2013 CET Cameroon Legislative and Municipal Elections Report
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Corruption in Cameroon
Corruption in Cameroon CORRUPTION IN CAMEROON - 1 - Corruption in Cameroon © Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Cameronn Tél: 22 21 29 96 / 22 21 52 92 - Fax: 22 21 52 74 E-mail : [email protected] Printed by : SAAGRAPH ISBN 2-911208-20-X - 2 - Corruption in Cameroon CO-ORDINATED BY Pierre TITI NWEL Corruption in Cameroon Study Realised by : GERDDES-Cameroon Published by : FRIEDRICH-EBERT -STIFTUNG Translated from French by : M. Diom Richard Senior Translator - MINDIC June 1999 - 3 - Corruption in Cameroon - 4 - Corruption in Cameroon PREFACE The need to talk about corruption in Cameroon was and remains very crucial. But let it be said that the existence of corruption within a society is not specific to Cameroon alone. In principle, corruption is a scourge which has existed since human beings started organising themselves into communities, indicating that corruption exists in countries in the World over. What generally differs from country to country is its dimensions, its intensity and most important, the way the Government and the Society at large deal with the problem so as to reduce or eliminate it. At the time GERDDES-CAMEROON contacted the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung for a support to carry out a study on corruption at the beginning of 1998, nobody could imagine that some months later, a German-based-Non Governmental Organisation (NGO), Transparency International, would render public a Report on 85 corrupt countries, and Cameroon would top the list, followed by Paraguay and Honduras. - 5 - Corruption in Cameroon Already at that time in Cameroon, there was a general outcry as to the intensity of the manifestation of corruption at virtually all levels of the society. -
Country Review Report of Cameroon
Country Review Report of Cameroon Review by the Republic of Angola and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia of the implementation by Cameroon of articles 15 – 42 of Chapter III. “Criminalization and law enforcement” and articles 44 – 50 of Chapter IV. “International cooperation” of the United Nations Convention against Corruption for the review cycle 2010 - 2015 Page 1 of 142 I. Introduction 1. The Conference of the States Parties to the United Nations Convention against Corruption was established pursuant to article 63 of the Convention to, inter alia, promote and review the implementation of the Convention. 2. In accordance with article 63, paragraph 7, of the Convention, the Conference established at its third session, held in Doha from 9 to 13 November 2009, the Mechanism for the Review of Implementation of the Convention. The Mechanism was established also pursuant to article 4, paragraph 1, of the Convention, which states that States parties shall carry out their obligations under the Convention in a manner consistent with the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of States and of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States. 3. The Review Mechanism is an intergovernmental process whose overall goal is to assist States parties in implementing the Convention. 4. The review process is based on the terms of reference of the Review Mechanism. II. Process 5. The following review of the implementation by Cameroon of the Convention is based on the completed response to the comprehensive self-assessment checklist received from Cameroon, supplementary information provided in accordance with paragraph 27 of the terms of reference of the Review Mechanism and the outcome of the constructive dialogue between the governmental experts from Cameroon, Angola and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, by means of telephone conferences, and e-mail exchanges and involving: Angola Dr. -
Cameroon CAMEROON SUMMARY Cameroon Is a Bicameral Parliamentary Republic with Two Levels of Government, National and Local (Regions and Councils)
COUNTRY PROFILE 2019 THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN cameroon CAMEROON SUMMARY Cameroon is a bicameral parliamentary republic with two levels of government, national and local (regions and councils). There is constitutional provision for local government, as well as for an intermediary higher territorial tier (regions), although this has yet to be implemented. The main laws governing local government are Law No. 2004/17 on the Orientation of Decentralization, Law No. 2004/18 on Rules Applicable to Councils, and Law No. 2004/19 on Rules Applicable to Regions. The Ministry of Decentralization and Local Government is responsible for government policy on territorial administration and local government. There are 374 local government councils, consisting of 360 municipal councils and 14 city councils. There are also 45 district sub-divisions within the cities. Local councils are empowered to levy taxes and charges including direct council taxes, cattle tax and licences. The most important mechanism for revenue-sharing is the Additional Council Taxes levy on national taxation, of which 70% goes to the councils. All councils have similar responsibilities and powers for service delivery with the exception of the sub-divisional councils, which have a modified set of powers. Council responsibility for service delivery includes utilities, town planning, health, social services and primary education. 1. NATIONAL GOVERNMENT Q Decree 1987/1366: City Council of Douala Cameroon is a unitary republic with a Q Law 2009/019 on the Local Fiscal System 10.1a bicameral parliament. The head of Q Law 2012/001 on the Electoral Code, state is the president, who is directly as amended by Law 2012/017. -
Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Natalie Wenzell Letsa August 2017 © Natalie Wenzell Letsa 2017 VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHVAIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES Natalie Wenzell Letsa, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 In countries where elections are not free or fair, and one political party consistently dominates elections, why do citizens bother to vote? If voting cannot substantively affect the balance of power, why do millions of citizens continue to vote in these elections? Until now, most answers to this question have used macro-level spending and demographic data to argue that people vote because they expect a material reward, such as patronage or a direct transfer via vote-buying. This dissertation argues, however, that autocratic regimes have social and political cleavages that give rise to variation in partisanship, which in turn create different non-economic motivations for voting behavior. Citizens with higher levels of socioeconomic status have the resources to engage more actively in politics, and are thus more likely to associate with political parties, while citizens with lower levels of socioeconomic status are more likely to be nonpartisans. Partisans, however, are further split by their political proclivities; those that support the regime are more likely to be ruling party partisans, while partisans who mistrust the regime are more likely to support opposition parties. In turn, these three groups of citizens have different expressive and social reasons for voting. -
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60 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS ELECTION MANAGEMENT IN CAMEROON Progress, Problems And Prospects Thaddeus Menang Thaddeus Menang is Advisor at the National Elections Observatory P O Box 13506, Yaoundé, Cameroon Tel.: + 237 771 55 71 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Judged by internationally accepted norms and standards election management in Cameroon stands out as peculiar in more than one respect. Firstly, election management tasks are performed by a multiplicity of bodies and institutions, making it difficult to determine who is really responsible at each stage of the process. Secondly, the conduct of elections is governed by a battery of cross-referencing laws which election stakeholders often find hard to interpret and apply. The problems arising from this situation need to be and are, presently, being addressed within the framework of reforms that target, on the one hand, the adoption of a single, updated and enforceable electoral law and, on the other, the setting up of a viable election management body and the introduction of modern management methods. INTRODUCTION Whereas in the older and better-established democracies of the world election management has become a routine that, more often than not, produces satisfactory results, most of the budding democracies of the Third World are still grappling with the problem of determining which election management procedures are best suited to their specific national contexts. The older democracies themselves tend to differ one from the other, not only in terms of the electoral systems they have put in place but also as regards the specific election management procedures they have adopted. These variations raise the question of whether the management of elections in a democratic context can be said to be governed by a set of internationally accepted norms and standards. -
“These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’S WATCH Anglophone Regions
HUMAN “These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’s WATCH Anglophone Regions “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JULY 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Map .................................................................................................................................... i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ............................................................................................................. -
JUSTITIA 012 I JANVIER 2019 / 1 Visitez Le Portail Du Ministère De La Justice Discover the Website of the Ministry of Justice
MAGAZINE D’INFORMATIONS GÉNÉRALES DU MINISTÈRE DE LA JUSTICE I CAMEROUN JUSTITIA 012 I JANVIER 2019 / 1 visitez le portail du ministère de la justice discover the website of the ministry of justice www.minjustice.gov.cm 2 / JUSTITIA 012 I JANVIER 2019 MAGAZINE D’INFORMATIONS GÉNÉRALES DU MINISTÈRE DE LA JUSTICE I CAMEROUN s.e. paul biya Président de la République Président du Conseil Supérieur de la Magistrature President of the Republic President of the Higher Judicial Council joseph dion ngute Premier Ministre, Chef du Gouvernement Prime Minister, Head of Government Laurent ESSO Ministre d’État, Ministre de la Justice, Garde des Sceaux Jean de dieu momo Minister of State, Minister of Justice, Keeper of the Seals Ministre Délégué auprès du Ministre de la Justice Minister Delegate to the Minister of Justice Doh Jerôme Penbaga Secrétaire d'État auprès du Ministre de la Justice chargé de l'Administration Pénitentiaire Secretary of State to the Minister of Justice in charge of Penitentiary Administration JJUSTITIAUSTITIA 012 012 I I JANVIERJANVIER 2019 2019 / 3 ▣ EDITORIAL narrow the gap that has been existing for long between these two entities who are bound to move together. Numerous mechanisms have been put in place to improve the relations between the public service and the citizens. In Cameroon, between the reform of the administrative prac- tice, the improvement of the service rendered to the public, investments of all kinds, no sector of the administration is spared by this trend of bringing the public service closer to citizens as directed by the President of the Republic, His Excellency Paul BIYA, so as not only to establish more sere- nity and trust between the public service and the citizens, but also to change the attitude, behaviour and the opinion they have about the public service. -
Journal 3.1 Osaghae
74 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS INDEPENDENT CANDIDATURE AND THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN AFRICA Churchill Ewumbue-Monono Dr Churchill Ewumbue-Monono is Minister-Counsellor in the Cameroon Embassy in Russia UI Povarskaya, 40, PO Box 136, International Post, Moscow, Russian Federation Tel: +290 65 49/2900063; Fax: +290 6116 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study reviews the participation of independent, non-partisan candidates in Africa. It examines the development of competitive elections on the continent between 1945 and 2005, a period which includes both decolonisation and democratic transition elections. It also focuses on the participation of independent candidates in these elections at both legislative and presidential levels. It further analyses the place of independent candidature in the continent’s future electoral processes. INTRODUCTION The concept of political independence, whether it refers to voters or to candidates, describes an individual’s non-attachment to and non-identification with a political party. Generally, voter-centred political independence takes the form of independent voters who, when registering to vote, do not declare their affiliation to a political party. There are also swing or floating voters, who vote independently for personalities or issues not for parties, and switch voters, who are registered voters with a history of crossing party lines. Furthermore, candidate-centred political independence may take the form of apolitical, independent, non-partisan candidates, as well as official and unofficial party candidates (Safire 1968, p 658). The recognition of political independence as a feature of the electoral process has led to the involvement of ‘independent personalities’ in managing election institutions. Examples are ‘independent judiciaries’, ‘independent electoral commissions’, and ‘independent election observers’. -
2018 EISA Annual Report
EISA ANNUAL REPORT 2018 Annual Report 2018 Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa i Annual Report 2018 iii EISA ANNUAL REPORT 2018 about eisa TYPE OF ORGANISATION EISA is an independent, non-profit non-partisan non- governmental organisation whose focus is elections, OUR VISION democracy and governance in Africa. AN AFRICAN CONTINENT WHERE DATE OF ESTABLISHMENT DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE, July 1996. HUMAN RIGHTS AND CITIZEN OUR PARTNERS PARTICIPATION ARE UPHELD IN A Electoral management bodies, political parties, civil society PEACEFUL ENVIRONMENT. organisations, local government structures, parliaments, and national, Pan-African organisations, Regional OUR MISSION Economic Communities and donors. EISA STRIVES FOR EXCELLENCE OUR APPROACH IN THE PROMOTION OF Through innovative and trust-based partnerships throughout the African continent and beyond, EISA CREDIBLE ELECTIONS, CITIZEN engages in mutually beneficial capacity reinforcement PARTICIPATION, AND THE activities aimed at enhancing all partners’ interventions in STRENGTHENING OF POLITICAL the areas of elections, democracy and governance. INSTITUTIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE OUR STRUCTURE DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA. EISA consists of a Board of Directors comprised of stakeholders from the African continent and beyond. The Board provides strategic leadership and upholds financial accountability and oversight. EISA has as its patron Sir Ketumile Masire, the former President of Botswana. The Executive Director is supported by an Operations Director and Finance and Administration Department. EISA's focused programmes include: Elections and Political Processes Balloting and Electoral Services Governance Institutions and Processes Supporting Transitions and Electoral Processes Programme In 2018 EISA had 7 field offices, namely, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Madagascar, Mali, Mozambique, Somalia, and Zimbabwe and a Central Africa regional office (Gabon). -
Republique Du Cameroun Republic of Cameroon
NATIONAL YOUTH POLICY MINJEC CAB 2015 ii H. E. Paul BIYA President of the Republic of Cameroon, Head of State iii iv H.E Philemon YANG, Prime Minister, Head of Government Dr. BIDOUNG MKPATT, Minister of Youth Affairs and Civic Education v vi CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................. IX PREFACE ............................................................................................................................. XII INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 1 1.1: Geophysical presentation of Cameroon .......................................................................... 3 1.2: Population data and the importance of the youth population in Cameroon ............... 3 1.3: Ethnic groups, Culture and Languages .......................................................................... 4 1.4: Communication and means of communication .............................................................. 4 1.5: Political and Administrative setup .................................................................................. 5 1.6.1 Evolution of the economic situation .................................................................................. 6 1.6.2: The Poverty Situation ....................................................................................................... 7 1.7: International environment .............................................................................................. -
Cameroon Country Study
CAMEROON COUNTRY STUDY Humanitarian Financing Task Team Output IV April 2019 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 3 1. Key features of the context ............................................................................................... 4 2. HDN policy and operational environment ......................................................................... 6 2.1. Scope of the HDN ....................................................................................................... 6 2.2. Policy, planning and prioritisation environment ....................................................... 8 2.3. Coordination, leadership and division of labour ..................................................... 11 3. Financing across the nexus .............................................................................................. 12 3.1. Wider funding environment .................................................................................... 12 3.2. Funding across the HDN ........................................................................................... 14 3.3. Other considerations in funding across the HDN .................................................... 22 4. Gaps and opportunities ................................................................................................... 23 5. Conclusions ...................................................................................................................... 27 -
Post-Conflict Elections”
POST-CONFLICT ELECTION TIMING PROJECT† ELECTION SOURCEBOOK Dawn Brancati Washington University in St. Louis Jack L. Snyder Columbia University †Data are used in: “Time To Kill: The Impact of Election Timing on Post-Conflict Stability”; “Rushing to the Polls: The Causes of Early Post-conflict Elections” 1 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. ELECTION CODING RULES 01 II. ELECTION DATA RELIABILITY NOTES 04 III. NATIONAL ELECTION CODING SOURCES 05 IV. SUBNATIONAL ELECTION CODING SOURCES 59 Alternative End Dates 103 References 107 3 ELECTION CODING RULES ALL ELECTIONS (1) Countries for which the civil war has resulted into two or more states that do not participate in joint elections are excluded. A country is considered a state when two major powers recognize it. Major powers are those countries that have a veto power on the Security Council: China, France, USSR/Russia, United Kingdom and the United States. As a result, the following countries, which experienced civil wars, are excluded from the analysis [The separate, internationally recognized states resulting from the war are in brackets]: • Cameroon (1960-1961) [France and French Cameroon]: British Cameroon gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1961, after the French controlled areas in 1960. • China (1946-1949): [People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan)] At the time, Taiwan was recognized by at least two major powers: United States (until the 1970s) and United Kingdom (until 1950), as was China. • Ethiopia (1974-1991) [Ethiopia and Eritrea] • France (1960-1961) [France