Jordan Parliamentary Elections January 23, 2013
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Constitution of Jordan
THE CONSTITUTION OF JORDAN 1 THE CONSTITUTION OF JORDAN with all the amendments thereto Publications of The House of Representatives 2011 2 Note Translated by SUFIAN ELHASSAN Director of Research and Information Jordan's House of Representatives Under the supervision of FAYEZ AL SHAWABKEH The Secretary General Design and Production NAWAL BAHSEER Head of the Bureau Section 3 We, Talal the First, King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, in accordance with Article 25 of the Constitution, and in pursuance of the decision of the Senate and the House of Representatives, hereby approve the following amended Constitution and decree its promulgation.(1) (1) Published in the Official Gazette No. 1093 of 8/1/1952. 4 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN CHAPTER ONE The State and Its Ruling Regime Article 1: The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is an independent sovereign Arab State. It is indivisible and no part of it may be ceded. The Jordanian people is a part of the Arab Nation, and its ruling regime is parliamentary with a hereditary monarchy. Article 2: Islam is the religion of the State and Arabic is its official language. Article 3: The City of Amman is the capital of the Kingdom, and it may be transferred to another place by a special law. 5 Article 4: The Jordanian flag shall be of the following form and measurements: Its length shall be twice its width. It shall be divided horizontally into three parallel equal stripes, the uppermost of which shall be black; the center, white; and the lowest, green. At the end of the flag-staff, it shall have a red triangle, the base of which shall be equal to its width, and its height shall be equal to half of its length. -
By Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Of
FROM DIWAN TO PALACE: JORDANIAN TRIBAL POLITICS AND ELECTIONS by LAURA C. WEIR Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Pete Moore Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Laura Weir candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree *. Pete Moore, Ph.D (chair of the committee) Vincent E. McHale, Ph.D. Kelly McMann, Ph.D. Neda Zawahri, Ph.D. (date) October 19, 2012 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Maps and Illustrations viii List of Abbreviations x CHAPTERS 1. RESEARCH PUZZLE AND QUESTIONS Introduction 1 Literature Review 6 Tribal Politics and Elections 11 Case Study 21 Potential Challenges of the Study 30 Conclusion 35 2. THE HISTORY OF THE JORDANIAN ―STATE IN SOCIETY‖ Introduction 38 The First Wave: Early Development, pre-1921 40 The Second Wave: The Arab Revolt and the British, 1921-1946 46 The Third Wave: Ideological and Regional Threats, 1946-1967 56 The Fourth Wave: The 1967 War and Black September, 1967-1970 61 Conclusion 66 3. SCARCE RESOURCES: THE STATE, TRIBAL POLITICS, AND OPPOSITION GROUPS Introduction 68 How Tribal Politics Work 71 State Institutions 81 iii Good Governance Challenges 92 Guests in Our Country: The Palestinian Jordanians 101 4. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES: FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE RISE OF TRIBAL POLITICS Introduction 118 Political Threats and Opportunities, 1921-1970 125 The Political Significance of Black September 139 Tribes and Parties, 1989-2007 141 The Muslim Brotherhood 146 Conclusion 152 5. -
Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940
Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940 Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access Open Jerusalem Edited by Vincent Lemire (Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée University) and Angelos Dalachanis (French School at Athens) VOLUME 1 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/opje Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access Ordinary Jerusalem 1840–1940 Opening New Archives, Revisiting a Global City Edited by Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire LEIDEN | BOSTON Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire - 978-90-04-37574-1 Downloaded from Brill.com03/21/2019 10:36:34AM via free access This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC-ND License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. The Open Jerusalem project has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) (starting grant No 337895) Note for the cover image: Photograph of two women making Palestinian point lace seated outdoors on a balcony, with the Old City of Jerusalem in the background. American Colony School of Handicrafts, Jerusalem, Palestine, ca. 1930. G. Eric and Edith Matson Photograph Collection, Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/mamcol.054/ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Dalachanis, Angelos, editor. -
Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Natalie Wenzell Letsa August 2017 © Natalie Wenzell Letsa 2017 VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHVAIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES Natalie Wenzell Letsa, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 In countries where elections are not free or fair, and one political party consistently dominates elections, why do citizens bother to vote? If voting cannot substantively affect the balance of power, why do millions of citizens continue to vote in these elections? Until now, most answers to this question have used macro-level spending and demographic data to argue that people vote because they expect a material reward, such as patronage or a direct transfer via vote-buying. This dissertation argues, however, that autocratic regimes have social and political cleavages that give rise to variation in partisanship, which in turn create different non-economic motivations for voting behavior. Citizens with higher levels of socioeconomic status have the resources to engage more actively in politics, and are thus more likely to associate with political parties, while citizens with lower levels of socioeconomic status are more likely to be nonpartisans. Partisans, however, are further split by their political proclivities; those that support the regime are more likely to be ruling party partisans, while partisans who mistrust the regime are more likely to support opposition parties. In turn, these three groups of citizens have different expressive and social reasons for voting. -
Jordan Parliamentary Elections, 20 September
European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Table of Contents Page 1 Key Abbreviations Page 3 1. Executive Summary Page 4 2. Introduction and Acknowledgements Page 7 3. Political Context Page 8 4. Legal Framework Page 10 4.1 Applicability of International Human Rights Law 4.2 Constitution 4.3 Electoral Legislation 4.4 Right to Vote 4.5 Right to Stand 4.6 Right to Appeal 4.7 Electoral Districts 4.8 Electoral System 5. Election Administration Page 22 5.1 Election Administration Bodies 5.2 Voter Registration 5.3 Candidate Registration 5.4 Voter Education and Information 5.5 Institutional Communication 6 Campaign Page 28 6.1 Campaign 6.2 Campaign Funding 7. Media Page 30 7.1 Media Landscape 7.2 Freedom of the Media 7.3 Legal Framework 7.4 Media Violations 7.5 Coverage of the Election 8. Electoral Offences, Disputes and Appeals Page 35 9. Participation of Women, Minorities and Persons with Disabilities Page 38 __________________________________________________________________________________________ While this Final Report is translated in Arabic, the English version remains the only original Page 1 of 131 European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 9.1 Participation of Women 9.2 Participation of Minorities 9.3 Participation of Persons with Disabilities 10. -
Sana'a Municipality City Council and Head General of Executive Agency Assembly Appoint Elect
Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Strategy CityDevelopment A Sana’a: Foreword Since 2000, with the issuance of the Local Authorities Law No. 4, Yemen has been pursuing an ambitious decentralization agenda. This agenda aims to delegate greater fiscal and administrative authority to local governments and to give communities—public leaders, residents, and investors— more control over the economic and social development of their cities and towns. To date, city development strategies (CDS) have been initiated in four of Yemen’s largest urban areas—Sana’a, Aden, Hodeidah, and Mukalla. With support from the Cities Alliance and The World Bank, the CDS process in each of these cities has brought together public and private sector lead- ership to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the city, think strategically about opportunities for equitable economic growth, develop a long-term vision, and draft a prioritized action plan. In all four cases, the CDS process has been coupled with revisions to the cities’ master plans to ensure a strong link between economic development plans and infrastructure. The benefits of the CDS process go far beyond the writing of the CDS document. To create a long- term vision for the city required the participation of a variety of public, private, and civil society leaders who do not often have the occasion to come together to discuss the challenges and oppor- tunities facing the city. The structure for cross-sectoral communication provided under the umbrella of the CDS has had a lasting effect in terms of helping to align the city’s social, economic, and envi- ronmental interests. -
The Mujahideen Shura Council in the Environs of Jerusalem a New Player in the Lawless “Wild West” of the Sinai Peninsula?
ICT Database Insight August 2012 The Mujahideen Shura Council in the Environs of Jerusalem A New Player in the Lawless “Wild West” of the Sinai Peninsula? ICT Database Team Said Fashafshe, an Israeli-Arab construction worker from Haifa, was killed by militants on 18 June 2012. Fashafshe had been part of the team that was erecting a security fence along Israel’s border with the Sinai Peninsula.1 According to Israeli authorities, preliminary investigation has revealed that three terrorists infiltrated the border between the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula, placed an explosive device on the Philadelphi Strip near Be'er Milka, and waited for Israeli vehicles to arrive. Several minutes later, the device exploded when a vehicle passed, and the gunmen opened fire. They also fired an RPG rocket, which missed its target. As a result of the shooting, one of vehicles rolled down a hill, wounding Fashafshe, who died of his wounds shortly afterwards. Two of the assailants were killed in an ensuing battle with IDF soldiers. The IDF said they believed a third militant had escaped back into Egypt.2 IDF forces seized a Kalashnikov assault rifle, grenades, helmets, bullet-proof vests and camouflage clothing. 3 Reuters news agency reported on 19 June that it had received footage from several video clips showing a group of masked men who took responsibility for the attack that killed Fashafshe. The masked men touted Islamic slogans and pledged to “liberate the Holy Land” from what they termed “Jewish control”.4 The militants claimed to be part of a newly- formed Islamic movement calling itself “The Mujahideen Shura Council in the Environs of Jerusalem” also known as Majles Shoura Al-Mujahideen.5 A second video showed two men, one of whom was about to embark on a mission to attack "the Zionist forces on the border 1 New York Times, “Militants Attack Israelis Across Egyptian Border, Renewing Concerns on Sinai”, 18 June 2012. -
United Arab Emirates 2020 Human Rights Report
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The United Arab Emirates is a federation of seven semiautonomous emirates with a resident population of approximately 9.7 million, of whom an estimated 11 percent are citizens. The rulers of the seven emirates constitute the Federal Supreme Council, the country’s highest legislative and executive body. The council selects a president and a vice president from its membership, and the president appoints the prime minister and cabinet. Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, ruler of Abu Dhabi emirate, is president, although Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan of Abu Dhabi exercises most executive authority. The emirates are under patriarchal rule with political allegiance defined by loyalty to tribal leaders, leaders of the individual emirates, and leaders of the federation. A limited, appointed electorate participates in periodic elections for the partially elected Federal National Council, a consultative body that examines, reviews, and recommends changes to legislation and may discuss topics for legislation. The last election was in October 2019, when appointed voters elected 20 Federal National Council members. Citizens may express their concerns directly to their leaders through traditional consultative mechanisms such as the open majlis (forum). Each emirate maintained a local police force called a general directorate, which was officially a branch of the federal Ministry of Interior. All emirate-level general directorates of police enforced their respective emirate’s laws autonomously. They also enforced federal laws within their emirate in coordination with each other under the federal ministry. The federal government maintained federal armed forces under the Ministry of Defense for external security. -
Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-I-Ahrar's Early Activism
235 Samina Awan: Muslim Urban Politics Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar’s Early Activism Samina Awan Allama Iqbal Open University, Pakistan ________________________________________________________________ The British annexed Punjab in 1849, and established a new system of administration in form and spirit. They also introduced western education, canal colonies and a modern system of transportation, which had its impact on the urban population. In rural Punjab they collaborated with the landlords and feudal elite to get their support in strengthening the province as ‘grain basket’ for the British Army. The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam(hereafter MAI) was an urban Muslim organisation, comprised of ex-Khilafatists, trained in agitational politics during the period 1919-1929, many of whom were ex-Congrssites. Ahrar leaders split with the INC over the issue of the Nehru Report in 1929. Soon after the formation of the new party, they decided to participate in INC-led civil disobedience movement of 1930 and were interred in large numbers. The MAI’s platform was based on a united India, but one, which was free from imperial control, anti-feudal, with less economic disparities and had an Islamic system for the Muslims of India. _______________________________________________________________ Introduction A number of religio-political movements emerged from Punjab during the first half of the twentieth century. A study of the history, politics and social structure of Punjab is necessary in order to understand these movements. The Majlis-i- Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI) was founded in 1929 in Lahore, and reflected a unique blend of religion and politics in the multi-cultural province of Punjab in British India. -
International Security Environment to the Year 2020: Global Trends Analysis
DTIC ELEeTE DEC 1 1 1995 LIBRARY F OF CONGRESS INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ENVIRONMENT TO THE YEAR 2020: GLOBAL TRENDS ANALYSIS *DTlC USERS ONL "" ~995~20S 067 September 30, 1990 Coordinator Contributors Carol Migdalovitz Ronald Dolan Ihor Gawdiak Stuart Hibben Eric Hooglund Tim Merrill David Osborne Eric Solsten Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, DC 20540-5220 Tel: (202) 707-9905 Fax: (202) 707-9920 --~------~--------------------------------------, CONTENTS Page Executive Summary ii I. Prospects for post-Deng China ............................- 1 II. Japanese-Soviet relations: from political stalemate to economic interdependence ..................................... 9 III. The new Europe: economic integration amidst political division . .. 19 IV. Resurgent nationalism and ethnic forces in the Soviet Union ........ 27 V. Transformed nations and ethnic unrest in Eastern Europe .......... 41 VI. The Middle East: religio-nationalism and the quest for peace ........ 48 VII. Mexico as a microcosm for Latin America and the Third World ....... 59 VIII. Energy technology in the next thirty years .................... -- 69 - I !\cG;ionFOr ------ --- --'" ._- -"-... -----"-.-~--. - \r-:·;·,~; ('I) I, P , r,I".) ,,,., ,,'., (".' rf i :;' i: i '- iii ~--.--.-. -.-. .*DTIC USERS ONL yr, Dic~t II\J;sir'·:~·;-~/~~~··-·-----· l~ j ---.-........~,"-,-, ~'.~" ~., .... <c~,_.:,~ .... ___'" INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ENVIRONMENT TO THE YEAR 2020: GLOBAL TRENDS ANALYSIS Executive Summary This series of analytical summaries attempts to identify and analyze trends which will influence international security policy through the next three decades. An assessment of the changed world that these trends will produce is vital for Army planners. In this survey, we discuss underlying trends driving change and predict realities ten and thirty years hence. Forecasting events on a global scale is, at best, a hazardous exercise. -
Jordan's 2013 Elections: a Further Boost for Tribes
Report March 2013 Jordan’s 2013 elections: a further boost for tribes By Mona Christophersen1 Executive summary The 2013 parliamentary elections in Jordan came after two years of protests demanding democratic reform. This report is based on qualitative interviews with protesters and politicians in Jordan since 2011. Protesters wanted change to the undemocratic “one-person-one-vote” election law, which favours tribal candidates over urban areas where the Muslim Brotherhood has strong support. The elections were dominated by independent and tribal candidates who used general slogans and often lacked either an ideology or a political strategy. Constituencies were usually candidates’ relatives and friends. In a context of weak political parties, the tribes resurfaced as the main link between the people and the authorities. Jordan has about three million eligible voters. Roughly two million registered for the elections, but only one million voted. With support from one-third of the voters, the new parliament continues to have a weak legitimacy, despite transparent and fair elections. As a result the street protests are expected to continue. But Jordanians have learned from the Arab Spring: they fear the instability experienced in neighbouring countries. Stability is now more precious than change and secular protesters are dreading the Muslim Brotherhood coming to power. Having learned that the Brotherhood does not bring their kind of democratic development, people in Jordan will demand reform instead of revolution. Introduction management and sale of state property, and also the From the outset the 2013 elections in Jordan were tradition of vote buying that resembles patron-client considered to be free and fair, but they did not address relations, which together are alienating people from the fundamental issues facing Jordanian society. -
Parliamentary Elections in Jordan a Competition of Mixed Messages
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Parliamentary Elections in Jordan ACompetitionofMixedMessages ANJA WEHLER-SCHOECK September2016 Inthemidstofcontinuousregionalturmoil,Jordanianswillbeheadingtothepoll- ingstationsnextweekon20Septembertocasttheirvotesforthe18thnational Parliament. Anewelectionlawbasedonopenproportionallistsatthedistrictlevelseesanin- creasedroleforpoliticalparties.Yet,afteralmostthreedecadesofanelectoralsys- temexplicitlydesignedtoweakentheirrole,itcomesaslittlesurprisethatparties arestillstrugglingtopresentthemselvesasstrongactors. Intherun-uptotheelections,candidateshaveformedalliancesacrossthepolitical spectrumbutfewlistsfeatureprogrammaticagendasorevenaclearpoliticalvision. Havingboycottedthepasttwoelections,theMuslimBrotherhoodhasdecidedto competeagainthisyear.AsaresultofthenumerouscriseswithintheBrotherhood inthepastfewyears,avarietyofIslamistgroupsarecompetingagainsteachother. Severalpollsshowhighfrustrationamongcitizenswithregardtotheroleandper- formanceofParliamentaswellasasignificantdegreeofindifferencetowardsthe elections,makingalowvoterturnoutverylikely. ANJA WEHLER-SCHOECK | ParliAmentary Elections iN Jordan WhenJordanianswillbeheadingtothepollingstations There is a considerable trust gap between the elected nextweekon20Septembertocasttheirvotesforthe representativesandtheirconstituents.»Whenyouhave 18thnationalParliament,itwillbeunderyetanothernew electionlawsthatarestructurallydesignedtoproduce electionlaw.Itistheninthpieceofelectorallegislation weak governments, and when the executive branch since elections