Cameroon Assessment – April 2002 CONTENTS
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Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Natalie Wenzell Letsa August 2017 © Natalie Wenzell Letsa 2017 VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHVAIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES Natalie Wenzell Letsa, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 In countries where elections are not free or fair, and one political party consistently dominates elections, why do citizens bother to vote? If voting cannot substantively affect the balance of power, why do millions of citizens continue to vote in these elections? Until now, most answers to this question have used macro-level spending and demographic data to argue that people vote because they expect a material reward, such as patronage or a direct transfer via vote-buying. This dissertation argues, however, that autocratic regimes have social and political cleavages that give rise to variation in partisanship, which in turn create different non-economic motivations for voting behavior. Citizens with higher levels of socioeconomic status have the resources to engage more actively in politics, and are thus more likely to associate with political parties, while citizens with lower levels of socioeconomic status are more likely to be nonpartisans. Partisans, however, are further split by their political proclivities; those that support the regime are more likely to be ruling party partisans, while partisans who mistrust the regime are more likely to support opposition parties. In turn, these three groups of citizens have different expressive and social reasons for voting. -
Cameroon Assessment
Cameroon COUNTRY REPORT October 2003 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Cameroon October 2003 CONTENTS 1. Scope of document 1.1 - 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 - 2.5 3. Economy 3.1 – 3.2 4. History 4.1 – 4.25 Summary of events since independence (1960) 4.1 – 4.22 - Paul Biya Presidency (1982 - Present) 4.5 – 4.12 - Elections (1996-1997) 4.13 – 4.18 - Elections (2002) 4.19 – 4.22 The Bakassi Issue 4.23 – 4.25 5. State Structures 5.1 – 5.39 The Constitution 5.1 – 5.8 - Citizenship and Nationality 5.3 – 5.8 Political System 5.9 – 5.12 - Relationship with Neighbouring Countries 5.12 Judiciary 5.13 – 5.17 Legal Rights/Detention 5.18 – 5.21 - Death Penalty 5.21 Internal Security 5.22 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.23 – 5.28 Military Service 5.29 – 5.30 - Conscientious Objectors and Deserters 5.30 Medical Services 5.31 – 5.37 - HIV/AIDS 5.32 – 5.34 - Tuberculosis 5.35 - Mental Health 5.36 - People with disabilities 5.37 The Education System 5.37 – 5.39 Cameroon October 2003 6. HUMAN RIGHTS 6.A HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES 6.1 – 6.59 Overview 6.1 – 6.13 - Arrest and Arbitrary Detention 6.3 – 6.4 - Torture and other Inhumane or Degrading Treatment 6.5 – 6.7 - Disappearances 6.8 - Arbitrary or unlawful killings 6.9 –6.10 - Arbitrary Interference with Privacy 6.11 - 6.12 - Security Forces – Human Rights Training 6.13 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.14 – 6.25 - Journalists 6.22 – 6.25 Freedom of Religion 6.26 – 6.31 - The Practice of Witchcraft 6.31 Freedom of Assembly and Political Association 6.32 -
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60 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS ELECTION MANAGEMENT IN CAMEROON Progress, Problems And Prospects Thaddeus Menang Thaddeus Menang is Advisor at the National Elections Observatory P O Box 13506, Yaoundé, Cameroon Tel.: + 237 771 55 71 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Judged by internationally accepted norms and standards election management in Cameroon stands out as peculiar in more than one respect. Firstly, election management tasks are performed by a multiplicity of bodies and institutions, making it difficult to determine who is really responsible at each stage of the process. Secondly, the conduct of elections is governed by a battery of cross-referencing laws which election stakeholders often find hard to interpret and apply. The problems arising from this situation need to be and are, presently, being addressed within the framework of reforms that target, on the one hand, the adoption of a single, updated and enforceable electoral law and, on the other, the setting up of a viable election management body and the introduction of modern management methods. INTRODUCTION Whereas in the older and better-established democracies of the world election management has become a routine that, more often than not, produces satisfactory results, most of the budding democracies of the Third World are still grappling with the problem of determining which election management procedures are best suited to their specific national contexts. The older democracies themselves tend to differ one from the other, not only in terms of the electoral systems they have put in place but also as regards the specific election management procedures they have adopted. These variations raise the question of whether the management of elections in a democratic context can be said to be governed by a set of internationally accepted norms and standards. -
