DREAMERS When the Poets Took Power by Volker Weidermann
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Douglas Peifer on Munich 1919: Diary of a Revolution
Victor Klemperer. Munich 1919: Diary of a Revolution. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2017. 220 pp. $25.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-5095-1058-0. Reviewed by Douglas Peifer Published on H-War (December, 2017) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) Victor Klemperer’s diary created quite a stir came an increasingly desperate struggle. Translat‐ when frst published in Germany in 1995. Klem‐ ed into English in 1998/99, his frst-person reflec‐ perer’s diary entries for the period 1933-45 have tions of life in the Third Reich have been used ex‐ been used extensively by scholars of the Third Re‐ tensively by scholars such as Richad J. Evans, Saul ich and the Holocaust to illustrate how Nazi ideol‐ Friedländer, and Omer Bartov.[1] ogy and racial policies affected even thoroughly Klemperer’s Munich 1919: Diary of a Revolu‐ assimilated, converted Jews. Klemperer, the son tion provides a remarkable eyewitness account of of a rabbi, was born in Wilhelmine Germany. His an earlier crisis in German history, one connected education, professional development, and life to the Third Reich by the myths and memories choices were thoroughly bourgeois, with Klem‐ that ideologues on the far right exploited through‐ perer’s conversion to Protestantism signaling his out the Weimar era. Two days before the abdica‐ self-identification with German culture and his tion of Kaiser Wilhelm II and the declaration of a desire to assimilate. Klemperer attended Gymna‐ German Republic in Berlin on November 9, 1918, sium in Berlin and Landsberg on the Warthe, worker and soldier councils in Munich toppled studied German and Romance philology in Mu‐ the 738-year Wittelsbach dynasty in Bavaria. -
Wolfgang Stelbrink: Die Kreisleiter Der NSDAP in Westfalen Und Lippe
Die Kreisleiter der NSDAP in Westfalen und Lippe VERÖFFENTLICHUNGEN DER STAATLICHEN ARCHIVE DES LANDES NORDRHEIN-WESTFALEN REIHE C: QUELLEN UND FORSCHUNGEN BAND 48 IM AUFTRAG DES MINISTERIUMS FÜR STÄDTEBAU UND WOHNEN, KULTUR UND SPORT HERAUSGEGEBEN VOM NORDRHEIN-WESTFÄLISCHEN STAATSARCHIV MÜNSTER Die Kreisleiter der NSDAP in Westfalen und Lippe Versuch einer Kollektivbiographie mit biographischem Anhang von Wolfgang Stelbrink Münster 2003 Wolfgang Stelbrink Die Kreisleiter der NSDAP in Westfalen und Lippe Versuch einer Kollektivbiographie mit biographischem Anhang Münster 2003 Die Deutsche Bibliothek – CIP Eigenaufnahme Die Kreisleiter der NSDAP in Westfalen und Lippe im Auftr. des Ministeriums für Städtebau und Wohnung, Kultur und Sport des Landes Nordrhein-West- falen hrsg. vom Nordrhein-Westfälischen Staatsarchiv Münster. Bearb. von Wolfgang Stelbrink - Münster: Nordrhein-Westfälischen Staatsarchiv Münster, 2003 (Veröffentlichung der staatlichen Archive des Landes Nordrein-Westfalen: Reihe C, Quellen und Forschung; Bd. 48) ISBN: 3–932892–14–3 © 2003 by Nordrhein-Westfälischen Staatsarchiv, Münster Alle Rechte an dieser Buchausgabe vorbehalten, insbesondere das Recht des Nachdruckes und der fotomechanischen Wiedergabe, auch auszugsweise, des öffentlichen Vortrages, der Übersetzung, der Übertragung, auch einzelner Teile, durch Rundfunk und Fernsehen sowie der Übertragung auf Datenträger. Druck: DIP-Digital-Print, Witten Satz: Peter Fröhlich, NRW Staatsarchiv Münster Vertrieb: Nordrhein-Westfälischen Staatsarchiv Münster, Bohlweg 2, 48147 -
At Berne: Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
ROBERT F. WHEELER THE FAILURE OF "TRUTH AND CLARITY" AT BERNE: KURT EISNER, THE OPPOSITION AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the "International Labor and Socialist Con- ference" that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the "reconstruction" of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the "Stillborn Berne Conference", tends to un- derestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition.1 Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate 1 In Mayer's case this would seem to be related to two factors: first, the context in which he examines Berne, namely the attempt by Allied labor leaders to influence the Paris Peace Conference; and second, his reliance on English and French accounts of the Conference. -
Kurt-Eisner-Ausstellung Im Stadtmuseum
