanzenpark, Rote Flora, Altona, Ottensen, Altonaer Rathaus/Museum, Dockland, Övelgönne, beach, Jenischpark, Blankenese, Hagenbecks, harbor, Elbphilharmonie, Landungsbrücken, old Elbtunnel, Rickmer Rickermers, Blohm&Voss, Köhlbrandbrücke, Ahrendsburg, Sachsenwald, Altes Land, Wattenmeer

9. Der besondere 2018 111 secret tips Skyline with 1) Rathaus, Alsterarkaden, Chilehaus, Michel, Focus on Davidwache as worldwide known, Stadtführer in multiple Elbphilharmo Krameramtsstuben, Planten un Blomen, Kunsthalle, Lange smallest police department; no Herbertstraße categories nie, Reihe 2) Speicherstadt, Hafencity, Museums, Stadtpark, Elbphilharmonie 3) Landungsbrücken, Övelgönne, Alter Hafengeburtstag, Rickmer Rickmers, Alter Elbtunnel, Schwede & Fischmarkt, Dockland, beach, Strandperle, Alter Schwede 4) Vierlanden St. Pauli, Davidwache, Große Freiheit, Bealtles Platz, Spielbudenplatz, Theater, Varieté, St. Pauli Museum, Hamburger Dom, Medienbunker, Schanzenviertel, Flora 5) Außenalster, Jarrestadt, Stadtpark, Isemarkt, Grindelhochhäuser, Ohlsdorf graveyard 6) Altona, Blankenese, Ottensen, Hagenbecks, Teufelsbrück, Jenischpark, Hirschpark, Treppenviertel, Süllberg 7) Wandsbek, Zollenspieker, Bille, Bergedorfer Schloss, Neuengamme, Vierlanden, 8) Grasbrook, Altes Land, Hafenmuseum, Ballinstadt, Altenwerder 9) bridges, Christmas Market

105 10. Heimatbuch 2013 Short stories Knotted rope 1) Außenalster, rain, Elbe, bridges, churches, Herbertstraße, Silbersack, Esso-Häuser, with different Alsterschippern, Hotel Atlantik 2) re-development, Fischmarkt, Fischauktionshalle, not focal points Hafenstraße 3) Ottensen, Altona 4) Rathaus, Neuer Wall, recommendable especially during the weekend connecting to an Alsterarkaden, BID, Thalia, Staatsoper 4) Helmut Schmidt 5) overarching last Ohlsdorf graveyard, Garten der Frauen, Domenica Niehoff 6) chapter Landungsbrücken, gate to the world, alter Elbtunnel, König der Löwen, Rickmer Rickmers, Cap San Diego, Hafengeburtstag 7) Elbphilharmonie, HafenCity, Marco Polo Tower, Speicherstadt, Kreuzfahrtterminal, Störtebeker, museums, Seemannsheim Kravenkamp 8) Michel, Krameramstsstuben, Portugiesenviertel 9) Horner Rennbahn, Protestantism 10) Beer, Labskaus, Aalsuppe, Franzbrötchen 11) Rothenburgsort, Autoknast, Kaltenhof, Entenwerder, Golf 12) Schanzenviertel, Karoviertel, Gentrification, Rote Flora 13) Elbstrand, Strandperle, Övelgönne, Blankenese, Treppenviertel, Falkensteiner Ufer 14) Hanseatic culture, Britishness 15) St. Pauli, Hamburger Berg, Große Freiheit, Davidwache 16) Wilhelmsburg, Harburg, Sammlung Falckenberg 17) Beatles (Platz), 18) Millerntorstadium, FC St. Pauli 19) Barmbek, Winterhude, Kampnagel, Stadtpark, Planetarium 20) St. Pauli Movies, Honka, Media Metropolis 21) Grindelviertel, Jewish, Grindelhochhäuser, Abaton, Völkerkundemuseum 22) Eppendorf, posh, Isemark 23) St. Georg, Street prostitution, gay/hip, Museums, Theaters 24) Hagebecks, Volkspark 25) Dom, Reeperbahn Festival, Alstervergnügen, Hamburg slang