L'institutionnalisation De L'opposition: Une Réalité Objective En Quête De
2 L’institutionnalisation de l’opposition: Une réalité objective en quête de consistance Léopold Donfack Sokeng La notion d’opposition semble relever du domaine des évidences, des vérités acquises de la théorie constitutionnelle, sur lesquelles nul n’est besoin de s’at- tarder, comme si l’opposition allait de soi et ne méritait pas le détour d’une conceptualisation. L’une des rares entreprises à relever à ce propos est sans doute celle esquissée par Hauriou et Gicquel (1984) dans leur manuel de droit constitutionnel et institutions politiques Gicquel (1993). Pour ces auteurs en effet, l’opposition serait la résultante du «tropisme institutionnel» que consti- tue la reconnaissance et l’organisation de la contestation politique, élément caractéristique des sociétés occidentales. « Alors qu’ailleurs (…) on trouve des systèmes politiques dans lesquels le pouvoir s’efforce de comprimer la contes- tation et, à la limite de l’annihiler, souligne Gicquel, certaines cités de la Grèce antique (Athènes principalement) expérimentent des institutions dans lesquelles non seulement le pouvoir accepte la contestation, mais s’attache à l’utiliser pour le fonctionnement même des mécanismes politiques, quitte à en évacuer par des procédures adéquates, les surplus. « Après la démocratie grecque et la république romaine, la Grande Breta- gne d’abord, au sortir du Moyen Age, puis l’Europe et les États-Unis du siècle des Lumières, retrouvent l’invention méditerranéenne et organisent des régi- mes politiques qui, compte tenu des différences tenant à l’étendue géographi- que ou au perfectionnement des moyens de communication, acceptent et pro- tègent par-là même eux aussi la contestation et l’utilisent pour leur fonctionne- ment même » (Gicquel 1993:22-23). -
Journal 3.1 Osaghae
74 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS INDEPENDENT CANDIDATURE AND THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN AFRICA Churchill Ewumbue-Monono Dr Churchill Ewumbue-Monono is Minister-Counsellor in the Cameroon Embassy in Russia UI Povarskaya, 40, PO Box 136, International Post, Moscow, Russian Federation Tel: +290 65 49/2900063; Fax: +290 6116 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study reviews the participation of independent, non-partisan candidates in Africa. It examines the development of competitive elections on the continent between 1945 and 2005, a period which includes both decolonisation and democratic transition elections. It also focuses on the participation of independent candidates in these elections at both legislative and presidential levels. It further analyses the place of independent candidature in the continent’s future electoral processes. INTRODUCTION The concept of political independence, whether it refers to voters or to candidates, describes an individual’s non-attachment to and non-identification with a political party. Generally, voter-centred political independence takes the form of independent voters who, when registering to vote, do not declare their affiliation to a political party. There are also swing or floating voters, who vote independently for personalities or issues not for parties, and switch voters, who are registered voters with a history of crossing party lines. Furthermore, candidate-centred political independence may take the form of apolitical, independent, non-partisan candidates, as well as official and unofficial party candidates (Safire 1968, p 658). The recognition of political independence as a feature of the electoral process has led to the involvement of ‘independent personalities’ in managing election institutions. Examples are ‘independent judiciaries’, ‘independent electoral commissions’, and ‘independent election observers’. -
2018 EISA Annual Report
EISA ANNUAL REPORT 2018 Annual Report 2018 Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa i Annual Report 2018 iii EISA ANNUAL REPORT 2018 about eisa TYPE OF ORGANISATION EISA is an independent, non-profit non-partisan non- governmental organisation whose focus is elections, OUR VISION democracy and governance in Africa. AN AFRICAN CONTINENT WHERE DATE OF ESTABLISHMENT DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE, July 1996. HUMAN RIGHTS AND CITIZEN OUR PARTNERS PARTICIPATION ARE UPHELD IN A Electoral management bodies, political parties, civil society PEACEFUL ENVIRONMENT. organisations, local government structures, parliaments, and national, Pan-African organisations, Regional OUR MISSION Economic Communities and donors. EISA STRIVES FOR EXCELLENCE OUR APPROACH IN THE PROMOTION OF Through innovative and trust-based partnerships throughout the African continent and beyond, EISA CREDIBLE ELECTIONS, CITIZEN engages in mutually beneficial capacity reinforcement PARTICIPATION, AND THE activities aimed at enhancing all partners’ interventions in STRENGTHENING OF POLITICAL the areas of elections, democracy and governance. INSTITUTIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE OUR STRUCTURE DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA. EISA consists of a Board of Directors comprised of stakeholders from the African continent and beyond. The Board provides strategic leadership and upholds financial accountability and oversight. EISA has as its patron Sir Ketumile Masire, the former President of Botswana. The Executive Director is supported by an Operations Director and Finance and Administration Department. EISA's focused programmes include: Elections and Political Processes Balloting and Electoral Services Governance Institutions and Processes Supporting Transitions and Electoral Processes Programme In 2018 EISA had 7 field offices, namely, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Madagascar, Mali, Mozambique, Somalia, and Zimbabwe and a Central Africa regional office (Gabon). -
