National Anarchist Manifesto
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Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Israel's Practical Zionism in Developing a State for the Jews
National Identity without Intellectual Bases: Israel’s Practical Zionism in Developing a State for the Jews SYAHRUL HIDAYAT*1 Department of Political Science University of Indonesia FISIP B Building 2nd Floor, UI Campus, Depok, 16424 Indonesia E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Israel as a state has been existing for almost 70 years. Despite of decades of its pres- ence, the foundation and its struggle for survival and acknowledgement have been constantly challenged including from its own supposedly the backbone of its Israel national identity: intellectuals. This paper argues that the critics from some of Jew- ish intellectuals represent the fundamental problem of the effort to build a national identity. If nationalism, especially in European context as its birthplace, was usually supported by the intellectuals as the source of imagination of bounded group, the case of Israel shows different direction, at least problematic. Two prominent Jewish intel- lectuals, Martin Buber and Hannah Arendt, presented here are the examples of the challenge against Jewish domination on Israel nationalism. Although they did not wish to disconnect their identity as Jews and agreed with an authoritative political institution to protect the Jews both were against the idea of Jewish domination and annihilation of Palestinians. As their views were against the principles of pragmatism, lack of at- tention and support from the Zionist political leaders has made their intellectual ideas relatively isolated from the mass. Keyword: nationalism, national identity, intellectual, Israel ABSTRAK Israel sebagai sebuah negara telah ada selama hampir 70 tahun. Meskipun kehadiran- nya telah berlangsung selama beberapa dekade, pendirian dan perjuangannya untuk bertahan dan mendapatkan pengakuan telah terus-menerus ditantang termasuk dari mereka yang seharusnya menjadi tulang punggung identitas nasional Israel yaitu kaum intelektual. -
Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN*
Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 35–53 Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN* This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism. In recent years, nationalism has been one of the key focuses in the study of China’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, several Chinese writers started to invoke the concept of nationalism, both in their study of Chinese foreign policy and in their prescriptions for the Chinese foreign policy. Likewise, in English-language scholarship the study of Chinese nationalism largely sets the parameters of the debate about the future of Chinese foreign policy and the world’s response to a rising China. An overarching theme of this Western discourse is a gloomy concern with the worrisome nature of recent expressions of Chinese nationalism. Samuel P. Huntington was famously concerned about China’s intention ‘to bring to an end the -
La Dialectique Néo-Fasciste, De L'entre-Deux-Guerres À L'entre-Soi
La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi. Nicolas Lebourg To cite this version: Nicolas Lebourg. La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi.. Vocabulaire du Politique : Fascisme, néo-fascisme, Cahiers pour l’Analyse concrète, Inclinaison-Centre de Sociologie Historique, 2006, pp.39-57. halshs-00103208 HAL Id: halshs-00103208 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00103208 Submitted on 3 Oct 2006 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi. Le siècle des nations s’achève en 1914. La Première Guerre mondiale produit d’une part une volonté de dépassement des antagonismes nationalistes, qui s’exprime par la création de la Société des Nations ou le vœu de construction européenne, d’autre part une réaction ultra-nationaliste. Au sein des fascismes se crée, en chaque pays, un courant marginal européiste et sinistriste1. Dans les discours de Mussolini, l’ultra-nationalisme impérialiste cohabite avec l’appel à l’union des « nations prolétaires » contre « l’impérialisme » et le « colonialisme » de « l’Occident ploutocratique » – un discours qui, après la naissance du Tiers-monde, paraît généralement relever de l’extrémisme de gauche. -
HINDUTVA AS an INFORMAL INSTITUTION Abstract
International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences Vol: 3 Issue: 4 e-ISSN: 2636-8137 Fall 2020 HINDUTVA AS AN INFORMAL INSTITUTION Hayati ÜNLÜ1 Makale İlk Gönderim Tarihi / Recieved (First): 30.05.2020 Makale Kabul Tarihi / Accepted: 10.10.2020 Abstract In this article, Hindu nationalism has been considered as an informal institution through an institutionalist perspective. The purpose of the article is to identify how Hindutva functions as an informal institution. In this context, Hindutva has been evaluated based on three basic features of an institution: setting rules, shaping behavior and effecting the result. The rule- making feature has been studied through the ideas of ideologists such as Savarkar and Golwalkar with reference to the Hindu social order. Subsequently, it has been argued that these socio-political rules have been accepted by the huge social segments in the country and influenced the behaviors of the social base. Finally, it has been emphasized how Hindutva has influenced the result and brought the Hindu nationalists to power. Accordingly, it will be concluded how Hindutva has become the mainstream of politics in the country. However, with reference to the recent Citizenship Law protests in the country, it has been noted how other informal institutions, particularly secularism, threaten the future of Hindutva. Keywords: Hindutva, Informal Institutions, Rules, Behaviors, Results. 1 Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Şırnak Üniversitesi, İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Kamu Yönetimi Bölümü, [email protected] , ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2645-5930 Vol: 3 Issue: 4 Hayati Ünlü Hindutva as an Informal Institution Fall 2020 1. Introduction The return of institutions has been discussed in global politics these days. -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. -
Gandhi's View on Judaism and Zionism in Light of an Interreligious
religions Article Gandhi’s View on Judaism and Zionism in Light of an Interreligious Theology Ephraim Meir 1,2 1 Department of Jewish Philosophy, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan 5290002, Israel; [email protected] 2 Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (STIAS), Wallenberg Research Centre at Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch 7600, South Africa Abstract: This article describes Gandhi’s view on Judaism and Zionism and places it in the framework of an interreligious theology. In such a theology, the notion of “trans-difference” appreciates the differences between cultures and religions with the aim of building bridges between them. It is argued that Gandhi’s understanding of Judaism was limited, mainly because he looked at Judaism through Christian lenses. He reduced Judaism to a religion without considering its peoplehood dimension. This reduction, together with his political endeavors in favor of the Hindu–Muslim unity and with his advice of satyagraha to the Jews in the 1930s determined his view on Zionism. Notwithstanding Gandhi’s problematic views on Judaism and Zionism, his satyagraha opens a wide-open window to possibilities and challenges in the Near East. In the spirit of an interreligious theology, bridges are built between Gandhi’s satyagraha and Jewish transformational dialogical thinking. Keywords: Gandhi; interreligious theology; Judaism; Zionism; satyagraha satyagraha This article situates Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s in the perspective of a Jewish dialogical philosophy and theology. I focus upon the question to what extent Citation: Meir, Ephraim. 2021. Gandhi’s religious outlook and satyagraha, initiated during his period in South Africa, con- Gandhi’s View on Judaism and tribute to intercultural and interreligious understanding and communication. -
What Is Folksocialism? (A Critical Analysis)
001043 What is Folksocialism? (A Critical Analysis) By PAUL SERING • WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY SIDNEY HOOK . f' SPAIN flORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY LIBRARY SOCIALIST· LABOR COLLECTION L.LD. PAMPHLET SERIES LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 112 East 19th Street, New York City 25c I HE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY is a membership society en· T gaged in education toward a social order based on production for use and not for profit. To this end the League conducts research, lecture and information services, suggests practical plans for increasing social con· trol, organizes city chapters, publishes books and pamphlets on problems of industrial democracy, and sponsors conferences, forums, luncheon dis cussions and radio talks in leading cities where it has chapters. r-------.lTs OFFICERS FOR 1936-1937 ARE:--------, PRESIDENT ROBERT MORSS LOVETT VICE-PRESIDENTS JOHN DEWEY ALEXANDER MEIKLEJOHN JOHN HAYNES HOLMES MARY R. SANFORD JAMES H. MAURER VIDA D. SCUDDER FRANCIS J. McCONNELL HELEN PHELPS STOKES TB.EASUJlEB STUART CHASE • EXECUTIYE DIBECTORS NORMAN THOMAS HARRY W. LAIDLER EXJ:Cl7TIVB UCBIITAIlY ORGANIZATION SIlCIIETABY MARY FOX MARY W. HILLYER • ..hrinant SecretaTJI Chapter Secretariu CHARLES ENOVALL BERNARD KIRBY. Chlcago SIDNEY SCHULMAN. Phlla. ETHAN EDLOFF. Detroit Emerge1lCV Committee for Striker" Relief ROBERT O. MENAKER 000 LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 112 East 19th Street New York City, N. Y. COPYRIGHT 1937 by the LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL......... DEMOCRACY WHAT IS FOLKsOCIALlsM? (A Critical Analysis) BY PAUL SERING WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY SIDNEY HOOK • TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY HARRIET YOUNG AND MARY Fox • Published by LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 112 East 19th Street, New York City February, 1937 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION " 7 WHAT Is FOLKSOCIALISM? (A Critical Analysis) ~ 12 I. -
Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism
ANTI-ZIONISM AND ANTISEMITISM WHAT IS ANTI-ZIONISM? Zionism is derived from the word Zion, referring to the Biblical Land of Israel. In the late 19th century, Zionism emerged as a political movement to reestablish a Jewish state in Israel, the ancestral homeland of the Jewish People. Today, Zionism refers to support for the continued existence of Israel, in the face of regular calls for its destruction or dissolution. Anti-Zionism is opposition to Jews having a Jewish state in their ancestral homeland, and denies the Jewish people’s right to self-determination. HOW IS ANTI-ZIONISM ANTISEMITIC? The belief that the Jews, alone among the people of the world, do not have a right to self- determination — or that the Jewish people’s religious and historical connection to Israel is invalid — is inherently bigoted. When Jews are verbally or physically harassed or Jewish institutions and houses of worship are vandalized in response to actions of the State of Israel, it is antisemitism. When criticisms of Israel use antisemitic ideas about Jewish power or greed, utilize Holocaust denial or inversion (i.e. claims that Israelis are the “new Nazis”), or dabble in age-old xenophobic suspicion of the Jewish religion, otherwise legitimate critiques cross the line into antisemitism. Calling for a Palestinian nation-state, while simultaneously advocating for an end to the Jewish nation-state is hypocritical at best, and potentially antisemitic. IS ALL CRITICISM OF ISRAEL ANTISEMITIC? No. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s Working Definition of Antisemitism (“the IHRA Definition”) — employed by governments around the world — explicitly notes that legitimate criticism of Israel is not antisemitism: “Criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic.”1 When anti-Zionists call for the end of the Jewish state, however, that is no longer criticism of policy, but rather antisemitism. -
Noam Chomsky Articulates a Clear, Uncompromising Defense of the Libertarian Socialist (Anarchist) Vision
This classic talk delivered in 1970 has never seemed more current. In it Noam Chomsky articulates a clear, uncompromising defense of the libertarian socialist (anarchist) vision. NOAM CHOMSKY GOVERNMENT IN THE FUTURE ceros press department of republication on the high seas Government in the Future Talk given at the Poetry Center, New York City, Feb. 16, 1970 I think it is useful to set up as a framework for discussion four somewhat idealized positions with regard to the role of the state in an advanced industrial society. I want to call these positions: 1. Classical Liberal 2. Libertarian Socialist 3. State Socialist 4. State Capitalist and I want to consider each in turn. Also, I'd like to make clear my own point of view in advance, so that you can evaluate and judge what I am saying. I think that the libertarian socialist concepts, and by that I mean a range of thinking that extends from left-wing Marxism through to anarchism, I think that these are fundamentally correct and that they are the proper and natural extension of classical liberalism into the era of advanced industrial society. In contrast, it seems to me that the ideology of state socialism, i.e. what has become of Bolshevism, and that of state capitalism, the modern welfare state, these of course are dominant in the industrial societies, but I believe that they are regressive and highly inadequate social theories, and a large number of our really fundamental problems stem from a kind of incompatibility and inappropriateness of these social forms to a modern industrial society.