Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
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By Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Of
FROM DIWAN TO PALACE: JORDANIAN TRIBAL POLITICS AND ELECTIONS by LAURA C. WEIR Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Pete Moore Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Laura Weir candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree *. Pete Moore, Ph.D (chair of the committee) Vincent E. McHale, Ph.D. Kelly McMann, Ph.D. Neda Zawahri, Ph.D. (date) October 19, 2012 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Maps and Illustrations viii List of Abbreviations x CHAPTERS 1. RESEARCH PUZZLE AND QUESTIONS Introduction 1 Literature Review 6 Tribal Politics and Elections 11 Case Study 21 Potential Challenges of the Study 30 Conclusion 35 2. THE HISTORY OF THE JORDANIAN ―STATE IN SOCIETY‖ Introduction 38 The First Wave: Early Development, pre-1921 40 The Second Wave: The Arab Revolt and the British, 1921-1946 46 The Third Wave: Ideological and Regional Threats, 1946-1967 56 The Fourth Wave: The 1967 War and Black September, 1967-1970 61 Conclusion 66 3. SCARCE RESOURCES: THE STATE, TRIBAL POLITICS, AND OPPOSITION GROUPS Introduction 68 How Tribal Politics Work 71 State Institutions 81 iii Good Governance Challenges 92 Guests in Our Country: The Palestinian Jordanians 101 4. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES: FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE RISE OF TRIBAL POLITICS Introduction 118 Political Threats and Opportunities, 1921-1970 125 The Political Significance of Black September 139 Tribes and Parties, 1989-2007 141 The Muslim Brotherhood 146 Conclusion 152 5. -
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60 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS ELECTION MANAGEMENT IN CAMEROON Progress, Problems And Prospects Thaddeus Menang Thaddeus Menang is Advisor at the National Elections Observatory P O Box 13506, Yaoundé, Cameroon Tel.: + 237 771 55 71 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Judged by internationally accepted norms and standards election management in Cameroon stands out as peculiar in more than one respect. Firstly, election management tasks are performed by a multiplicity of bodies and institutions, making it difficult to determine who is really responsible at each stage of the process. Secondly, the conduct of elections is governed by a battery of cross-referencing laws which election stakeholders often find hard to interpret and apply. The problems arising from this situation need to be and are, presently, being addressed within the framework of reforms that target, on the one hand, the adoption of a single, updated and enforceable electoral law and, on the other, the setting up of a viable election management body and the introduction of modern management methods. INTRODUCTION Whereas in the older and better-established democracies of the world election management has become a routine that, more often than not, produces satisfactory results, most of the budding democracies of the Third World are still grappling with the problem of determining which election management procedures are best suited to their specific national contexts. The older democracies themselves tend to differ one from the other, not only in terms of the electoral systems they have put in place but also as regards the specific election management procedures they have adopted. These variations raise the question of whether the management of elections in a democratic context can be said to be governed by a set of internationally accepted norms and standards. -
Jordan Parliamentary Elections, 20 September
European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Table of Contents Page 1 Key Abbreviations Page 3 1. Executive Summary Page 4 2. Introduction and Acknowledgements Page 7 3. Political Context Page 8 4. Legal Framework Page 10 4.1 Applicability of International Human Rights Law 4.2 Constitution 4.3 Electoral Legislation 4.4 Right to Vote 4.5 Right to Stand 4.6 Right to Appeal 4.7 Electoral Districts 4.8 Electoral System 5. Election Administration Page 22 5.1 Election Administration Bodies 5.2 Voter Registration 5.3 Candidate Registration 5.4 Voter Education and Information 5.5 Institutional Communication 6 Campaign Page 28 6.1 Campaign 6.2 Campaign Funding 7. Media Page 30 7.1 Media Landscape 7.2 Freedom of the Media 7.3 Legal Framework 7.4 Media Violations 7.5 Coverage of the Election 8. Electoral Offences, Disputes and Appeals Page 35 9. Participation of Women, Minorities and Persons with Disabilities Page 38 __________________________________________________________________________________________ While this Final Report is translated in Arabic, the English version remains the only original Page 1 of 131 European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 9.1 Participation of Women 9.2 Participation of Minorities 9.3 Participation of Persons with Disabilities 10. -
Cyb Template 2012
Cameroon regions. At the border of the northern Sahel giraffes and antelopes, also abounds in region lies Lake Chad and the Chad basin; monkeys – screaming red and green monkeys further south the land forms a sloping plain, and mandrills – and lions and leopards. There rising to the Mandara Mountains. The central are gorillas in the great tracts of hardwood region extends from the Benue (Bénoué) rainforest in the south and east. Some 38 River to the Sanaga River, with a plateau in mammal species and 21 bird species are the north. This region includes the Adamaoua thought to be endangered (2014). plateau which separates the agricultural Main towns: Yaoundé (capital, in Centre south from the pastoral north. In the west, Region, pop. 1.81m in 2010), Douala the land is mountainous, with a double chain (principal port, in Coastal Region, 2.13m), of volcanic peaks, rising to a height of 4,095 Garoua (North Region, 573,700), Bamenda metres at Mount Cameroon. This is the (North-West, 546,400), Maroua (Far North, highest and wettest peak in western Africa. 436,700), Bafoussam (West, 383,200), The fourth region, to the south, extends from Ngaoundéré (Adamaoua, 314,100), Bertoua the Sanaga River to the southern border, (East, 297,200), Loum (Coastal, 249,100), comprising a coastal plain and forested Kumbo (North-West, 222,600), Edéa plateau. There is a complicated system of (Coastal, 209,600), Mbouda (West, 188,200), drainage. Several rivers flow westwards: the Kumba (South-West, 180,000), Foumban KEY FACTS Benue River which rises in the Mandara (West, 171,600), Dschang (West, 149,300), Joined Commonwealth: 1995 Mountains and later joins the River Niger, and Nkongsamba (Coastal, 131,100), Ebolowa Population: 22,254,000 (2013) the Sanaga and Nyong rivers which flow into (South, 129,600), Kousséri (contiguous with the Gulf of Guinea. -
Jordan Parliamentary Elections January 23, 2013
JORDAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS JANUARY 23, 2013 International Republican Institute JORDAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS JANUARY 23, 2013 INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE WWW.IRI.ORG | @IRIGLOBAL © 2013 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED TABLE OF CONTENTS GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 10 POLITICAL CONTEXT 12 Economic Challenges 15 Demographic Breakdown 15 Gender Roles in Government and Society 17 Media 17 Security 18 ELECTORAL FRAMEWORK 19 Technical Improvements 19 Shortcomings 19 Electoral Administration Bodies 20 PRE-ELECTION ENVIRONMENT 22 Voter Registration 22 Voter Education 24 Candidate Registration 25 Candidates 26 National List 26 Political Parties 27 Boycott 27 Campaigning 28 Violations of Campaign Regulations 30 ELECTION DAY 32 Turnout 32 Voting Process 33 Closing and Counting Process 34 Security 35 POST-ELECTION DAY AND FINAL RESULTS 36 Election Results 37 RECOMMENDATIONS 39 Electoral Framework 39 Electoral Administration Bodies 40 Formation of Government 40 Electoral Complaint Resolution 40 3 IRI IN JORDAN 42 APPENDICES Regional Map IRI Pre-election Assessment Statement, December 3, 2012 IRI Election Observation Mission Announcement Press Release, January 17, 2013 IRI Preliminary Statement on Jordan’s Parliamentary Elections, January 24, 2013 4 2013 Jordan Parliamentary Elections GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS Civil Status and Passport The CSPD is the government entity that handles Department (CSPD) issues of citizenship. It performs numerous tasks including issuing travel documents and national identification cards, registering new citizens, documenting deaths and certifying divorces. During the run-up to the elections, the CSPD was the government institution responsible for voter registration and the issuance of election cards. District Election Commission (DEC) The chief electoral body responsible for administering elections at the district level; each of the 45 districts nation-wide had a DEC. -
Journal 3.1 Osaghae
74 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS INDEPENDENT CANDIDATURE AND THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN AFRICA Churchill Ewumbue-Monono Dr Churchill Ewumbue-Monono is Minister-Counsellor in the Cameroon Embassy in Russia UI Povarskaya, 40, PO Box 136, International Post, Moscow, Russian Federation Tel: +290 65 49/2900063; Fax: +290 6116 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study reviews the participation of independent, non-partisan candidates in Africa. It examines the development of competitive elections on the continent between 1945 and 2005, a period which includes both decolonisation and democratic transition elections. It also focuses on the participation of independent candidates in these elections at both legislative and presidential levels. It further analyses the place of independent candidature in the continent’s future electoral processes. INTRODUCTION The concept of political independence, whether it refers to voters or to candidates, describes an individual’s non-attachment to and non-identification with a political party. Generally, voter-centred political independence takes the form of independent voters who, when registering to vote, do not declare their affiliation to a political party. There are also swing or floating voters, who vote independently for personalities or issues not for parties, and switch voters, who are registered voters with a history of crossing party lines. Furthermore, candidate-centred political independence may take the form of apolitical, independent, non-partisan candidates, as well as official and unofficial party candidates (Safire 1968, p 658). The recognition of political independence as a feature of the electoral process has led to the involvement of ‘independent personalities’ in managing election institutions. Examples are ‘independent judiciaries’, ‘independent electoral commissions’, and ‘independent election observers’. -
International Security Environment to the Year 2020: Global Trends Analysis
