Post-Conflict Elections”
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences Quota Report Series
The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences Quota Report Series Edited by Julie Ballington In Collaboration with This report was compiled from the findings and case studies presented at an International IDEA, EISA and SADC Parliamentary Forum Workshop held on 11–12 November 2004, Pretoria, South Africa. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2004 This is an International IDEA publication. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: Information Unit International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Graphic design by: Magnus Alkmar Cover photos: Anoli Perera, Sri Lanka Printed by: Trydells Tryckeri AB, Sweden ISBN: 91-85391-17-4 Preface The International Institute for Democracy and a global research project on the implementation and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), an intergovernmental use of quotas worldwide in cooperation with the organization with member states across all continents, Department of Political Science, Stockholm University. seeks to support sustainable democracy in both new By comparing the employment of gender quotas in dif- and long-established democracies. Drawing on com- ferent political contexts this project seeks to gauge parative analysis and experience, IDEA works to bolster whether, and under what conditions, quotas can be electoral processes, enhance political equality and par- implemented successfully. It also aims to raise general ticipation and develop democratic institutions and awareness of the use of gender quotas as an instrument practices. -
THE CYPRUS QUESTION in the MAKING and the ATTITUDE of the SOVIET UNION TOWARDS the CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) a Master's
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bilkent University Institutional Repository THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) A Master’s Thesis by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 To my grandfathers Osman OYMAK and Mehmet Akif ASLAN, THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Associate Prof. Hakan Kırımlı Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Nur Bilge Criss Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Eugenia Kermeli Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences --------------------------- Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) Aslan, Mustafa Çağatay M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Associate Prof. -
Final Technical Report| April 2017
FINAL TECHNICAL REPORT| APRIL 2017 Final technical report International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Strengthening West African Research Capacity on Security - Project 106743 (March 2012 – Feb. 2017) ISS-Pretoria (head Office) ISS-Dakar 361 Veale Street Regional Office for West Africa Block C, Brooklyn Court Immeuble Atryum Center, 4th floor New Muckleneuk Route de Ouakam, Pretoria, South Africa Dakar, Senegal Research team Programme managers Déo Barakamfitiye, Stéphanie Wolters, Lori-Anne Théroux-Bénoni Senior researchers Lori-Anne Théroux-Bénoni, William Assanvo, Barthelemy Blédé, David Zounmenou, Stéphanie Wolters Researchers Paulin Maurice Toupane and Ibrahim Maïga Junior researcher Ella Abatan Junior fellows 2012: Awa Faye Daou, Paulin Maurice Toupane, Lucie Boucher 2013: Lidawo Kilo, Baba Dakono, Bile Ehoussoua Marie Emmanuela Kabran, Sohe Loïc Elyse Gino Vlavonou, Mahamoudou Kane 2014: Esso- Wedeou Gnamké, Fatimata Ouédraogo, Tity Agbahey, Ibrahim Maïga, Ousmane Aly Diallo 2015: Jeannine Ella Abatan, Cheikh Dieng, Pascaline Compaoré, Jeanine Kobi Bié 2016: Aissatou Kanté, Kadiatou Yacouba Keita, Fatimata Ba, Wendyam Aristide Sawadogo, Patrick Olivier Gnonsekan Country/Region Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), Dakar (Senegal), Nairobi (Kenya), Pretoria (South Africa) Contact information Lori-Anne Théroux-Bénoni [email protected], [email protected] CONTENTS 1. Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... 4 2. The research problem -
Foreign Observation of the Illegitimate Elections in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in 2019
FOREIGN OBSERVATION OF THE ILLEGITIMATE ELECTIONS IN SOUTH OSSETIA AND ABKHAZIA IN 2019 Anton Shekhovtsov FOREIGN OBSERVATION OF THE ILLEGITIMATE ELECTIONS IN SOUTH OSSETIA AND ABKHAZIA IN 2019 Anton Shekhovtsov Contents Executive summary _____________________________________ 4 Introduction: Illegitimacy of the South Ossetian “parliamentary” and Abkhaz “presidential elections” ___________ 6 “Foreign observers” of the 2019 “elections” in South Ossetia and Abkhazia ____________________________ 9 Established involvement of “foreign observers” in pro-Kremlin efforts __________________________________ 16 Assessments of the South Ossetian and Abkhaz 2019 “elections” by “foreign observers” _____________________ 21 Conclusion ___________________________________________ 27 Edition: European Platform for Democratic Elections www.epde.org Responsible for the content: Europäischer Austausch gGmbH Erkelenzdamm 59 10999 Berlin, Germany Represented through: Stefanie Schiffer EPDE is financially supported by the European Union and the Federal Foreign Office of Germany. The here expressed opinion does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the donors. Executive summary The so-called “Republic of South Ossetia” and “Republic of Abkhazia” are breakaway regions of Georgia that are recognised as independent sovereign states only by five UN Member States: Russia (which supports their de facto independence by military, economic and political means), Nauru, Nicaragua, Syria and Venezuela. Other entities that recognise South Ossetia and Abkhaz- ia as independent -
First Witness Statement of Mahmoud Thiam CWS-5