Kurt-Eisner-Ausstellung im Stadtmuseum Revolutionär und Ministerpräsident Vor 150 Jahren, am 14. Mai 1867 in Berlin geboren, wächst Kurt Eisner in einer bürgerlich-jüdischen Fami- lie auf. Sein Studium muss er aus finanziellen Grün- den aufgeben und beginnt eine journalistische Lauf- bahn beim Depeschenbüro Herold in der Hauptstadt des Deutschen Kaiserreichs. Über Frankfurt gelangt er nach Marburg und wird Redakteur der Hessischen Landeszeitung. Als Verfasser von Zeitschriftenbeiträgen kommentiert er mit spitzer Feder die gesellschaftlichen und politischen Kämpfe unter dem »Neuen Kurs« der Regierung Kaiser Wilhelm II. Das bringt ihm einen Ge- fängnisaufenthalt in Plötzensee wegen Majestätsbelei- digung ein. Danach – zum 1. Dezember 1898 – tritt Eisner in die Sozialdemokratische Partei ein und geht nach Berlin in die Vorwärts-Redaktion. Der radikal- liberale, an Kant geschulte »Gefühls-Sozialist« Eisner erarbeitet sich schrittweise eine sozialistische Welt- anschauung, die sich sowohl von dem an Marx orien- tierten, als auch vom sogenannten revisionistischen Parteiflügel unterscheidet: Ersteren hält er ihre »Politik des demonstrativen Nichtstuns vor«, weil sie auf die Revolution warten, die ihrer Auffassung nach auf Grund der sich zuspitzenden Klassengegensätze zwangsläufig unermüdlich die Expansionsgelüste und Kriegstreiberei kommen wird; letzteren wirft er vor, nicht konsequent des deutschen Kaiserreichs angeprangert, jetzt, Ende mit dem herrschenden System brechen zu wollen. Juli 1914, warnt er eindringlich: »Der Zarismus muss Schon -
Revolution in Pasing 1918 - 1919
Revolution in Pasing 1918 - 1919 Begleitbuch zur Ausstellung im Rathaus Pasing vom 8.11.2018 bis 4.5.2019 1 Bernhard Koch, Peter Pich, Angela Scheibe-Jaeger Revolution in Pasing 1918 - 1919 Begleitbuch zur Ausstellung "Revolution in Pasing 1918 - 1919" im Rathaus Pasing vom 8. November 2018 bis 4. Mai 2019 Herausgegeben vom Kulturforum München-West e. V. und dem Institut für zukunftsweisende Geschichte e. V. Unterstützt von Bezirksausschuss 21 Pasing - Obermenzing, Kulturreferat der Landeshauptstadt München und Aktive Zentren Pasing, gefördert von Bund, Freistaat Bayern und Landeshauptstadt München im Städtebauförderungsprogramm Leben findet Innenstadt – Programm Aktive Zentren 2 Inhalt 3 Revolution in Pasing 1918 - 1919 Inhaltsverzeichnis ..................................................................................................................................3 Vorwort ....................................................................................................................................................4 Einleitung ................................................................................................................................................5 I Kurzer Überblick zur Geschichte der Revolution ..............................................................6 1. Vorgeschichte und Ursachen der bayerischen Revolution 1918/19.............................................6 a) Vorgeschichte b) Ursachen 2. Verlauf der Revolution .......................................................................................................................7 -
German Captured Documents Collection
German Captured Documents Collection A Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress Prepared by Allan Teichroew, Fred Bauman, Karen Stuart, and other Manuscript Division Staff with the assistance of David Morris and Alex Sorenson Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2011 Contact information: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mss.contact Finding aid encoded by Library of Congress Manuscript Division, 2011 Finding aid URL: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.ms011148 Latest revision: 2012 October Collection Summary Title: German Captured Documents Collection Span Dates: 1766-1945 ID No.: MSS22160 Extent: 249,600 items ; 51 containers plus 3 oversize ; 20.5 linear feet ; 508 microfilm reels Language: Collection material in German with some English and French Repository: Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Abstract: German documents captured by American military forces after World War II consisting largely of Nazi Party materials, German government and military records, files of several German officials, and some quasi-governmental records. Much of the material is microfilm of originals returned to Germany. Selected Search Terms The following terms have been used to index the description of this collection in the Library's online catalog. They are grouped by name of person or organization, by subject or location, and by occupation and listed alphabetically therein. People Wiedemann, Fritz, b. 1891. Fritz Wiedemann papers. Organizations Akademie für Deutsches Recht (Germany) Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund. Deutsches Ausland-Institut. Eher-Verlag. Archiv. Germany. Auswärtiges Amt. Germany. Reichskanzlei. Germany. Reichsministerium für die Besetzten Ostgebiete. Germany. Reichsministerium für Rüstung und Kriegsproduktion. Germany. Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda. -