106 4. Word Cloud Table

Abaton Cinema x2 Brothels x3 Europa Passage Ahrendsburg Casinos Falkensteiner Ufer Alternative Cap San Diego Famous Hotels x4 Altenwerder Chilehouse x7 FC St. Pauli x3 Alter Schwede Christmas Market x2 Fernsehturm Altes Land x5 Clubs x2 Fischauktionshalle x5 Altona x7 Craft Beer x2 Fischbrötchen Altonaer Museum x2 Creativity Fischmarkt x7 Altonaer Rathaus x2 Crime Flakturm IV Art Gallery x4 CSD x2 Gate To The World x3 Alster x10 Davidstraße Garten der Frauen Alsterarkaden x6 Davidwache x8 Geiz Club Alstervergnügen x5 Deichtorhallen x2 Gentrification x5 Bad Weather x2 Dialogue House x4 Golf BallinStadt x2 Disneyfication Grasbrook Barmbek Diversity x2 Grindel High Rises x3 Bars x2 Docklands x5 Grindelviertel x4 Beachx 7 Domenica Niehoff Große Freiheit x6 Beatles Square x7 Drugs x2 Growth x2 Bergedorfer Schloss Eimsbüttel Hagenbeck Zoo x5 BID Elbe x5 HafenCity x10 Bille Elbphilharmonie x10 Hafengeburtstag x8 Bismarck Statue Elbtunnel x8 Hafenstraße x2 Blankenese x5 Elbwanderweg Hamburger Berg x4 Blohm&Voss Entenwerder Hamburger Dom x7 Bunker Entertainment Mile x4 Hamburg Slang Bridges x2 Eppendorf x5 Hans-Albers-Platz x4 British Affinity x3 Esso Houses x3 Hansaviertel