Post-Conflict Elections”
POST-CONFLICT ELECTION TIMING PROJECT† ELECTION SOURCEBOOK Dawn Brancati Washington University in St. Louis Jack L. Snyder Columbia University †Data are used in: “Time To Kill: The Impact of Election Timing on Post-Conflict Stability”; “Rushing to the Polls: The Causes of Early Post-conflict Elections” 1 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. ELECTION CODING RULES 01 II. ELECTION DATA RELIABILITY NOTES 04 III. NATIONAL ELECTION CODING SOURCES 05 IV. SUBNATIONAL ELECTION CODING SOURCES 59 Alternative End Dates 103 References 107 3 ELECTION CODING RULES ALL ELECTIONS (1) Countries for which the civil war has resulted into two or more states that do not participate in joint elections are excluded. A country is considered a state when two major powers recognize it. Major powers are those countries that have a veto power on the Security Council: China, France, USSR/Russia, United Kingdom and the United States. As a result, the following countries, which experienced civil wars, are excluded from the analysis [The separate, internationally recognized states resulting from the war are in brackets]: • Cameroon (1960-1961) [France and French Cameroon]: British Cameroon gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1961, after the French controlled areas in 1960. • China (1946-1949): [People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan)] At the time, Taiwan was recognized by at least two major powers: United States (until the 1970s) and United Kingdom (until 1950), as was China. • Ethiopia (1974-1991) [Ethiopia and Eritrea] • France (1960-1961) [France -
C. Challenges to Adjudicating Asylum Claims (P9) ANNEX T
of State 634 ~J::~ASED IN FULL] CAMEROON ASYLUM COUNTRY PROFll.,E 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS r. Introduction (pI) II. Context and Overview A. Overview of Political Structure (p2) B. Governance (p3) C. Human Rights Situation (p4) III. Patterns in Asylum Claims and Relevant Country Conditions (p4) A. Claims Based on Political Opinion (p4) B. Claims Based on Other Political Considerations (p6) C. Challenges to Adjudicating Asylum claims (p9) ANNEX T. Major Political Parties and (pIO) Presidential Candidates ANNEX II. Chronology (pI2) I. INTRODUCTION The Cameroon country profile is produced by the Department of State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Office of Multilateral and Global Affairs for use by the Executive Omce for Immigration Review and the Department of Homeland Security in assessing asylum claims. By regulation the Department nfState may provide asylum officers. and immigration judges information on country conditions that may be pertinent to the adjudication of asylum claims. The purpose of this and other profiles is to provide factual information relating to such conditions. They do not relate to particular asylum claims, but instead provide general country condition information as of the date they are drafted. Profiles are circulated for comment within the State Department, including to overseas missions, and to other agencies if appropriate. Adjudicators may also wish to review the relevant chapters oflhe Department of State's annual Country ReporlS on Human Rights Practices and International Religious Freedom Report. available: on the lnternet at www.statc.gov) and other publicly available materials on conditions in Cameroon. Bureau of Dem~cracy, Hu.'1.ian Rights, t. -
The Democratic Challenge in Africa
The Democratic Challenge in Africa The Carter Center The Carter Center May, 1994 Introduction On May 13-14, 1994, a group of 32 scholars and practitioners took part in a seminar on Democratization in Africa at The Carter Center. This consultation was a sequel to two similar meetings held in February 1989 and March 1990. Discussion papers from those seminars have been published under the titles, Beyond Autocracy in Africa and African Governance in the 1990s. During the period 1990-94, the African Governance Program of The Carter Center moved from discussions and reflections to active involvement in the complex processes of renewed democratization in several African countries. These developments throughout Africa were also monitored and assessed in the publication, Africa Demos. The letter of invitation to the 1994 seminar called attention to the need for a new period of collective reflection because of "the severe difficulties encountered by several of these transitions." "The overriding concern," it was further stated, "will be to identify what could be done to help strengthen the pluralist democracies that have emerged during the past five years and what strategies may be needed to overcome the many obstacles that are now evident." A list of 12 questions was sent to each of the participants with a request that they identify which ones they wished to address in their discussion papers. As it turned out, the choice of topics could be conveniently grouped in six panels. Following the seminar, 19 of the participants revised their papers for publication in this volume, while an additional four scholars (John Harbeson, Goran Hyden, Timothy Longman, and Donald Rothchild), who had been unable to attend the meeting, still submitted papers for discussion and publication. -
