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The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences Quota Report Series

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The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences

Quota Report Series

Edited by Julie Ballington

In Collaboration with

This report was compiled from the findings and case studies presented at an International IDEA, EISA and SADC Parliamentary Forum Workshop held on 11–12 November 2004, Pretoria, South Africa.

© International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2004 This is an International IDEA publication. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members.

Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to:

Information Unit
International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden

International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications.

Graphic design by: Magnus Alkmar Cover photos: Anoli Perera, Sri Lanka Printed by: Trydells Tryckeri AB, Sweden ISBN: 91-85391-17-4

Preface

The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), an intergovernmental organization with member states across all continents, seeks to support sustainable democracy in both new and long-established democracies. Drawing on comparative analysis and experience, IDEA works to bolster electoral processes, enhance political equality and participation and develop democratic institutions and practices. The inclusive and responsive nature of these institutions is considered to be of particular importance if there is to be effective governance, benefiting a wide spectrum of groups in society. In this context, IDEA is committed to promoting the participation and representation of women in political life.
The increase in women’s participation on the
African continent in the past few years has been greater than that experienced at any other time in the past four decades, rising ten-fold to over 14 percent in 2003. Gender quotas are now increasingly viewed as an important policy measure for boosting women’s access to decision-making bodies throughout the world. Experience from Africa is very encouraging: over 20 countries on the continent either have legislated quotas or political parties that have adopted them voluntarily. These measures have contributed directly to the increase in the number of women who have accessed the legislature: The average representation of women in sub-Saharan Africa in 1995 was 9.8 percent which has increased to 15.1 percent in 2004.
The introduction of gender quota systems has been influenced to a great extent by recommendations from international and regional organizations, and supported by actors working at the country level. The United Nations (UN) International Women’s Conference in Nairobi, Kenya, in 1985 provided a mobilizing opportunity for women on the continent, especially in East Africa. This was supported by the recommendations of the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action, which called on governments to take steps to ensure women’s equal access to, and full participation in, power structures and decision-making fora. Measures have been successfully introduced in some countries, with Southern Africa taking the lead. Yet, in others, quotas have not resulted in an increase in the number of women in politics, and, occasionally, have had the reverse effect.
Gender quotas present us with new challenges, both in practice and academic research. IDEA is engaged in a global research project on the implementation and use of quotas worldwide in cooperation with the Department of Political Science, Stockholm University. By comparing the employment of gender quotas in different political contexts this project seeks to gauge whether, and under what conditions, quotas can be implemented successfully. It also aims to raise general awareness of the use of gender quotas as an instrument to increase the political representation of women and to show that they can, and are, being applied successfully.
As a means of generating comparative information on quotas, IDEA is convening a series of regional workshops. The first two workshops were held in Asia and Latin America. This regional report documents the findings of the third in the series, The Implementation

of Quotas: African Experiences. It is followed by work-

shops in Europe and the Arab World.
Many individuals and organizations in Southern
Africa supported IDEA’s workshop on quotas in Africa, and we are grateful for their enthusiasm and expertise. We thank Professor Drude Dahlerup of Stockholm University, Ilona Tip and staff members from the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA), Rumbidzai Nhundu and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF) for their contributions and expertise. We also thank the speakers, authors and the editor, Richard Jones, who made this report possible.
From IDEA we are especially grateful for the expertise and untiring efforts of Julie Ballington, Manager of the Women in Politics Project, and Yee Yin Yap, Programme Assistant, who pulled the event and the report together. We also thank Dr Patrick Molutsi, former Director of the Political Parties and Institutions Programme, Dr Abdalla Hamdok, Director of the Africa Programme and Nadia Handal Zander from the Publications Unit. Lastly, we would like to thank IDEA’s member states, for the support that they offered that made this event possible.

KAREN FOGG
SECRETARY-GENERAL INTERNATIONAL IDEA

  • 3
  • 4

Table of Contents

  • About IDEA’s Project and this Report
  • 8

Opening Session
Brigalia Bam, “Welcome and Introductory Remarks” Lulama Xingwana, “Introductory Address”
10 10

  • 1. Quota Systems: An Overview of GlobalTrends and Continental Analysis
  • 14

  • Overview of the Session
  • 14

Case Studies Presented:
Drude Dahlerup, “Quotas are Changing the History of Women” Bookie Kethusigile-Juru, “Quota Systems in Africa: An Overview”
16 22

  • 2. Introducing Quotas in Africa: Discourses and Legal Reform
  • 28

Overview of the Session Discussions from the Floor
28 30
Case Studies Presented:
Rachida Tahri, “Women’s Political Participation: The Case of Morocco” Sylvia Tamale, “Introducing Quotas: Discourse and Legal Reform in Uganda” Gihan Abou-Zeid, “Introducing Quotas in Africa: Discourses in Egypt” Mary Maboreke, “The Quota System within the African Union”
32 38 46 52

  • 3. Political Party Quotas in Practice
  • 56

Overview of the Session Discussions from the Floor
56 57
Case Studies Presented:
Mavivi Myakayaka-Manzini, “Political Party Quotas in South Africa” Alcinda Antonio de Abreu, “Political Party Quotas in Mozambique: The Experience of the FRELIMO Party” Aminata Faye Kassé, “Women in Politics in Senegal”
58 62 66

  • 4. Overview of Quotas in Africa
  • 70

Overview of the Session Discussions from the Floor
70 70
Case Study Presented:

  • Aili Mari Tripp, “The Changing Face of Africa’s Legislatures: Women and Quotas”
  • 72

5

  • 5. Quotas in Practice: Challenges to Implementation and Enforcement
  • 78

Overview of the Session Discussions from the Floor
78 79
Case Studies Presented:
Ruth Meena, “The Politics of Quotas in Tanzania” Liz Frank, “Working Towards Gender Balance in Elected Positions of Government in Namibia” Judith Kanakuze, “The Challenge of Implementation and Enforcement in Rwanda”
82 88 96

  • 6. Quotas, Democracy and Governance
  • 100

Overview of the Session Discussions from the Floor Case Studies Presented:
100 102

Sheila Bunwareee, “Engendering the Mauritian Political Space: The Need for Quotas” 104 Rumbidzai Nhundu, “Implementing Quotas:

  • Experiences from the SADC Parliamentary Forum”
  • 110

  • 114
  • Colleen Lowe Morna, “Beyond Numbers: Quotas in Practice”

Doris Mpoumou, “Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations:

  • Discourse in the Democratic Republic of the Congo”
  • 120

  • 7. Conclusion
  • 124

Julie Ballington, “Women’s Political Participation and Quotas in Africa” About the Authors List of Participants
124 130 132

6

Terms and Abbreviations

  • ANC
  • African National Congress

APRM AU
African Peer Review Mechanism African Union

  • BLS
  • Best loser seats

CEDAW CODESA COSEF DRC
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women Convention for a Democratic South Africa Senegalese Council for Women Democratic Republic of the Congo

  • DTA
  • Democratic Turnhalle Alliance

  • EALA
  • East African Legislative Assembly

ECOWAS EISA EMB
Economic Community of West African States Promoting Credible Elections and Democratic Governance in Africa Electoral Management Body
FPTP FRELIMO List PR
First-past-the-post electoral system, used in constituency elections Front for the Liberation of Mozambique Proportional representation electoral system, under which political parties submit lists of candidates to contest elections Mixed Member Proportional representation electoral system Member of parliament
MMP MP NCOP NEPAD NGO OAU
National Council of Provinces, South Africa New Partnership for Africa’s Development Non-governmental organization Organisation of African Unity
SADC SADC PF Swapo TRS
Southern African Development Community Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum South West African People’s Organization Two Round System

7

About IDEA’s Project and this Report

The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly, standing at 15 percent in lower houses of parliament in 2004 on average. The uneven political playing field on which women and men compete has led to a number of reforms to safeguard the presence of women in parliament, primarily quotas or other positive action strategies. Governments and political parties have experimented with different types of quotas, with mixed results. Electoral quotas may be constitutionally or legislatively mandated or they may come in the form of political party quotas. They usually set a target or minimum threshold for women, and may apply to the number of women candidates proposed by a party for election, or they may take the form of reserved seats in the legislature.
Increasing women’s representation and participation in decision-making bodies requires well-developed strategies and information on which measures have worked successfully in different countries with different political contexts. Currently, there is limited comparative research and data on how quotas have been successfully implemented and enforced. As support for quotas gains momentum (as a tool to increase the political participation of women), IDEA is participating in a global research project – in collaboration with the Department of Political Science, Stockholm University – that will lead to the generation of comparative practical knowledge on electoral quotas for women.
As a first step in this process, a ‘Global Database of
Quotas for Women’ website has been created, providing an overview of the use of electoral quotas for women worldwide (www.quotaproject.org). It provides information on the various types of quotas in existence today, detailing percentages and targets in countries where they are applicable. Data are presented for over 90 nations, including 74 where they have been specified in the constitution, regulations and laws or where political parties have implemented their own internal quotas.
The website, however, does not draw conclusions about the connection between types of quota provisions and the representation of women globally. Hence, IDEA is convening a series of regional workshops. Researchers and practitioners are being brought together to allow country- and region-specific information on quota implementation and enforcement to be collated, and a network of researchers and experts working in this field to be developed. The first workshop in the series examined Asian experiences of quotas, and was held in Jakarta, Indonesia, in September 2002. The second workshop, on Latin American experiences of quotas, was held in Lima, Peru, in February 2003. The meeting on quotas in Africa, held in South Africa in November 2003, is the third in the series, and is to be followed by workshops in Europe and the Arab World in 2004.
IDEA works in partnership with international, regional and local organizations. This workshop was organized in partnership with EISA and SADC PF. These partners, and others, are particularly important in light of the Southern African Development Community Declaration on Gender, obliging member states to achieve 30 percent representation of women by 2005. The countries represented in this meeting, however, were not only members of SADC. Experts also came from Central, East, North and West Africa, reflecting the diversity of the continent.
Africa is an interesting region in regard to analyzing the successes and failures associated with quota implementation. The legislated quota system is employed in eight countries – Djibouti, Eritrea, Kenya, Morocco, Namibia at the local level, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda (and previously in Egypt). Informal political party quotas exist in a further twelve nations. In a number of countries debates are taking place about the implementation of quotas, with women’s organizations at the local and regional levels actively lobbying for them. There are also important examples of quotas existing in decision-making bodies other than national parliaments, including the African Union (AU) and the SADC PF, as well as quotas that seek to include women in peace processes and negotiations, as in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). While it is possibly too early to talk about a tradition of quota implementation on the continent, there are clear cases where quotas have been instrumental in ensuring women access to decision-making bodies.
The aims of this workshop were to provide a forum in which to assess comparative information and trends, share experiences and offer networking opportunities for those involved in this debate in various sub-regions. The participants, from 21 countries, included politicians, academics, researchers and representatives of civil

8

society organizations and political institutions engaged in gender equality advocacy and democracy and electoral issues.
This report is structured around the themes that were addressed in the African context, beginning with an overview of the presentations and a look at the discussions that emerged. The full papers submitted by the experts can be found at the end of each section. The themes include comparative experiences of quotas, how to lobby for and implement quotas, the challenges to implementation and enforcement, and political party quotas. Conclusions and areas for further research are also documented. In this way, it is hoped that the report will serve not just as a record of activity, but also as a reference and information source for ongoing discussions and planning regarding the political participation of women in Africa.

JULIE BALLINGTON
MANAGER OF THE WOMEN IN POLITICS PROJECT
INTERNATIONAL IDEA

9

Welcome and Introductory Overview

other agencies as we have done today.”
Dr Bam ended by expressing hope for continued collaboration not only on the continental level, but also at the country level.

Welcome and Introductory Remarks by Dr Brigalia Bam

Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission in South Africa and Member of the IDEA Board of Directors

Introductory Address by the Honourable Lulama Xingwana

Dr Brigalia Bam opened by extending words of welcome and saying that it was a pleasure that women in Africa have come together to look at the political situation and highlight priority issues.

Member of the South African National Assembly (ANC) and Chairperson of the SADC Regional Wome n ’s Parliamentary Caucus

“I will say with my colleagues sitting next to me that the idea of quota for us in South Africa is really our lifeline. Without a quota system many of us in our country would not be where we are. We have seen a number of women enter the decisionmaking bodies and it has been through this quota system. It is an important conference for us to be here to reflect on this.”
Honourable Lulama Xingwana welcomed participants to the city of Tshwane, the capital of the new South Africa, and to the region of the Southern African Development Community. She outlined the objective of the workshop: to examine a number of critical issues that affect the participation of women in politics and decision-making, such as affirmative action mechanisms, including quotas. Additionally, the workshop addresses challenges facing women in the SADC region and on the continent in achieving full and equal representation.
Dr Bam noted that the debate on quotas is also taking place in other parts of the world. ‘My colleagues from IDEA will share this with you because it is not only a concern for women in Africa, but for women the world over. Of course the studies will show those people who are familiar with old democracies whether in fact in the so-called Western world this has a benefit to them or it is something that is benefiting only those democracies that are referred to as young democracies’.
Although IDEA is headquartered in Stockholm,
Sweden, Dr Bam pointed out that its member states are governments that operate in partnership throughout the world. Because of the importance of inclusive and representative decision-making, IDEA takes a lot of interest in the subject and uses research to determine policy measures to achieve that goal. IDEA also works in partnership with many organizations around the world, including non-governmental organizations (NGOs), to entrench democracy, and thereby justice and a culture of human rights.
“It is important that we acknowledge during this meeting some of the milestones reached by African women over the past decade, including the launch of the African Union in Durban in 2002 and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). These represented huge advances towards the rebirth and the renewal of Africa. For this rebirth to become reality, though, African women cannot be left outside and must play a central role in the process, particularly in NEPAD programmes and within the AU structure, because they represent the poorest and most marginalized communities in our country and on the continent. The greatest challenge confronting us as women today, therefore, is to prioritize female economic empowerment and to push back the frontier of poverty.”
“As women we are not there only to fulfil a quota, but we are people who want to protect and preserve life, we are people who nurture life, we are people who pass values to other people. At IDEA, I want to say publicly we are committed to working in partnership which is why we are linking here in Southern Africa and in other parts of the continent with a number of
Xingwana acknowledged the progress made by the AU, which has ensured that 50 percent of its commissioners, who will be responsible for the implementation of NEPAD, are women. At its second Summit in Maputo,

10

Mozambique, in 2003, the AU also endorsed and adopted the Protocol on Women based on the African Charter for Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women. She also congratulated Rwanda for achieving the highest rate of female representation in the world: following elections in October 2003, 48.8 percent of Rwandan parliamentarians are women. She noted that Africa is now leading the world in this respect, surpassing even Scandinavian countries like Norway and Sweden, which have been the traditional leaders in the area of gender equality. ‘This proves that the 50/50 campaign and gender parity is not just an illusive dream of women, but that equal representation of men and women in all of our countries can become reality’.
Xingwana commented on some of the strategies employed in South Africa and in other parts of the world to achieve greater representation and equality for women in politics. These include the role played by women in the struggle for national liberation, in the subsequent negotiations, and in the framing of a new constitution in South Africa. The importance of the roles played by political parties and also the political will of the party leadership cannot be over emphasized. political will essential to ensuring women’s participation in decision-making. Mbeki, in particular, awarded women key strategic portfolios, such as foreign affairs, intelligence, minerals and energy, communications and broadcasting, defence, health, and trade and industry. The speaker and deputy speaker of parliament are both women, as is the chair of the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), the second chamber of parliament. A number of the 34 parliamentary committees in South Africa are chaired by women, and a number of women are whips in parliament.

Women’s representation in a global perspective

All of the 13 countries with the highest percentage of women in parliament have either a proportional representation (PR) voting system or a mixed system (in which some candidates are elected through PR) – others are employed in constituency elections. The 13 countries are listed below.

Table 1. Highest ranking countries in terms of women’s representation, 2003

  • Rank
  • Country
  • % Women

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    Country Report South Africa South Africa at a glance: 2007-08 OVERVIEW The ruling African National Congress (ANC) is expected to maintain its overwhelming hegemony during the forecast period. However, the party and its leadership will be preoccupied with maintaining party unity and an orderly process of electing a successor to Thabo Mbeki as ANC president at the party!s national congress in December 2007. Assuming a sound mix of fiscal and monetary policy combined with public-sector wage moderation, weaker administered prices and lower private-sector unit labour costs (owing to productivity gains), inflation is expected to remain within the target range of 3-6% in 2007-08. Further growth in construction and continued expansion in total domestic demand is expected to support real GDP growth of 4.5% in 2007 and 5.1% in 2008. Fairly strong global demand and high commodity prices will help to boost exports, but rising imports mean that the current account is forecast to remain in deficit, although the deficit should narrow in 2007-08. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Political prospects remain unchanged from the previous month. Economic policy outlook • The South African Reserve Bank (SARB, the central bank) raised interest rates by a further 50 basis points in December, taking the benchmark repurchase (repo) rate to 9%. The SARB based its decision mainly on the risks posed by high rates of growth in household spending and consumer credit and by the threat to inflation posed by the depreciation in the exchange rate. Although the risk from international oil prices has abated, food price inflation is rising significantly and is likely to continue to do so in the coming months.
  • University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting

    University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting

    THE POLITICS OF ELECTORAL REFORM IN FRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICA: THE BIRTH AND CHANGE OF ELECTORAL RULES IN MALI, NIGER, AND SENEGAL By MAMADOU BODIAN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Mamadou Bodian To my late father, Lansana Bodian, for always believing in me ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want first to thank and express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Leonardo A. Villalón, who has been a great mentor and good friend. He has believed in me and prepared me to get to this place in my academic life. The pursuit of a degree in political science would not be possible without his support. I am also grateful to my committee members: Bryon Moraski, Michael Bernhard, Daniel A. Smith, Lawrence Dodd, and Fiona McLaughlin for generously offering their time, guidance and good will throughout the preparation and review of this work. This dissertation grew in the vibrant intellectual atmosphere provided by the University of Florida. The Department of Political Science and the Center for African Studies have been a friendly workplace. It would be impossible to list the debts to professors, students, friends, and colleagues who have incurred during the long development and the writing of this work. Among those to whom I am most grateful are Aida A. Hozic, Ido Oren, Badredine Arfi, Kevin Funk, Sebastian Sclofsky, Oumar Ba, Lina Benabdallah, Amanda Edgell, and Eric Lake. I am also thankful to fellow Africanists: Emily Hauser, Anna Mwaba, Chesney McOmber, Nic Knowlton, Ashley Leinweber, Steve Lichty, and Ann Wainscott.
  • Learning to Win? Party Mobilisation in Tanzania Consolata R

    Learning to Win? Party Mobilisation in Tanzania Consolata R

    10998 Consolata R. Sulley/ Elixir Soc. Sci. 51 (2012) 10998-11007 Available online at www.elixirpublishers.com (Elixir International Journal) Social Science Elixir Soc. Sci. 51 (2012) 10998-11007 Learning to Win? Party Mobilisation in Tanzania Consolata R. Sulley University of Leipzig, Germany. ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article history: The advent of multipartism in 1992 was celebrated by academics, politicians, and civil Received: 23 August 2012; societies. However, while the ruling party progressively performs handsomely, opposition Received in revised form: parties have remained weak. In the 1995 general elections, the ruling party won about 60 30 September 2012; percent of popular votes. This figure increased to 71 percent and 80 percent in 2000 and Accepted: 18 October 2012; 2005 general elections respectively. It dropped to about 61 percent in the 2010 elections. I argue in this article that, such performance by the ruling party is largely attributed to its Keywords unfair mechanisms of mobilising support through state-party ideologies, human rights abuse, Political Parties religion and corruption. Elections © 2012 Elixir All rights reserved. Party strategies Tanzania Introduction strengthened themselves using state resources to the extent of Political parties are indispensable pillars for contemporary blurring the line between the party and state. In most countries systems of representative democracy (Schattschneider, 1942:1). the ruling parties were above other state institutions like the They play multiple roles ranging from interest articulation, parliament, the executive and the judiciary. Apart from interest aggregation, political socialisation, political recruitment, restricting the existence of other parties, the single-party African rule making and representation to forming a government states did not allow the existence of any other organised groups.
  • Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho 2007-2012

    Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho 2007-2012

    VOLUME 13 NO 1 93 ALLIANCES, COALITIONS AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN LESOTHO 2007-2012 Motlamelle Anthony Kapa and Victor Shale Dr Motlamelle Anthony Kapa is lecturer and head of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the National University of Lesotho e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Dr Victor Shale is EISA’s Zimbabwe Resident Director e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper assesses political party alliances and coalitions in Lesotho, focusing on their causes and their consequences for party systems, democratic consolidation, national cohesion and state governability. We agree with Kapa (2008) that formation of the pre-2007 alliances can be explained in terms of office-seeking theory in that the political elite used alliances to access and retain power. These alliances altered the country’s party system, leading to conflict between parties inside and outside Parliament, as well as effectively changing the mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system into a parallel one, thereby violating the spirit of the system. However, the phenomenon did not change state governability; it effectively perpetuated the one-party dominance of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and threatened national cohesion. The post-2012 coalition, on the other hand, was a product of a hung parliament produced by the elections. The impact of the coalition on the party system, state governability and democratic consolidation is yet to be determined as the coalition phenomenon is still new. However, state governability has been marked by a generally very slow pace of policy implementation and the party system has been both polarised and reconfigured while national cohesion has been strengthened.