107 Hanseatic x4 Maritime Museum x6 Rope Makers x2

(Commercial) Harbor x7 Media City x5 Rote Flora x4

Harbor Boat Trips x2 Messe Rothenburgsort

Harburg Michel x10 Sachsenwald

Harley Days Migration Sailors x3

Helmut Schmidt Millerntor Stadium Sammlung Falckenberg

Herbertstraße x6 Miniature Wonder Land x4 Schanzenpark

Hip Hop Mittwochsregatta Schanzenviertel x6

Hirschpark Movies Schmidts x2

Honka Museums x5 Schulterblatt

Horner Rennbahn Musicals x2 Seemannsheim Kravenkamp

HSV Nature x7 Sexshops x2

Isemarkt x5 Neuengamme Shopping x3

Jarrestadt Nightlife x5 Sinful Mile x3

Jenischpark x2 Ohlsdorf graveyard x7 Speicherstadt x9

Jungfernstieg x3 Ottensen x6 Spice Museum x4

Kaltenhof Övelgönne x5 Spielbudenplatz x4

Kampnagel Park Fiction Sports x3

Kanutour Planetarium Staatsoper x2

Karoviertel x4 Planten un Blomen x5 Stadtpark x6

Köhlbranbrücke Porno Cinemas Stolpersteine x2

König der Löwen Portugiesenviertel x2 St. Georg x6

Krameramtsstuben x5 Problem Child St. Pauli x8

Laeiszhalle x2 Protestantism St. Pauli Theater x3

Landungsbrücken x7 Purchasable Sex St. Pauli Museum x3

Lange Reihe x4 Ratsherr Brauerei Strandperle x5

Life Sex Shows Re-Development x7 Street Prostitution x6

Lübeck Reeperbahn x8 Störtebeker x4

Music Reeperbahn Festival x2 Süllberg x2

Marco Polo Tower Rickmer Rickmers x5 Sylt

108 Talstraße Treppenviertel x4 Wattenmeer

Table-Dance x2 UNESCO World Heritage Wealth x3

Tanzende Türme x2 Vierlanden Wilhelmsburg

Teufelsbrück x2 Völkerkundemuseum Winterhude

Thalia x2 Volkspark World Commerce City

Theaterschiff Wandsbek World Record in Bars

Tourism x6 Wasserturm Zollenspieker

Town Hall x9 Water x4 Zum Silbersack x2

Traditional food x4 Water Light Concert

109

5. Observations

Day/Time Conditions People/Activities Particularities 1. Saturday Clear but - Many people at and around the Reeperbahn - More people than March 23rd relatively cold, - Multiple tourist groups all over the Reeperbahn especially at the Große Freiheit and the Spielbudenplatz, they expected 21:00-22:30 especially seem to make up around 50 % of the visitors - Many (guided) tourist compared to - Große Freiheit extremely busy, with clubs and bars already open or starting to set up; people seem to rather take groups the day before pictures than actually visit any of the facilities - Astonishing amount of - Backside of the Reeperbahn (Simon-von-Utrecht-Straße) very sketchy with multiple men in the park, some of Bachelor/ette parties them getting checked by the police and some people, seemingly Brazilian trans-prostitutes passing by > still, there are bachelor/ette parties around - All over the Reeperbahn and its side streets there are multiple bachelor/ette parties - Especially close to the Hamburger Berg/KFC there are multiple homeless people and some dealers (all black) - Walking from the Hamburger Berg toward the train station St. Pauli there are multiple bars on the left side of the street, one next to each other, playing music at a very high voltage, seemingly trying to be the loudest which is very annoying - The Spielbudenplatz is well lit with multiple people around, sitting in restaurants or talking in tourist groups > One of the groups’ guide is giving information on the price of prostitution (50 € for 30 minutes) and how this is only an initial price which will eventually go up - Walking up the Davidstraße from the Davidwache, there are multiple prostitutes on the right side of the street, around 15 in total, standing throughout the streets > Only one of them is black, the rest are white, mixed blonde and brunette girls, mostly 25 years or below, maximum up to 35 years old. They all have very similar looks, with tight pants or leggings and short jackets keeping them warm. They all wear make-up and many of them actively pursue single men walking by. Some of them even touch the guys and try to pull them close. > I try to take some pictures, initially of the sex workers but later also of some of the venues; when one of the prostitutes sees me she starts yelling I should stop taking pictures and insults me - Making a right at Friedrichstraße I encounter around five sex workers, making another left onto Gerhardstraße see only one or two prostitutes in front of the screens at the Herbertstraße and besides that the street seems to be filled exclusively with men

110 > On this side of the Herbertstraße there are many men, I seem to be almost the only non-sex worker female around - At the end of the street, reaching Erichstraße there is almost no red-light or entertainment character left; there are some bars but almost no people around and the buildings seem rather residential; this gives the area a very abandoned character and I suddenly feel less safe. - Getting back towards Davidstraße, abruptly there is more life again, until I make a right on the Bernhard-Nocht- Straße > Here there are some bars and clubs now and then on the right side of the street, whereas on the left side you can find the Hafenstraße-buildings, painted and tagged > At every corner on the right side of the street there is a black guy standing, very apparently waiting for customers > Multiple of these men speak to me, greeting me and asking me how I am, obviously wanting to start a conversation with me; I keep on walking and mainly ignore them > Towards the Balduin-steps the area gets even more shady and I am all of a sudden grateful for a bachelorette party walking by; the area makes me feel very unsafe > I notice how a deal comes to be, when one of the couples passing by gives one of the dealers a nod and they walk off - Once the Balduinstraße ends and the Silbersackstraße starts, there are more bars, leading to more light and life around and the atmosphere changes completely again; I feel safe and comfortable - At the end of the Silbersackstraße, towards the Reeperbahn, there are two prostitutes situated talking - Looking over from this side of the Reeperbahn it seems more quiet than on the other side; also the Hamburger Berg as well as the Hans-Albers-Platz are relatively empty > From experience I can tell that this is not yet the prime time to go out; around midnight it will get extremely full with younger and less sober people

111 2. Relatively cold - The Reeperbahn is quite busy for the time and day, there are multiple people and cars around, more than in - More activities and Wednesday but no rain, many other parts of the city people than expected for a March 27th even though it > Especially at the Reeperbahn there are clearly many tourists, some guided, but overall rather in small groups on Wednesday night 21:30-22:15 had been their own - Prostitution does take raining all day > There are more people opposite of the Spielbudenplatz, many of them just strolling and looking around place throughout the long - Overall there are older demographics, especially many senior groups are very noticeable week: higher - The bars at the Reeperbahn are open but playing their music not as loud as on Saturday and there are not too visibility/presence might many customers inside mean that there is less - There seems to be a concert going on at the Docks at the Spielbudenplatz, since there is a little crowd waiting in costumers line - Stronger police presence - At the Davidstraße there seem to be more sex workers than on Saturday or at least more concentrated around a than expected on such a Burger King day > There are around 10 sex workers just next to the Burger King > Multiple are holding white plastic cups, seemingly containing some sort of warm beverage > In the Friedrichstraße there are only around three women, actively approaching single men or men in groups, stopping even their bikes and actively trying to persuade them and to pull them in > Overall, I recognize multiple women from Saturday. They seem to have clearly defined positions/spots they work - Bars for dancing around the Hans-Albers-Platz are closed, other bars for drinking are very toned down, with only light music and some customers > Besides sex workers you can mainly find old men either alone or in groups, also next to the Herbertstraße > There doesn’t seem to be too much tourism here > Two cops strolling/patrolling pass me by - In the Erichstraße, in front of the SM club, there is a tourist/guided group - Throughout the Bernhard-Nocht-Straße and the Baldiun-steps/straße there are no drug dealers at all > Multiple bars and restaurants are open; with more people walking and being around, the street feels like a normal residential street, not shady or scary at all > I see three police men searching the Erichstraße with flash lights, looking into house corners seemingly searching for drugs or other illegal activities (within the same 10 minutes I see other two cops within a very close radius) - Compared to the Reeperbahn, which feels very touristy, the side streets actually remind me of a normal neighborhood, with seemingly residents walking by/home/somewhere specific - Again, the Reeperbahn seems to be filled with tourists, especially older demographics - Strip clubs all seem to be open, with some men going in and coming out; most of them are in groups > I also see two women from the Heilsarmee (Salvation Army) entering a strip club

112 - Große Freiheit: there are several venues open, you can hear some light music and see some guests inside > Overall the Große Freiheit is much more dialed down, with less music and less people around > At the end of the street there is a big police van parked and three police men are checking the ID of three non- Caucasian young men; I don’t want to stare too much out of respect and fear > Otherwise the park seems rather empty > There is obvious transsexual sex work going on, on the streets as well as in the building, as one can tell from the windows - At the Hamburger Berg almost all bars are open and frequented by some people, but they remain rather empty and quiet, especially when compared to the weekend > Mainly younger demographics drinking, talking or playing table soccer, can be observed > Some “long-established-people” are occupying the older and more established bars to drink and chat > Overall the target group here seems to be more local than touristy > At the end of the street towards KFC I see many homeless people seeking shelter underneath the roof - The Spielbudenplatz seems rather empty, with more people walking around than actually entering the venues - Overall throughout the whole night, I here quite a lot of English 3. Thursday Relatively - More people than the day before, the Reeperbahn is relatively busy with old and young demographics - Prelude for the heavy March 28th warm, around - At the Reeperbahn there are more open bars than on Wednesday, some of them playing louder music and being party scene throughout the 22:45-23:30 10 °C with a relatively full weekend clear sky - At the Davidstraße there are less sex workers, only around five at the Burger King - Multiple venues are > I don’t recognize any of them already catering to the - At the Friedrichstraße there are around five women party crowds > The street is very empty and men are immediately “attacked” and lured into having sex - More drug and police - Towards the Hans-Albers-Platz it becomes more lively, with some busy bars playing louder music presence than expected > The bigger, dance bars are closed though > There is a rather large crowd at the square and some punks crossing with their dogs, getting into one of the buildings because they seem to live there > There are overall less people around the Herbertstraße - At the Bernhard-Nocht-Straße there is an increasing amount of dealers towards the Balduin-steps > Directly at the steps there is a little crowd smoking and some shady people around > One of the men literally drops a knife to the floor and when he sees that I see him, I feel very uncomfortable and keep walking > Down Balduinstraße I see two police officers getting out of a police car and checking the ID of a black man who seems to be a dealer

113 > Down Silbersackstraße there are two more black men seemingly dealing > I see another police car driving by from Reeperbahn towards the Balduin-steps - At the Reeperbahn there are people queuing at clubs e.g. Moondoo > These are much younger demographics - There are not that many more people around Reeperbahn/Große Freiheit than the day before > But multiple places (clubs, bars and strip clubs) are playing louder music, entertaining the whole street, which makes the area seem more lively - At the Simon-von-Utrecht-Straße and the park, there is a lot more going on than during the previous observations > Trans-women are actively presenting themselves in the windows of one of the buildings > Whereas the day before they would just have their lights on and seem to be “getting ready”, today they have their windows open and are actively verbally and with signals (pointing out their features, showing their naked bodies, signaling to come up) reaching out to men standing on the street > It is the only house where there is light and some activity, making this very obvious - At the Hamburger Berg there is also more liveliness due to bars entertaining the street with music > Overall there seem to be more people than the day before and some of them seem to be partying a bit > Overall the demographic is slightly younger > The same homeless people are squatting around KFC > I see a police car driving onto the Hamburger Berg - Before I leave I see two more police men patrolling down Davidstraße Towards the Reeperbahn - The Spielbudenplatz is rather empty, even though well lit and multiple venues are still open > Demographics seem a bit older > At the square right in front of the Davidwache there is a big crowd of younger people, not speaking German, hanging out - In general the amount of taxis at the Reeperbahn is much more than the average 4. Sunday Rather cold but - Large crowds of people are strolling down the Reeperbahn in smaller and bigger groups, many a little or very - Overall I feel more May 5th not rainy drunk comfortable, even in areas 00:15-1:00 > Many are emerging from the metro station St. Pauli at the beginning of the Reeperbahn and other, smaller not so frequented, maybe groups are emerging towards the middle and the end of the Reeperbahn out of the S-Bahn station Reeperbahn due to a) more people and > Demographics at this hour seem younger and more drunk than during earlier evening hours a stronger party-vibe or b) - Most action is located on the right side of the Reeperbahn, with many bars open, playing loud music, because I feel more entertaining the whole street, almost as if they were competing comfortable and know my Ø Despite the not so great weather, there are a few people sitting outside > from experience I know that in way around better

114 summer this is much more - There seem to be more - I notice that the famous sex shop Boutique Bizarre now charges one Euro entrance fee, which was not the case people around to party maybe a year ago than to observe or - Spielbudenplatz and the left side of the Reeperbahn are largely empty following guided tours > There are smaller crowds waiting in front of the club Gaga and the Schmidts Tivoli (there seems to be a 90s party - Prostitution is much less going on) visible, maybe because sex - There are a handful of sex workers at the corner of Burger King (Davidstraße) who are all involved in workers are occupied conversations with men – otherwise there are next to no sex workers on this street elsewhere > Also the Friedrichstraße is empty of sex workers, but contains larger party crowds with loud music coming from the bars - At the Hans-Albers-Platz all bars seem to be open, there is loud music emerging from them and all of them seem packed – also outside there are large crowds of people, having drinks - Gerhardstraße remains very full towards Hans-Albers-Platz and the famous shields at the Herbertstraße (especially men) but slowly empties out towards the end > The area towards the water including the end of the Davidstraße, Bernhard-Nocht-Straße and Baldiunstraße are rather empty > There are a few tourist groups around > People at Bernhard-Nocht-Straße seem more alternative > There are some people selling drugs at the beginning and the end of the Bernhard-Nocht-Straße, especially towards the steps – this time they don’t really approach me and generally I don’t feel uncomfortable at all - The Reeperbahn remains packed towards the end but only on the right side > Large crowds are walking all over the side walk, even blocking bike lanes > Sometime you can’t even get through - Große Freiheit is as packed as Reeperbahn with all clubs open, playing loud music > I see some women dancing in one of the table dance bars - At the backside of the Reeperbahn, there are only three trans-women active in their windows and some johns standing downstairs in the park - The Hamburger Berge has truly come alive at this hour with all bars open and packed with people > The left side is most prominent, with only two kiosks open on the right side, which are both packed > At the beginning, at KFC, there are more homeless people than the other times I have been here - Overall: I don’t notice any guided tours, however there are multiple bachelor and bachelorette parties