Diagnosing Nazism: US Perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933
DIAGNOSING NAZISM: U.S. PERCEPTIONS OF NATIONAL SOCIALISM, 1920-1933 A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Robin L. Bowden August 2009 Dissertation written by Robin L. Bowden B.A., Kent State University, 1996 M.A., Kent State University, 1998 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2009 Approved by Mary Ann Heiss , Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Clarence E. Wunderlin, Jr. , Members, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Kenneth R. Calkins , Steven W. Hook , James A. Tyner , Accepted by Kenneth J. Bindas , Chair, Department of History John R. D. Stalvey , Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS………..………………………………………………iv Chapter 1. Introduction: U.S. Officials Underestimate Hitler and the Nazis……..1 2. Routine Monitoring: U.S. Officials Discover the Nazis…………......10 3. Early Dismissal: U.S. Officials Reject the Possibility of a Recovery for the Nazis…………………………………………….....57 4. Diluted Coverage: U.S. Officials Neglect the Nazis………………..106 5. Lingering Confusion: U.S. Officials Struggle to Reassess the Nazis…………………………………………………………….151 6. Forced Reevaluation: Nazi Success Leads U.S. Officials to Reconsider the Party……………………………………………......198 7. Taken by Surprise: U.S. Officials Unprepared for the Success of the Nazis……………………...……………………………….…256 8. Conclusion: Evaluating U.S. Reporting on the Nazis…………..…..309 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………318 iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation represents the culmination of years of work, during which the support of many has been necessary. In particular, I would like to thank two graduate school friends who stood with me every step of the way even as they finished and moved on to academic positions. -
Impressions of Nazi Germany
IMPRESSIONS OF NAZI GERMANY E. W. H. CRUICKSHANK. A SUPERFICIAL view of the peoples of Europe, or of the whole world for that matter, would tend to the conclusion that fundamental qualities of nations or peoples continue from age to age. We may by ingenious study show that the Gauls of Caesar are the French of to-day, or that the Fascist Italian is the legitimate descendant of those who founded the great Roman Empire. But the fact remains that nations, peoples and com munities are in perpetual change, played upon and moulded by a multitude of natural and human processes which constitute the world of their internal and external environment. When one has watched with growing wonder the marvellous dexterity with which the skilied hands of a potter raise the shapeless clay into a per fection of form and beauty, when one has seen the almost finished and, to the uninitiated, almost perfect object suddenly, without warning, crushed beyond recognition to a formless mass, one is scarcely prepared to force the analogy into the realm of the develop ment of nations. But the analogy holds, for even in our day we have witnessed human processes produce just such drastic changes. It is not necessary for our purpose to scan the history of change in India, Greece or Rome, for Europe in the memory of most of us has revealed the slow developments as also the sudden and appalling cataclysms which humanity can suffer at the hand of Destiny . Nations, just as individuals, are the product of national and social or human forces. -
The German Revolution of 1918-19 War and Breaking Point
The German Revolution of 1918-19 war and breaking point Simon Constantine examines the clashes n the Summer of 1917, not long after the United States between the Left and Right of Germany’s entered the war, the former American ambassador to Germany, James Gerard, would write the following words: new Republic that helped to create the I environment for future extremism and hatred. The German nation is not one which makes revolutions. There will be scattered riots in Germany, but no simultaneous rising of the whole people. The officers of the army are all of one class, and of a class devoted to the ideals of autocracy. A revolution of the army is impossible; and at home there are only the boys and old men easily kept in subjection by the police. There is a far greater danger of the starvation of our allies than of the starvation of the Germans. Every available inch of ground in Germany is cultivated, and cultivated by the aid of the old men, the boys and the women, and of the two million prisoners of war.1 Gerard turned out to be wrong. A revolution occurred a little over a year later, and both the USA’s decision to fight and widespread hunger in Germany would play important causal Heinrich Ehmsen, ‘Kindertod’ (Infant Death), 1917-18. Artexplorer / Alamy Stock Photo Food ration card for bread, Hamburg, 1918. INTERFOTO / Alamy Stock Photo 6 The Historian – Autumn 2017 Sailors’ council on board the battleship Prince Regent Luitpold, November 1918. © Bundesarchiv roles. His assessment of military loyalty also proved incorrect; writer and revolutionary Ernst Toller would later draw attention the rebellion was to begin among the mariners of the German to this widening credibility gap. -
The Bell of Treason
THE BELL OF TREASON THE 1938 MUNICH AGREEMENT IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA P. E. CAQUET PETER HART PROFILE BOOKS Bell of Treason.indd 3 11/05/2018 16:32 First published in Great Britain in 2018 by PROFILE BOOKS LTD 3 Holford Yard Bevin Way London Wc1X 9hd www.profilebooks.com Copyright © P. E. Caquet, 2018 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Typeset in Garamond by MacGuru Ltd Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays, St Ives plc The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978 1 78125 710 4 eISBN 978 1 78283 287 4 Bell of Treason.indd 4 11/05/2018 16:32 Contents Acknowledgements vi Note on place names and translation vii 1. In the boa’s gaze 1 2. The struggle begins 21 3. Faithful we remain 43 4. Czechs and Germans 60 5. In the millions 95 6. Preparing for war 129 7. Last orders 152 8. An unbearable choice 178 9. After Munich 196 Chronology of 1938 events 226 Notes 230 Bibliography 260 Index 268 Bell of Treason.indd 5 11/05/2018 16:32 1 In the boa’s gaze ON SATURDAY, 12 MARCH 1938, the Czechoslovak ambassador in London, Jan Masaryk, called on Lord Halifax, who had recently been appointed foreign secretary. -
Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
ROBERT F. WHEELER THE FAILURE OF "TRUTH AND CLARITY" AT BERNE: KURT EISNER, THE OPPOSITION AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the "International Labor and Socialist Con- ference" that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the "reconstruction" of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the "Stillborn Berne Conference", tends to un- derestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition.1 Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate 1 In Mayer's case this would seem to be related to two factors: first, the context in which he examines Berne, namely the attempt by Allied labor leaders to influence the Paris Peace Conference; and second, his reliance on English and French accounts of the Conference. -
German-Jewish Masculinities in the Third Reich, 1933-1945
Stolen Manhood? German-Jewish Masculinities in the Third Reich, 1933-1945 by Sebastian Huebel Bachelor of Arts, Thompson Rivers University, 2003 Master of Arts, University of Victoria, 2009 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies (History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) June 2017 © Sebastian Huebel, 2017 Abstract When the Nazis came to power in Germany, they used various strategies to expel German Jews from social, cultural and economic life. My dissertation focuses on gendered forms of discrimination which had impacts on Jewish masculine identity. I am asking how Jewish men experienced these challenges and the undermining of their self-understandings as men in the Third Reich. How did Jewish men adhere to pre-established gender norms and practices such as the role of serving as the providers and protectors of their families? How did Jewish men maintain their sense of being patriotic German war veterans and members of the national community? And finally, how did Jewish men react to being exposed to the physical assaults and violence that was overwhelmingly directed against them in prewar Germany? These central questions form the basis of my study of Jewish masculinities in the Third Reich. I argue that Jewish men’s gender identities, intersecting with categories of ethnicity, race, class and age, underwent a profound process of marginalization that undermined their accustomed ways of performing masculinity; yet at the same time, in their attempts to sustain their conception of masculinity they maintained sufficient agency and developed coping strategies to prevent their full-scale emasculation.