First Witness Statement of Mahmoud Thiam CWS-5 IN THE MATTER OF AN ARBITRATION UNDER THE RULES OF ARBITRATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL CENTRE FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF INVESTMENT DISPUTES ICSID Case No. ARB/14/22 BETWEEN: BSG RESOURCES LIMITED (Claimant) -v- THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA (Respondent) First Witness Statement MAHMOUD THIAM I MAHMOUD THIAM of 170 East End Avenue, Apt 16B, New York, NY 10128, USA, with date of birth 4 October 1966, will state as follows: 1. I am the Chief Executive of Thiam & Co, an advisory and investment management consultancy based in New York, which specialises in frontier and emerging markets, with a particular emphasis on Africa and the Middle East. Prior to setting up Thiam & Co, I served as Minister of Mines, Geology, Energy and Hydraulics in the Republic of Guinea ("Guinea") in 2009 and Minister of Mines and Geology in 2010. I will refer to both positions as “Minister of Mines”. 2. I make this statement in relation to the claim by BSG Resources Limited ("BSGR") against the Republic of Guinea ("Guinea"). Save where I indicate otherwise, the facts and matters set out in this statement are based on my first-hand knowledge of the events in question. 27945287.1 1 First Witness Statement of Mahmoud Thiam CWS-5 3. This witness statement has been prepared with the assistance of my counsel, Sullivan & Worcester LLP, and BSGR's lawyers, Mishcon de Reya. On some occasions, I have refreshed my memory by looking at correspondence and other documents from the relevant time where they have been available to me. -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
Elections in Lebanon: Implications for Washington, Beirut, and Damascus | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Policy Forum Elections in Lebanon: Implications for Washington, Beirut, and Damascus by David Schenker Nov 27, 2007 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Schenker David Schenker is the Taube Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute and former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Brief Analysis n the months leading up to the November 23 end of Lebanese president Emile Lahoud's term in office, political I factions have been vying to choose the country's next chief executive. These elections pit candidates affiliated with the pro-West March 14 majority bloc against the Syrian-Iranian allied opposition led by Hizbballah. For both Washington and the March 14 majority, the outcome of the elections is critical. At stake is the future of UN Security Council Resolution 1559, the disarmament of Lebanese militias, and Resolution 1757, the international tribunal investigating the assassination of former Lebanese premiere Rafiq Hariri. In a larger sense, the election of a compromise candidate could effectively end the momentum of the Cedar Revolution and bring Syria back to Lebanon. To discuss the Lebanese elections, The Washington Institute invited Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman, Tony Badran, and David Schenker to address a special policy forum on November 27, 2007. Due to a technical failure, David Schenker's remarks are not included here. Jeffrey Feltman has been the U.S. ambassador to Lebanon since July 2004. Prior to his appointment in Beirut, he served as the Coalition Provisional Authority office in Irbil, Iraq, and as acting principal officer at the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem. He joined the Foreign Service in 1986, and has also served in Tel Aviv, Tunisia, and Haiti. -
Election Management Bodies in Southern Africa Comparative Study of the Electoral Commissions’ Contribution to Electoral Processes
Election Management Bodies in Southern Africa Comparative study of the electoral commissions’ contribution to electoral processes A review by Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa and ECF-SADC 2016 Election Management Bodies in Southern Africa Comparative study of the electoral commissions’ contribution to electoral processes A review by Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa and ECF-SADC 2016 Published by the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) and African Minds OSISA President Place 1 Hood Avenue Rosebank Johannesburg, 2196 South Africa www.osisa.org African Minds 4 Eccleston Place, Somerset West, 7130, Cape Town, South Africa [email protected] www.africanminds.org.za 2016 All contents of this document, unless specified otherwise, are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial 4.0 International Licence ISBNs Print: 978-1-928332-17-6 EBook: 978-1-928332-18-3 e-Pub: 978-1-928332-19-0 Copies of this book are available for free download at www.africanminds.org.za and www.osisa.org ORDERS To order printed copies within Africa, please contact: African Minds Email: [email protected] To order printed copies from outside Africa, please contact: African Books Collective PO Box 721, Oxford OX1 9EN, UK Email: [email protected] CONTENTS Preface _____________________________________________________iv Acknowledgements ____________________________________________ vii Overview __________________________________________________viii 1. Angola Dr Nuno de Fragoso Vidal ____________________________________________1 2. Botswana Prof. Emmanuel Botlhale, with Dr Onalenna Selolwane __________________45 3. Democratic Republic of Congo Dr Joseph Cihunda Hengelela ________________________________________75 4. Lesotho Prof. Mafa M. Sejanamane __________________________________________109 5. Malawi Ms Ann Maganga __________________________________________________133 6. Mauritius Dr Roukaya Kasenally ______________________________________________163 7. -
Presidential Elections in Cyprus in 2013