115 5. Sunday Rather cold with - The Reeperbahn is largely empty - There is no visible sex May 5th only 4°C but > There are a few venues still open and some are still playing music, but most places are closed work taking place 9:15-10:00 super sunny and > There are not many people around, some people seem to be left over from last night (and drunk), there are - The cleanliness is very nice some strollers and visitors and some tourists with luggage departing noticeable > However, multiple homeless people are looking for bottles in the trash and generally moving around - ATMs become very > At the Spielbudenplatz there is a bike flee market, which around 9 is still rather empty but really fills up towards noticeable 10 - The area seems more like - It is extremely clean, much cleaner than expected a normal district > At one point I see a man sweeping outside his venue and I ask him about the cleanliness – he explains that the - What during the night Reeperbahn gets cleaned daily around 7 in the morning and that otherwise it looks horrible turns into pedestrian - I cannot see any street prostitution at all around the David-, Friedrich- or Gerhardstraße (infiltrated) zones, is now > At the Hans-Albers-Platz almost everything is closed and it is much more quiet used differently > All of a sudden I notice an abundance of ATMs - It becomes more - Towards Bernhard-Nocht-Straße and the first steps down to the docks, I can clearly make out people coming apparent that several from the Fischmarkt, with large fruit and vegetable baskets venues are empty/out of - Bernhard-Nocht-Straße is largely empty, with only some residents and a few tourists around business > Towards the steps there are still some dealers and they greet me in a hopeful way > Otherwise this street and the Baldiunstraße feel like normal streets, with people walking their dogs, carrying groceries or bread from local bakeries etc. - At the Große Freiheit there is one venue still open, playing extremely loud techno music and some people are emerging from there > Besides that the street is completely empty > What during the night seems to be a pedestrian zone, now is also frequented by cars and bikes > The floor is extremely sticky but otherwise the street is rather clean > Again I see many ATMs: I count 6 within roughly the first 100 m of the Große Freiheit - At the Hamburger Berg almost everything is closed and quiet > Some men are arguing with a bouncer and I switch sides of the road > It seems dirtier than the Reeperbahn: It seem as if this dirt emerged after the cleaning service had been here > Towards KFC there are still many homeless people trying to sleep - Towards 10 am the Reeperbahn has filled a little more with tourists, strollers and some people left over from the night before - Overall I also notice that many venues seem to be shut down or empty

116 6. Tuesday Relatively - More people than expected: some groups but mainly regular pedestrians, especially throughout areas further off - Presence of what seem to May 7th warm, around the Reeperbahn be school field trips of local 11:20-12:00 14-16°C but > There are a few guided tours and what seems extremely surprising: multiple groups of young people who seem or foreign pupils slightly drizzly, to be on a class trip. Some of them even foreign. One guided tour stands out due to their use of scooters - Much more car traffic and with rain > The car traffic is much heavier than during the other observations and there are multiple tourist buses in the mix presence of tourist buses coming in small > Also, at the beginning of the Reeperbahn there are a bunch of locked bikes, which haven’t been around before, - District has a cleaning and waves signalizing that people have biked towards the metro station e.g. for work stocking vibe to it > Generally, there is more movement on the right side of the Reeperbahn - Other indirectly related - Almost all venues are closed, the only places open are kiosks/stores and gift shops red-light-activities become > One can see multiple repairs taking place apparent such as fashion - There seem to be much more police cars driving around stores and beauty services - There is no visible street prostitution taking place at the Davidstraße or the surrounding areas > These areas seem to be undergoing a process of cleaning and stock, with many delivery trucks around - Bernhard-Nocht-Straße, Balduin-steps and Balduinstraße are largely empty with only a few locals around, carrying shopping bags, pushing a stroller or walking their dog > There is no drug dealing and it seems like a normal residential area - There are noticeably a lot of beauty and manicure salons open, with many female customers inside - Mid-way down the Reeperbahn at the Wodka Bombe there is a camera team shooting something - At the Große Freiheit everything is closed and empty > There are multiple parked cars - Simon-von-Utrecht-Straße also seems like a normal residential area > Trans-prostitution is not taking place, with most curtains of said building drawn - Hamburger Berg is also going through stock and cleaning > There seem to be less static homeless people (e.g. sleeping) and more drunk/left over people walking around (one of them even bumps into me) - Generally, there are younger demographics than usually

117 6. Photos

Crowds and guided Tours

118 Sex in all its shapes and forms

119 St. Pauli by day and night

120 Potentials and Restrictions

121