Cameroon's Neopatrimonial Dilemma
Research Collection Working Paper Cameroon's neopatrimonial dilemma Author(s): Gabriel, Jürg Martin Publication Date: 1998 Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-a-001990933 Rights / License: In Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Permitted This page was generated automatically upon download from the ETH Zurich Research Collection. For more information please consult the Terms of use. ETH Library Jürg Martin Gabriel Cameroon's Neopatrimonial Dilemma Beiträge Nr. 20 / August 1999 2., erweiterte Auflage Forschungsstelle für Internationale Beziehungen Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule Zürich Table of Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 1 1. Politics ................................................................................................................................ 3 2. Economics ........................................................................................................................ 12 3. Public Administration..................................................................................................... 17 4. Neopatrimonialism and Cameroon................................................................................ 22 About the Author Jürg Martin Gabriel is currently Professor of International Relations at the Swiss Federal Insti- tute of Technology (Center for International Studies, CIS) in Zurich, Switzerland. He was previously a Professor of International Relations at the University of St. Gallen, -
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Ethnicite et pouvoir au Nord-Cameroun1 ParIbrahim Mo uiche «Le Cameroun se reveJe une terre de la multiplicite et de la division socio-histo rique, le Heu des rendez-vous d'une variete insoup�onnable des forces centrifugeset antagonistes crampant face a face en une sorte de veillee d'armes permanente ou 2 l'evidence des particularismes est par trop evidente.» Centre de gravite du continent africain, le Cameroun ainsi que le decrit si bien Jean 3 Imbert , peut etre considere comme une Afrique en reduction et son etude est particuliere ment benetique pour qui veut s'initier aux problemes africains. Car, au point de jonction des regions geographiques occidentale, septentrionale et centrale, le territoire camerounais est le carrefour ou se rencontrent trois importantes regions culturelles: la Cöte du Guinee avec ses peuplades negritiques, le Soudan Occidental avec les Peuls et les peuplades arabes, le Congo avec les peuples de langue bantou. L'extreme complexite de la configura tion ethnique est a l'image de celle de I'Afrique. C'est pour cette raison que certains auteurs utilisent l'expression «Habit d'Arlequim> pour caracteriser une teile diversite. En fait, le Cameroun rappelle etrangement l'ex-Yougoslavie dont la situation peu enviable 4 peut se resumer en quelques chiffres ainsi que le stigmatise M. Jean-Pierre Fogui : deux alphabets (latin et cyrillique), trois grandes religions (orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane), cinq nationalites (Serbe, Croate, Slovene, Macedonienne et Montenegrine), six Republi ques (Serbie, Croatie, Macedoine, Montenegro, Bosnie-Herzegovine), sept voisins (Italie, Autriche, Hongrie, Roumanie, Bulgarie, Grece et Albanie). Le «Nord» du Cameroun est une zone de prairie tropieale au cIimat soudano-sahelien qui ne presente aue une unite geographique. -
The Pseudo-Democrat's Dilemma: Why Election Observation Became an International Norm
THE PSEUDO- DEMOCRAT’S DILEMMA THE PSEUDO- DEMOCRAT’S DILEMMA WHY ELECTION OBSERVATION BECAME AN INTERNATIONAL NORM Susan D. Hyde CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON Cornell University Press gratefully acknowledges receipt of a grant from the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at Yale University, which helped in the publication of this book. The book was also published with the assistance of the Frederick W. Hilles Publication Fund of Yale University. Copyright © 2011 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2011 by Cornell University Press Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hyde, Susan D. The pseudo-democrat’s dilemma : why election observation became an international norm / Susan D. Hyde. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-4966-6 (alk. paper) 1. Election monitoring. 2. Elections—Corrupt practices. 3. Democratization. 4. International relations. I. Title. JF1001.H93 2011 324.6'5—dc22 2010049865 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fi bers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu.