What Is Folksocialism? (A Critical Analysis)
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Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
La Dialectique Néo-Fasciste, De L'entre-Deux-Guerres À L'entre-Soi
La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi. Nicolas Lebourg To cite this version: Nicolas Lebourg. La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi.. Vocabulaire du Politique : Fascisme, néo-fascisme, Cahiers pour l’Analyse concrète, Inclinaison-Centre de Sociologie Historique, 2006, pp.39-57. halshs-00103208 HAL Id: halshs-00103208 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00103208 Submitted on 3 Oct 2006 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi. Le siècle des nations s’achève en 1914. La Première Guerre mondiale produit d’une part une volonté de dépassement des antagonismes nationalistes, qui s’exprime par la création de la Société des Nations ou le vœu de construction européenne, d’autre part une réaction ultra-nationaliste. Au sein des fascismes se crée, en chaque pays, un courant marginal européiste et sinistriste1. Dans les discours de Mussolini, l’ultra-nationalisme impérialiste cohabite avec l’appel à l’union des « nations prolétaires » contre « l’impérialisme » et le « colonialisme » de « l’Occident ploutocratique » – un discours qui, après la naissance du Tiers-monde, paraît généralement relever de l’extrémisme de gauche. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Cr^Ltxj
THE NAZI BLOOD PURGE OF 1934 APPRCWBD": \r H M^jor Professor 7 lOLi Minor Professor •n p-Kairman of the DeparCTieflat. of History / cr^LtxJ~<2^ Dean oiTKe Graduate School IV Burkholder, Vaughn, The Nazi Blood Purge of 1934. Master of Arts, History, August, 1972, 147 pp., appendix, bibliography, 160 titles. This thesis deals with the problem of determining the reasons behind the purge conducted by various high officials in the Nazi regime on June 30-July 2, 1934. Adolf Hitler, Hermann Goring, SS leader Heinrich Himmler, and others used the purge to eliminate a sizable and influential segment of the SA leadership, under the pretext that this group was planning a coup against the Hitler regime. Also eliminated during the purge were sundry political opponents and personal rivals. Therefore, to explain Hitler's actions, one must determine whether or not there was a planned putsch against him at that time. Although party and official government documents relating to the purge were ordered destroyed by Hermann GcTring, certain materials in this category were used. Especially helpful were the Nuremberg trial records; Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919-1939; Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945; and Foreign Relations of the United States, Diplomatic Papers, 1934. Also, first-hand accounts, contem- porary reports and essays, and analytical reports of a /1J-14 secondary nature were used in researching this topic. Many memoirs, written by people in a position to observe these events, were used as well as the reports of the American, British, and French ambassadors in the German capital. -
Political Warfare Illusions: Otto Strasser and Britain's World War Two Slrategy of National Revolts Against Hitler
I: Robert H. Keyserlingk Political Warfare Illusions: Otto Strasser and Britain's World War Two Slrategy of National Revolts Against Hitler In the early years of the last war, British chose to co-operate with a notorious ex-associate of Hitler's. Otto Strasser. Together with his better-known brother Gregor, Otto had helped establish the Nazi movement in north Germany in the 1920s. JosefGoebbels had been his secretary before he took charge of the party in Berlin. In 1930 Otto had broken with Hitler because he felt that Hitler's alliance with the right betrayed the Nazi movement's socialistic or corporative beliefs. When Hitler grasped power in 1933, Otto was driven into exile, while the following year his brother Gregor was murdered during the Night of the Long Knives. Otto spent the time before the war as a refugee in several countries leading his underground anti-Hitler organization called the Black Front and corresponding for various newspapers. In 1940 following th1! fall of France, the British unexpectedly rescued Otto from his place of refuge in Portugal, and sent him to Canada. There he advised the government, wrote political articles for the leading allied pre ~. s and journals (including the Dalhousie Review). and directed his Black Front together with his more recent Free German Movement of anti-Nazi German emigres. Strasser used his credentials, as a protege of the British and Cana dian governments as well as leader of what he termed to be the most powerful and active anti-Hitler organizations of Germans inside and outside Hitler's Germany, to underline his own importance to the allied war effort. -
'Just Like Hitler': Comparisons to Nazism in American Culture
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Open Access Dissertations 5-2010 'Just Like Hitler': Comparisons To Nazism in American Culture Brian Scott Johnson University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations Part of the English Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Johnson, Brian Scott, "'Just Like Hitler': Comparisons To Nazism in American Culture" (2010). Open Access Dissertations. 233. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/233 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ‘JUST LIKE HITLER’ COMPARISONS TO NAZISM IN AMERICAN CULTURE A Dissertation Presented by BRIAN JOHNSON Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2010 English Copyright by Brian Johnson 2010 All Rights Reserved ‘JUST LIKE HITLER’ COMPARISONS TO NAZISM IN AMERICAN CULTURE A Dissertation Presented by BRIAN JOHNSON Approved as to style and content by: ______________________________ Joseph T. Skerrett, Chair ______________________________ James Young, Member ______________________________ Barton Byg, Member ______________________________ Joseph F. Bartolomeo, Department Head -
Denazification”1
Oliver Rathkolb Notes on the “Denazification”1 The most distinctive example of the insurmountable conflict of priorities in cultural denazification – namely the demand of artistic performance while simultaneously eliminating National Socialist thought by rigorous personnel cleansing – was represented by the political classification of a collective orchestra such as the Vienna Philharmonic. While especially British and US-American cultural affairs officers initially had clear instructions and various “black lists” for individual cultural performers to prevent all artists charged with National Socialism from public appearance – in order to completely eliminate National Socialist ideology by means of a kind of “cool down” period and an eventual “exchange of elites” – they could not assert themselves with this orchestra. The Vienna Philharmonic formed a unified orchestra that was well-known internationally and especially in Europe, but at the same time had the “technical” drawback of a disproportionately high rate of former National Socialist party members – amongst them numerous “illegals” (Illegale, i.e. party members during the party ban 1933-1938). Such a difficulty was not presented to the Americans in the former Reich capital Berlin: There, only 20 of around 110 musicians had belonged to the NSDAP.2 By comparison, in the beginning of 1943, out of 123 Philharmonic in Vienna, 60 or about 50% had belonged to the NSDAP;3 at least 22 of these in turn were “illegals,” and two were members of the Schutzstaffel (SS).4 First tangible contact -
Gregor and Otto Strasser : a Footnote to the History of Nazi Germany
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt5j49s01h No online items Overview of the Bernard Strasser typescript : Gregor and Otto Strasser : a footnote to the history of Nazi Germany Processed by Hoover Institution Archives Staff. Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] © 2009 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. 88055 1 Overview of the Bernard Strasser typescript : Gregor and Otto Strasser : a footnote to the history of Nazi Germany Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California Processed by: Hoover Institution Archives Staff Date Completed: 2009 Encoded by: Machine-readable finding aid derived from MARC record by David Sun. © 2009 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Collection Summary Title: Bernard Strasser typescript : Gregor and Otto Strasser : a footnote to the history of Nazi Germany Dates: 1974 Collection Number: 88055 Creator: Strasser, Bernard, 1895- Collection Size: 1 item (26 p.) (1 folder) (0.1 linear feet) Repository: Hoover Institution Archives Stanford, California 94305-6010 Abstract: Relates to the early lives of the brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser, their early prominence in the Nationalsozialistische deutsche Arbeiter-Partei, the development of differences between them and Adolf Hitler, the assassination of Gregor Strasser in 1934, and the anti-Nazi activities and later life of Otto Strasser. Photocopy. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Languages: In English Access Collection is open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. -
Divide and Conquer"
"Divide and Conquer" Government book distributed by the millions and reprinted inits entirety in the Saturday Evening Post issue of May 9th, 1942. Idea and material tsunplied by us. DIVIDEAND CON .. ; P4 , . v 'S 5$: "At the bottom of their hearts the great masses of the people are more likely to be poisoned than to be consciously and delib erately bad. In the primitive simplicity of their minds they are more easily victimized by a large than by a small lie, since they sometimes tell petty lies themselves but would be ashamed to tell big ones. "An untruth of that sort would never come into their heads, and they cannot believe that others would indulge in so vast an impudence as gross distortion. Even after being enlightened, they will long continue to doubt and waver, and will still believe there must be some truth behind it somewhere. For this reason some part of even the boldest lie is sure to stick -a fact which all the great liars and liars' societies in this world know only too well, and make base use of." ADOLF HITLER, Mein Kampf OFFICE OF FACTS AND FIGURES Washington, D. C. The Story of Nazi Terror.... Soon after Pearl Harbor, a Nazi broad- "Mental confusion, indecisiveness, caster to America shouted: "British naval panic," Hitler once said, "these are our circles are finding encouragement in the weapons." 2 The United States is now defeat suffered by the United States !" subject to a total barrage of thé Nazi strat- Calculated to create distrust of our egy of terror. -
Ernst Juenger, the National Socialists, and a New Europe
A Difference of Degrees: Ernst Juenger, the National Socialists, and a New Europe Author: Laura Honsberger Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/582 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2006 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE HISTORY DEPARTMENT A Difference of Degrees: Ernst Jünger, The National Socialists, and a New Europe By LAURA HONSBERGER HONORS THESIS APRIL 2006 ADVISER: PROF. DEVIN PENDAS -- Table of Contents — I. Introduction……………………………..………………………………………..1 II. Chapter One: The Nuances of Nationalism: The 1920s…………………………10 III. Chapter Two: From Crony to Critic: The 1930s.....…………………………......46 IV. Chapter Three: The Rise of Pan Europeanism: The Second World War and Beyond………………………………………………………………………81 V. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….. 109 2 I. Introduction “We are not willing to strike this war from our thoughts; we are proud of it.” Ernst Jünger, In Stahlgetwittern: Aus dem Tagebuch eines Stoßtruppführers 1(Storm of Steel: From the Journal of a Storm Troop Officer) This sentence stands in the introduction to the graphic World War I journals of Ernst Jünger, and precedes the horrific narration of his experiences during four years in the German Reichswehr. Jünger describes the pain of watching his comrades fall in battle, the terror that seized him in the night as he stood only feet from the British trench, and the devastation he watched overtake the towns that he had come to love. Yet alongside such horrific images one finds sentences such as that above. One finds these statements of faith in the fight; pride in the cause which drove armies to stand facing each other day in and day out for the four years between 1914 and 1918. -
Yad-Vashem-Holocaust-Timeline.Pdf
Timeline Jump to: 1914-1933 1934-1939 1940-1945 View as timeline 8/1/1914 World War I Begins Following the crisis touched off by the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo, Germany declared war on Russia and additional countries joined the war within several days. The Central Powers (Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire) fought against the Allied powers (Great Britain, France, and Russia). In November 1914, Turkey sided with the Central Powers; in 1915, Italy joined the Allies. 4/24/1915 The Armenian Genocide In the first year of World War I, in the course of war between Turkey and Russia in the Armenian provinces of Turkey, the Turks questioned the Armenians' loyalties and drove them out of their homes. At least 1 million Armenians, about half of the Armenian population in Turkey, were murdered in the expulsion by the Turks. 11/2/1917 Balfour Declaration The British Foreign Secretary, Lord Arthur James Balfour, proclaimed Britain's support of the creation of a national home for the Jews in Palestine. This declaration, given after British forces had already taken control of the southern part of Palestine and were about to occupy its north, transformed the Zionist vision into a political program that seemed attainable. 11/7/1917 Communist Revolution in Russia In response to Russia's defeat on the front, Czar Nicholas II was dethroned in a revolution in March 1917 and a new government of mixed liberal-conservative complexion came into being. As political deadlock and defeats on the front continued, the socialists gained in popularity and their radical wing, the Bolshevik party, under Lenin, called for immediate peace and apportionment of land to the peasants.