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Presidential Elections in Cyprus in 2013 CHRISTOPHEROS CHRISTOPHOROU February 2013 n The right-wing party Democratic Rally is likely to return to power, twenty years since it first elected its founder, Glafcos Clerides, to the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus and after ten years in opposition. The party’s leader may secure election in the first round, thanks to the alliance with the Democratic Party and the weakening of the governing communist Progressive Party of the Working People. n The economy displaced the Cyprus Problem as the central issue of the election cam- paign. The opposition blames the government’s inaction for the country’s ailing economy, while the government, the ruling AKEL and their candidate blame neolib- eral policies and the banking system. The candidate of the Social Democrats EDEK distinguishes himself by proposing to pre-sell hydrocarbons and do away with the Troika. He also openly opposes bizonality in a federal solution. n Whatever the outcome of the election, it will mark a new era in internal politics and in Cyprus’s relations with the European Union and the international community. The rapid weakening of the polarisation between left and right, at the expense of the left, may give rise to new forces. Their main feature is nationalist discourse and radical positions on the Cyprus Issue and other questions. Depending on the winner, Nicosia and Brussels may experience a kind of (their first) honeymoon or, conversely, a new period of strained relations. n At another level, the new President will have to govern under the scrutiny of the IMF and the European Union’s support mechanism. -
Stable Instability: the Syrian Conflict and the Postponement of the 2013 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections
This is a repository copy of Stable instability: the Syrian conflict and the postponement of the 2013 Lebanese parliamentary elections. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/88404/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Assi, AF and Worrall, JE orcid.org/0000-0001-5229-5152 (2015) Stable instability: the Syrian conflict and the postponement of the 2013 Lebanese parliamentary elections. Third World Quarterly, 36 (10). pp. 1944-1967. ISSN 0143-6597 https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2015.1071661 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Stable Instability: The Syrian Conflict and the Postponement of the 2013 Lebanese Parliamentary Elections Dr Abbas Assi Center for Arab and Middle Eastern Studies, American University of Beirut Dr James Worrall School of Politics & International Studies, University of Leeds 1 Stable Instability: The Syrian -
Democratic Peace Theory and the War in Former Yugoslavia Miljenko Antić and Jadranka Vlahovec1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Međunarodne studije, god. 13, br. 2, 2013, str. 55-71 55 Pregledni znanstveni članak UDK: 321.7:355.01(497.1) Primljeno: 2. listopada 2013. “Democratic War”: Democratic Peace Theory and the War in Former Yugoslavia Miljenko Antić and Jadranka Vlahovec1 Summary This article analyses the democratic peace theory which holds that democra- cies do not fight each other. It tries to investigate whether the war in former Yugoslavia supports or rebukes this theory. The investigation of Mansfield and Snyder best explains the conflict in Yugoslavia. It was a conflict between democratizing states, which does not rebuke democratic peace theory, but it does challenge it because events in former Yugoslavia show that democratic elections – and they are conditio sine qua non of democracy – do not prevent wars. Key words: democratic peace, Yugoslavia, war, elections, democratization. “When will this democracy pass, so that we can live like human beings once again?” (graffiti in Sarajevo during the War) Introduction According to Levy (1989:88), the proposition that democracies seldom, if ever, go to war against one another is “the closest thing we have to an empirical law in the stu- dy of international relations”. Similarly, according to Muravchik (1991:8), “the more democratic the world, the more peaceful it is likely to be. Various researchers have shown that war between democracies has almost never occurred in the modern world”. If above statements are correct, the democratic peace theory has practical significance. If democracies never go to war with one another, then the best prescription for interna- tional peace may be to encourage the spread of democracy. -
WP00-5-Ribot
- , , - Jesse C. Ribot L. Carper/R. Reen, 1999 , , Many thanks to Louise Fortmann and Michael Watts who provided critical and encouraging com- ments on the first draft of this article at the 1996 African Studies Conference in San Francisco. I am also greatly indebted to Olivier Dubois, Sheila Foster, Anu Joshi, Murry Last, Nancy Peluso, Pauline Peters, Allyson Purpura, Ebrima Sall, Neil Smith and Matthew Turner for their insightful and constructive comments. August 1998; published also in Africa 69:1, January 1999 Introduction 1 I. Political Decentralization and Community Participation: If Ever the Twain Shall Meet 4 II. Rural Administration and Representation 7 III. Two Cases 14 IV. Colonial Administration in the Participatory Era 21 V. Conclusion 26 Bibliography 29 Endnotes 39 , : - Jesse C. Ribot Center for Population and Development Studies Harvard University As a form of rule, apartheid is what Smuts [1936] called institutional segregation, the British termed indirect rule, and the French association. It is this common State form that I call decen- tralized despotism. Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, 1996:8. Policies of “Indirect Rule” under the British and “Association” under the French created an “institu- tional segregation” in which most Africans were relegated to live in a sphere of so called “customary” law (or the “indigenat”) while Europeans and urban citizens obeyed civil law—customary law being an administratively driven form of State ordained and enforced regulation. In 1936 British colonial officer Lord Hailey wrote: “...the doctrine of differentiation aims at the evolution of separate institu- tions appropriate to African conditions and differing both in spirit and in form from those of Euro- peans.”1 Mamdani points out that “The emphasis on differentiation meant the forging of specifically ‘native’ institutions through which to rule subjects....” He continues: ...although the bifurcated State created with colonialism was deracialized after independence, it was not democratized.