DTIC ELEeTE DEC 1 1 1995 LIBRARY F OF CONGRESS INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ENVIRONMENT TO THE YEAR 2020: GLOBAL TRENDS ANALYSIS *DTlC USERS ONL "" ~995~20S 067 September 30, 1990 Coordinator Contributors Carol Migdalovitz Ronald Dolan Ihor Gawdiak Stuart Hibben Eric Hooglund Tim Merrill David Osborne Eric Solsten Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, DC 20540-5220 Tel: (202) 707-9905 Fax: (202) 707-9920 --~------~--------------------------------------, CONTENTS Page Executive Summary ii I. Prospects for post-Deng China ............................- 1 II. Japanese-Soviet relations: from political stalemate to economic interdependence ..................................... 9 III. The new Europe: economic integration amidst political division . .. 19 IV. Resurgent nationalism and ethnic forces in the Soviet Union ........ 27 V. Transformed nations and ethnic unrest in Eastern Europe .......... 41 VI. The Middle East: religio-nationalism and the quest for peace ........ 48 VII. Mexico as a microcosm for Latin America and the Third World ....... 59 VIII. Energy technology in the next thirty years .................... -- 69 - I !\cG;ionFOr ------ --- --'" ._- -"-... -----"-.-~--. - \r-:·;·,~; ('I) I, P , r,I".) ,,,., ,,'., (".' rf i :;' i: i '- iii ~--.--.-. -.-. .*DTIC USERS ONL yr, Dic~t II\J;sir'·:~·;-~/~~~··-·-----· l~ j ---.-........~,"-,-, ~'.~" ~., .... <c~,_.:,~ .... ___'" INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ENVIRONMENT TO THE YEAR 2020: GLOBAL TRENDS ANALYSIS Executive Summary This series of analytical summaries attempts to identify and analyze trends which will influence international security policy through the next three decades. An assessment of the changed world that these trends will produce is vital for Army planners. In this survey, we discuss underlying trends driving change and predict realities ten and thirty years hence. Forecasting events on a global scale is, at best, a hazardous exercise. -
Jordan's 2013 Elections: a Further Boost for Tribes
Report March 2013 Jordan’s 2013 elections: a further boost for tribes By Mona Christophersen1 Executive summary The 2013 parliamentary elections in Jordan came after two years of protests demanding democratic reform. This report is based on qualitative interviews with protesters and politicians in Jordan since 2011. Protesters wanted change to the undemocratic “one-person-one-vote” election law, which favours tribal candidates over urban areas where the Muslim Brotherhood has strong support. The elections were dominated by independent and tribal candidates who used general slogans and often lacked either an ideology or a political strategy. Constituencies were usually candidates’ relatives and friends. In a context of weak political parties, the tribes resurfaced as the main link between the people and the authorities. Jordan has about three million eligible voters. Roughly two million registered for the elections, but only one million voted. With support from one-third of the voters, the new parliament continues to have a weak legitimacy, despite transparent and fair elections. As a result the street protests are expected to continue. But Jordanians have learned from the Arab Spring: they fear the instability experienced in neighbouring countries. Stability is now more precious than change and secular protesters are dreading the Muslim Brotherhood coming to power. Having learned that the Brotherhood does not bring their kind of democratic development, people in Jordan will demand reform instead of revolution. Introduction management and sale of state property, and also the From the outset the 2013 elections in Jordan were tradition of vote buying that resembles patron-client considered to be free and fair, but they did not address relations, which together are alienating people from the fundamental issues facing Jordanian society. -
Parliamentary Elections in Jordan a Competition of Mixed Messages
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Parliamentary Elections in Jordan ACompetitionofMixedMessages ANJA WEHLER-SCHOECK September2016 Inthemidstofcontinuousregionalturmoil,Jordanianswillbeheadingtothepoll- ingstationsnextweekon20Septembertocasttheirvotesforthe18thnational Parliament. Anewelectionlawbasedonopenproportionallistsatthedistrictlevelseesanin- creasedroleforpoliticalparties.Yet,afteralmostthreedecadesofanelectoralsys- temexplicitlydesignedtoweakentheirrole,itcomesaslittlesurprisethatparties arestillstrugglingtopresentthemselvesasstrongactors. Intherun-uptotheelections,candidateshaveformedalliancesacrossthepolitical spectrumbutfewlistsfeatureprogrammaticagendasorevenaclearpoliticalvision. Havingboycottedthepasttwoelections,theMuslimBrotherhoodhasdecidedto competeagainthisyear.AsaresultofthenumerouscriseswithintheBrotherhood inthepastfewyears,avarietyofIslamistgroupsarecompetingagainsteachother. Severalpollsshowhighfrustrationamongcitizenswithregardtotheroleandper- formanceofParliamentaswellasasignificantdegreeofindifferencetowardsthe elections,makingalowvoterturnoutverylikely. ANJA WEHLER-SCHOECK | ParliAmentary Elections iN Jordan WhenJordanianswillbeheadingtothepollingstations There is a considerable trust gap between the elected nextweekon20Septembertocasttheirvotesforthe representativesandtheirconstituents.»Whenyouhave 18thnationalParliament,itwillbeunderyetanothernew electionlawsthatarestructurallydesignedtoproduce electionlaw.Itistheninthpieceofelectorallegislation weak governments, and when the executive branch since elections -
Issn 2320-9186 65
GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021 ISSN 2320-9186 65 GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021, Online: ISSN 2320-9186 www.globalscientificjournal.com Premature Democracy: The Root Cause Of Lack Of Political Participation In Cameroon By Christian Nwufor Fuh [email protected] Abstract The paper sets out to investigate premature democracy and identity politics as the foundation of disorder in Cameroon. This study explores survey approach with the use of primary and secondary sources. The finding revealed that Cameroon has witnessed a fail democracy in both micro and macro states of Cameroon. The faraway democracy has contributed to endemic poverty, corruption and political intimidation which discouraged youth’s participation in election. The hindrance has given emergence to survival of fittest as young people engaged in feymanism and presently digital scamming. The study further found out that, the miscarriage democracy has equally facilitated bushfalling phenomenon which has tarnished the image of Cameroon home and abroad. The paper recommends that, the type of democracy suitable for multi ethnicity state like Cameroon is consociational democracy. Secondly the government of Cameroon should empower the youths by giving more opportunities for youths in position of leadership, voting age should be reduce to 18 years and appointee should not be more than 10 years in office. Key Words: Cameroon, Premature Democracy, Politics, Participation GSJ© 2021 www.globalscientificjournal.com GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021 ISSN 2320-9186 66 Introduction The turn of 1960 was seen as the beginning of glorious years for Africans as African states witnessed independence but was soon trap in the web of civil and military unrest, largely provoked by premature democracy and ethnicity politics. -
Elections in Jordan: Victory for Reform Or More of the Same?
February 2013 ~MIDDLE EAST MEDIA MONITOR~ ELECTIONS IN JORDAN: VICTORY FOR REFORM OR MORE OF THE SAME? By Andrew Spath and Michael Makara Andrew Spath is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Rutgers University and Associate Scholar of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is currently conducting research in Jordan as a Fulbright Fellow and Boren Fellow. Michael Makara is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Syracuse University's Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. He is currently an ACOR-CAORC pre-doctoral fellow at the American Center of Oriental Research (ACOR) in Amman, Jordan. Spath Makara The litmus test of the Jordan Spring—as King Abdullah II billed the national parliamentary elections on January 23rd—has now passed.1 The elections were meant to mark the beginning of a new political phase in the kingdom, augmenting an intermittent, two-decade, palace-led reform program expedited since 2011 to mollify unrelenting public expression of frustration and grievance. How should the litmus test be read? Is it an indication of Jordan’s successful democratic transition or a disappointment for the country’s political reform process? First we might ask why Jordan’s elections matter to the rest of the world. Jordan’s current situation reinforces a strategic importance that outweighs its small size. As uncertainty continues to pervade the region in the midst of the Arab Spring, the government’s Western orientation draws American attention and commitment, manifested in the nearly $700 million per year it receives in U.S. -
Cameroon in 2010
Cameroon in 2010 As in the previous year, the 2011 presidential election was the central concern for all political actors. As if already campaigning, President Paul Biya, who does not usually travel inside the country except to his home village, made an official visit to the capital of the sensitive North-West region. There, he met for the first time his longstanding rival, John Fru Ndi, chairman of the main opposition party, which was still challenging the administration of the election. During the year, the regime had to face several scandals, including one caused by the death in custody of a journalist. The economy was depressed, major infrastructure development projects continued to be stalled and oil production continued to decline. Domestic politics President Biya continued to maintain uncertainty over whether he would stand again as a candidate in the 2011 presidential election. However, two events suggested that he would: Biya, who rarely at- tends meetings with his peers, tried to gain international recognition by organising in May in Yaoundé a “high level” conference named ‘Africa 21’ to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Independence of African former French colonies. Only three African presidents, Ali Bongo (Gabon), Blaise Compaoré (Burkina Faso) and Fradique de Menezes (São Tomé), and some international figures, such as former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Chairman of the African Union Commission Jean Ping, and a number of French political leaders, including Secretary of State for Cooperation Alain Joyandet, Alain Juppé (mayor of Bordeaux) and Michel Rocard, attended the event. A similar motive was suspected for the official visit that Biya made in December to Bamenda, capital of the North-West region, where celebrations for the 50th anniversary of the Cameroonian army © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:��.��63/978900440�53�_004 cameroon in �0�0 �7 were the pretext for a meeting with his long-term rival, John Fru Ndi, chairman of the main opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF).