<<

Notes

l. INTRODUCTION

I. Emily Davies, Family Chronicle, quoted in Sheila R. Herstein, A Mid• Victorian Feminist: Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), p. 150. 2. , Women's : a record of the women's suffrage movement in the British Isles (: Williams and Norgate, 1902), p. 55. 3. Mary Wollstonecraft originally intended to write a second volume of the Vindication, treating the laws affecting women. Apparently referring to that projected volume, she says: 'I may excite laughter by dropping a hint which 1 mean to pursue some future time, for 1 really think that women ought to have representatives, instead of being arbitrarily governed with• out having any direct share allowed them in the deliberations of govern• ment.' She goes on to say that this is not really a point for present complaint, as women are no worse off than all the hard-working men who were then excluded from the suffrage; this discussion occurs in the midst of her attack on the degraded state of politics in the present age. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1891), p. 220. 4. William Thompson, Appeal of one half the human race, women, against the pretensions of the other ha(f, men, to retain them in political, and thence in civil and domestic, slavery (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Browne and Green, 1825). 5. See Barbara Caine, 'Feminism, Suffrage and the Nineteenth-Century English Women's Movement,' Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 5, No.6 (1982), p. 538; see also , The Cause: a Short History of the Women's Movement in Great Britain (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1928), p. 5. 6. In 1864, The English Woman's Journal (which had never become finan• cially viable) merged with the Alexandra Magazine. It ceased publication in 1865 and re-emerged as The Englishwoman's Review of Social and Industrial Questions. Early editors included Jessie Boucherett and Helen Blackburn. 7. This raises the question whether women involved in the separate cam• paigns saw themselves and their particular interests as part of a wider, specifically feminist and woman-oriented reform movement, or whether the women's campaigns should be seen as liberal pressure group activity, particularist in goal although having a sense of being committed to a wider, liberal reform movement. For more on this, see Joyce Pedersen, 'Liberal Ideals and Feminist Organisation in Victorian England: One Cause or Many?', History of European Ideas, Vol. 19, Nos. 4-6, pp. 733-9 (1994). 8. Pall Mall Gazette, 14 January 1884, reprinted in Women's Suffrage Journal, I February 1884, p. 33.

182 Notes 183

9. Erna Reiss, Rights and Duties of Englishwomen: a Study in Law and Public Opinion (: Sherratt & Hughes, 1934), p. 20. 10. On the question of women's work, see Joan Perkins, Victorian Women (London: John Murray, 1993), chs. 8 and 9, and Elizabeth Roberts, Women's Work 1840-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 11. Ray Strachey, Women's Suffrage alld Women's Service: the History of the wndon and National Society for Women's Service (London: London and National Society for Women's Service, 1927), p. 3. 12. Women outnumbered men by approximately 500,000. This difference has been ascribed to several causes, including higher male mortality, especially among children, predominantly male emigration, and men' serving in armed forces overseas. 13. Strachey, Women's Suffrage, p. 3. 14. Elizabeth Garrett qualified by training privately and passing the exam• ination to become a Licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries, which allowed her to put her name on the Medical Register. Immediately thereafter, the Society amended its rules to require that candidates for its diploma must have trained in a recognized medical school. No other women qualified for the Medical Register until several medical schools• including a school for women founded by Elizabeth Garrett herself - began accepting women 12 years later. E. Moberly Bell, Stonning the Citadel: the Rise of the Woman Doctor (London: Constable & Co, 1953), p.61. IS. Rachel (Ray) Strachey, nee Costelloe (1887-1940) was an active suffra• gist, remembered for The Cause (1928), a history of the women's move• ment. The Strachey family befriended her and, through Lady Strachey and Pippa Strachey's interest in women's suffrage, Ray Costelloe soon became involved. While still at Newnham College, Cambridge, she organized a caravan tour for women's suffrage with her friends and went on to become one of the leading members of the main constitu• tionalist (non-militant) suffrage movement and a friend of Millicent Garrett Fawcett. She married Pippa Strachey's brother Oliver in 1911. 16. Strachey, Women's Sufliuge, p. 3. 17. Barbara Leigh Smith (Bodichon), 'A Brief Summary, in Plain Language, of the Most Important Laws Concerning Women; together with a Few Observations Thereon' (London: John Chapman, 1854), p. 2. Equally ironic was 's personal opposition to women's suffrage. 18. Bodichon, 'A Brief Summary,' p. 6. The rule that husband and wife were one was cited in Blackstone's Commentaries. See William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1765- 69), vol. I, ch. II, p. 430. 19. Regina v. Harrald, LR 7 QB (1872), p. 361. 20. Bodichon, 'A Brief Summary,' p. 8. 21. Bodichon, 'A Brief Summary,' p. 8. A husband and wife could be found guilty of conspiring with others, and a man and woman could be found guilty of conspiring before their marriage. R.H. Graveson and F.R. Crane, A Century of Family Law (London: Sweet & Maxwell, 1957), p. 193. 184 Notes

22. Reiss, p. 20. Where financially feasible, i.e., among the wealthy, families would settle property upon their daughters that would remain their daughters' property after marriage. Such agreements, although dis• allowed by the common law, were enforceable at equity. This technique could of course protect a limited number of women only. When the law on married women's property was reformed, the equitable rule was used as a model for the reform. 23. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 828. 24. Re Cochrane, 8 Dow!. 633 (1840), per Coleridge, J., quoted in Graveson and Crane, pp. 178-9. 25. Reiss, p. 45. 26. Bodichon, 'A Brief Summary,' p. 6. 27. Mary Lyndon Shanley, Feminism, Marriage, and the Law in Victorian England /850-/895 (London: LB. Tauris, 1989), p. 158. 28. I. Ecclesiastical courts allowed two kinds of divorce, the first resembling a separation order that did not permit remarriage, the second a nullifi• cation of the marriage, permitted only when the marriage was invalid on grounds such as age or mental incompetence. 2. Divorce was an option for the wealthy only; in 1867, a skilled worker could earn 28-40 shillings a week, while an unskilled worker took home only 10-\2 shillings. 29. I. The Custody of Infants Act 1839 was due largely to the efforts of Caroline Sheridan Norton (\ 808-77), who discovered first-hand the powers the law gave to the father. A woman known for her literary works and her social and political influence, Caroline Sheridan married George Norton in 1827 and had three sons. After the marriage failed, George Norton removed the boys from his wife's life, forbidding her to have contact with them. One of the boys died, possibly from negligence. When Caroline Norton discovered that the law was entirely on the father's side, her campaign to reform the law began. 2. The repository of the Crown's right as Parens Patriae, the Court of Chancery had a wide jurisdiction over infants; as an equitable forum, Chancery could fashion remedies in the best interests of the child rather than being bound by the common law writs. 30. Women's Suffrage Journal, 2 September 1878, p. 150. 31. Women's Suffrage Journal, 2 September 1878, p. 150. 32. Chris Cook and Brendan Keith, British Historical Facts 1830-1900 (London: Macmillan, 1975), pp. 115-17. 33. 3 W. IV, c. 45. Different Reform Acts applied to Scotland and Ireland. In Scotland, the electorate increased from 4,000 to 64,000; in Ireland from 39,000 to 93,000. 34. A. Beatrice Wallis Chapman and Mary Wallis Chapman, The Status of Women under English Law (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1909), p. 38. 35. Cook, pp. 116-17. 36. This was 29.7 per cent of the total adult population, or 63.3 per cent of the total adult male population. After accounting for some half a million plural voters, this figure drops to 59 per cent. Plural voting permitted individuals to enjoy more than one, sometimes more than a dozen, Notes 185

votes, depending on how many franchise qualifications they met. See Neal Blewett, 'The Franchise in the United Kingdom,' Past and Present, Vol. 30 (1965), pp. 27-56. 37. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 448. 38. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, May 1872, c. 30. 39. For a discussion of the metaphor 'separate spheres' in analyzing nine• teenth-century family life and feminism, see Amanda Vickery, 'Golden Age to Separate Spheres? A Review of the Categories and Chronology of English Women's History,' The Historical Journal, Vol. 36, No.2 (1993), pp. 383-414. 40. Hester Burton, 1827-1891 (London: John Murray, 1949), p. 144. 41. Herstein, p. 152. 42. Quoted in Burton, p. 146. 43. This bill split the party and resulted in the Conservatives' taking power in June 1866. Conservative leader Benjamin Disraeli then introduced another Reform Bill in March 1867. 44. Quoted in A.P.W. Robson, The Founding of the National Society for Women's Suffrage 1866-1867,' Canadian Journal of History, Vol. 8 (1973), pp. 7-8. 45. Helen Taylor to Barbara Bodichon, 9 May 1866, 7/BMCjBI, Fawcett Library (FL). 46. The scope of the suffragists' demand created controversy, as it would continue to do. The issue was whether to ask for votes for all women, or to limit the claim to single women with the requisite prop• erty. Finally, words were chosen that were capable of both interpreta• tions. 47. Taylor and her husband were Unitarians whose home was a center for 'advanced causes', particularly black emancipation. They were friends of the Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Mazzini, among others, and adopted a young black woman who later became a physician. 48. Not all who wanted to sign were able to do so. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, then just 19 (she was born on June II, 1847) was too young, as was a Miss Chadwick, whose youthful enthusiasm for the cause led her to sign despite her age, causing her mother to have her signature taken off the list: 'Dear Miss Bodichon, I have this moment received a note from Mrs. Chadwick saying that her daughter is under age and therefore her name must be omitted from our signatures - she adds however that she does not think Miss Chadwick will have changed her opinion but will be ready to help in the matter when she is of age.' Helen Taylor to Barbara Bodichon, June 6, 1866, 7/BMCjB3, FL. 49. On October 20, 1866, a new provisional suffrage committee had been formed. This committee quickly ran into disagreements about allowing men onto the committee. (Helen Taylor and John Stuart Mill objected to this, but Barbara Bodichon, Mentia Taylor and others thought men could be useful and helpful.) The new committee included men. Then, in early June 1867, the committee dissolved in the face of continued 186 Notes

disagreement about the role of men and a split between conservative and more radical factions. This time without Bodichon and Emily Davies, a new committee, the London National Society for Women's Suffrage, was formed on July 5, 1867. See Robson for a detailed account of the early days. 50. Marion Holmes, Lydia Becker: a Cameo Life Sketch (Women's Freedom League, n.d.), p. II. 51. Quoted in the Westminster Gazette, 26 July 1890, Lydia Becker papers, IND/LEB/Box 448, FL. 52. Women's Penny Paper, 2 March 1889, p. 2. 53. Priscilla Bright M'Laren was the sister of Jacob Bright, one of the early suffrage movement's most ardent supporters within and without Parlia• ment. 54. Barbara Bodichon and Emily Davies did not join the new committee. Davies withdrew from the suffrage movement, concentrating her efforts on education, while Bodichon continued for some time to be involved on the fringe, subsequently turning to women's education. See Herstein, p. 165. 55. Ray Strachey, Women's Suffrage, p. 5. 56. See Robson, p. 21. 57. Ironically, in contrast to feminists such as Richard and Emmeline Pank• hurst, Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, and Millicent Garrett Fawcett, whose children grew up to become active suffragists, Parkes was the mother of the writer Hilaire Belloc, who not only opposed women's suffrage, but women's higher education as well. 58. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 838. 59. was the brother of staunch suffragists Jacob Bright, Priscilla Bright M'Laren, and Margaret Lucas. He was a Liberal known for his ardent suppport of reform (for men), so his opposition on this issue was anomalous. 60. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Women's Suffrage: a Short History of a Great Movement (London: T.e. & E.e. Jack, c. 1912), p. 19. 61. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 817. 62. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 817. 63. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 817. 64. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 819. 65. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 821. 66. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 825. 67. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 826. 68. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 829. Notes 187

69. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 832. 70. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 840. 71. , 'Our Policy: an Address to Women concerning the Suffrage' (London: London National Society for Women's Suffrage, n.d.), p. 3. 72. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 839. 73. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 833. 74. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 839. 75. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 839. 76. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 840. 77. Interestingly, however, an amendment to replace the word man with 'male' was also defeated, suggesting that a 'punt' to the courts of law was intended or at least tolerated. 78. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 19. 79. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 838. 80. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 16. 81. The Englishwoman's Review, July 1867, pp. 206-7. 82. The Englishwoman's Review, July 1867, p. 208. 83. The Englishwoman's Review, July 1867, p. 208. 84. Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Commit• tee Report (1867 and \868), p. 3. The Society was formed on 6 Novem• ber 1867. 85. The Englishwoman's Review, January 1868, pp. 359-60. 86. The Englishwoman's Review, January 1868, pp. 359-60. 87. Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Commit• tee Report (1867 and \868), p. 5. 88. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 834. 89. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 835. Accidental enfranchisement of women occurred in the colony of Victoria in 1863, where women already enjoyed the municipal franchise. An Act was passed to equalize the qualifications for the municipal franchise and those for getting a plural vote for the colony's Legislative Assembly, a vote not given women. In directing that names be transferred from the municipal rolls to the Legislative Assembly rolls, the Act used the phrase 'all persons,' apparently because the drafters did not realize women had the municipal vote. As a result, women voted in the election of 1864, before the mistake was reversed by changing 'all persons' to 'all male persons.' Audrey Oldfield, Woman Suffrage in Australia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 131-2. 188 Notes

90. Blackburn, p. 69. 91. Sir John Duke Coleridge was a grand-nephew of the poet and a Liberal MP from 1865. Shortly after Choriton, he became Solicitor-General, then Attorney-General, then succeeded Bovill as Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and eventually became Lord Chief Justice of England. He was created Baron Coleridge. 92. Lord Brougham's Act, 13 & 14 Vict., c.21, §4 (sometimes mistakenly referred to as Lord Romilly's Act). 93. Chorlton v. Lings, 4 c.P. 374, 388 (1868). 94. Bovill was a leading member of the commercial bar, a Conservative MP from 1857-66 and a cabinet member in Lord Derby's administra• tion until being appointed to the bench in November of 1866. After Bovill's death, his successor was none other than Sir John Coleridge. 95. Judge Willes was an Irishman, never a QC or MP, whose chief accom• plishments were as a member of various legal reform commissions; he seemed to have been bound for higher office when he died aged 54 in 1872. 96. Chorlton v. Lings, 4 c.P. 374, 388 (1868). 97. Chorlton v. Lings, 4 c.P. 374, 393 (1868). 98. Wilson v. Town Clerk of Salford, 4 c.P. 398 (\868). 99. Chorlton v. Kessler, 4 C.P. 397 (1868). 100. Blackburn, p. 81. The Times noted in an article on 3 November 1868 that, should the judgment go against the suffragists, 'the nation will, no doubt, be formally and in the light of day committing itself, through its judicial tribunal, to the dangerous doctrine that representation need not go along with taxation.' 101. See Blackburn, p. 87. \02. Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Com• mittee Report (1867 and 1868), p. 12. 103. Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Com• mittee Report (1868 and 1869), p. 5. 104. Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Com• mittee Report (1868 and 1869), pp. 5-6.

2. EARLYYEARS-1870TO 1884

I. AJ.R. (ed.), Suffrage Annual and Women's Who's Who (London: Stanley Paul & Co., 1913), p. 91. 2. The Times (London), 7 November 1872, p. 5e. 3. Blackburn, p. 67. 4. Bertha Mason, The Story of the Women's Suffrage Movement (London: Sherratt and Hughes, 1912), p. 51. 5. Women's Suffrage Journal, I October 1870, p. 79. 6. The Times (London), 7 November 1872, p. 5e. 7. Brian Harrison, 'Women's Suffrage at Westminster,' in Michael Bent• ley and John Stevenson (eds.), High and Low Politics in Modern Britain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 87. Notes 189

8. Mason, p. 57. 9. Mrs William Grey, 'Is the Exercise of the Suffrage UnfeminineT (Lon• don: London National Society for Women's Suffrage, 1870), p. 6. 10. Augusta Webster, 'Parliamentary Franchise for Women Ratepayers: from the Examiner, 1 June 1878, reprinted by the Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage. II. Frances Power Cobbe, 'Why Women Desire the Franchise' (London: Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, c. 1872), p. 3. 12. Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon, 'Reasons For and Against the Enfranchisement of Women' (London: National Society for Women's Suffrage, 1872). 13. Women's Suffrage Journal, I July 1870, p. 56. 14. Women's Suffrage Journal, I October 1870, p. 79. 15. Women's SUffrage Journal, I October 1870, p. 79. 16. Blackburn, p. 71. 17. 'The Franchise for Women 1868' (London: National Society for Woman's Suffrage, 1868) p. I. 18. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1873), p. 4, FLA. 19. Ray Strachey, Millicent Garrett Fawcett (London: John Murray, 1931), p.45. 20. Women's Suffrage Journal, I April 1871, p. 33. 21. Holmes, p. 16. 22. Mason, p. 54. 23. Strachey, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, p. 44. 24. A. Rosen, 'Emily Davies and the Women's Movement,' Journal of British Studies, Vol. 19 (1979), p. 105. 25. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, I May 1872, c. 29. 26. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Elizabeth Wolstenholme-Elmy, 10 Decem• ber 1875, Fawcett Library Autograph Collection (FLAC). 27. A certain number of days are set aside during the Parliamentary session for MPs to introduce bills of their own, called private member's bills. Because these do not necessarily enjoy the Government's backing, pas• sage of a bill in this manner is rather difficult. 28. Quoted in Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Committee Report (1869-1870), p. 3. 29. Women's Suffrage Journal, 2 May 1870, p. 26. 30. A bill is introduced by being read to the House of Commons (the 'First Reading'). At this stage it is generally not discussed. The debate and vote take place at the 'Second Reading'. Having survived this, a bill is then referred to a committee for detailed examination. If the Govern• ment does not favor a bill, it can refer it to a Committee of the Whole House, which means that the bill must be debated again, if there is sufficient Parliamentary time. After the committee has done its work, the bill is returned to the House, which discusses the committee's amendments and may suggest its own alterations. The bill may then, if necessary, return to committee. The final stage is the Third Reading, 190 Notes

after which it goes to the Lords (if it started in the House) or vice versa, to begin the process all over again. Both Houses must agree to any amendments before a bill can become law. As this timetable suggests, a key factor in getting a bill through Parliament is the amount of time the Government allots to it. 31. Women's Suffrage Journal, I June 1870, p. 30. 32. Women's Suffrage Journal, I June 1870, p. 29. 33. Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage Executive Commit- tee Report (1869-70), p. 8. 34. Women's Suffrage Journal, I June 1871, pp. 51, 53. 35. Women's Suffrage Journal, I June 1871, p. 53. 36. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1873), p. 3. 37. Ballot Act, 35 & 36 Vict., c. 33. 38. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, cc. 1196--7. 39. The Englishwoman's Review, April 1874, p. 116. 40. Forsyth was a scholar with several publications to his credit by the time he became an MP at age 62 in 1874. He was really more a man of letters than a politician, although he had a long-time interest in prison conditions. 41. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 449. 42. The Englishwoman's Review, 15 November 1876, p. 5\0. 43. At the first annual meeting of the Central Committee, held at the Westminster Palace Hotel on 17 July 1872 and reported in the Women's Suffrage Journal, I August 1872, p. \08. 44. Women's Suffrage Journal, I June 1872, p. 89. 45. Mason, p. 46. 46. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 26 April 1876, c. 1659. 47. Women's Suffrage Journal, I June 1872, p. 91 (reprint from Daily Tele- graph). 48. Mason, pp. 46-7. 49. Mason, p. 47. 50. Quoted in Jo Manton, Elizabeth Garrett Anderson (London: Methuen, 1965), p. 171. 51. Maria Grey (presumably), 29 January 1873, FLA. 52. Strachey, Women's Suffrage, p. 13. 53. Strachey, Women's Suffrage, p. 13. 54. Blackburn, p. 121. 55. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 450. 56. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, May 1872, c. 56. 57. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 450. 58. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 6 June 1877, cc. 1363--4. Notes 191

59. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 6 June 1877, cc. 1363-4. 60. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, c. 1257. 61. Strachey, Women's SUffrage, pp. 14-15. 62. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 419. 63. In Regina v. Harrald, 7 Q.B. 361 (1872), the Court of Queen's Bench heard the case of a town councillor by the name of Charles Harrald who had been elected by the narrowest of margins of one vote. Among those who had voted for him were two married women, and his opponent challenged the election on the grounds that married women were not eligible to vote. The court agreed. The 1869 Municipal Voting Act had removed only the sex disqualification, and the Married Women's Prop• erty Act 1870 concerned only property. Thus, the disability of coverture remained. Although settling the question with respect to the municipal franchise, it was unclear whether Harrald would apply to the same question in the context of the Parliamentary franchise. 64. Women's Suffrage Journal, I April 1874, p. 56. 65. Women's Suffrage Journal, I April 1874, p. 53. 66. Women's Suffrage Journal. I April 1874, pp. 53-4. 67. Webster, 'Parliamentary Franchise for Women Ratepayers: pp. 3-4. 68. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 449. 69. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 20 May 1867, c. 830. 70. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 May 1870, c. 611. 71. Blackburn, p. 92. 72. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 26 April 1876, c. 1679. 73. Patricia Hollis, 'Women in Council: Separate Spheres, Public Spheres', in Jane Rendall, ed., Equal or Different: Women's Politics 1800-1914 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987). 74. Shanley, p. 67. 75. Women's Suffrage Journal. I March 1871, p. 25. 76. Women's Suffrage Journal, I November 1871, p. 119. 77. Women's Suffrage Journal, 2 September 1872, p. 126. 78. Women's Suffrage Journal. I March 1876, p. 34. 79. Women's Suffrage Journal, I September 1879, p. 158. 80. Women's Suffrage Journal. I September 1882, p. 137. 81. Debates on women's suffrage in these years frequently cited the example of the one place in the world where women could vote: the territory of Wyoming, in the USA. Judging from the comments made, few of the MPs could have found it on the map, but were willing enough to turn the state-to-be into an argument, either for or against, suffrage. That women in Wyoming could vote by 1872, Beresford Hope acknowledged, pausing to add a sarcastic footnote: 'No doubt the House would be much influenced by the example of this juvenile community which stood he 192 Notes

believed somewhere near Utah.' Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, c. 1237. Eleven years later he was still talking about it, arguing that because no state had enfranchised women, it must be a bad idea, excepting of course 'two Backwoods States of America.' Representation of the People Bill, House of Com• mons Debates, 12 June 1884, c. 133. 82. Cobbe, 'Why Women Desire the Franchise,' p. 3. 83. Webster, 'Parliamentary Franchise for Women Ratepayers,' p. 2. 84. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, May 1872, cc. 4~5. 85. Cobbe, 'Why Women Desire the Franchise,' p. 3. 86. John Stuart Mill, 'Report of a Meeting of the London National Society for Women's Suffrage,' held at the Hanover Square Rooms, 26 March 1870, pp. 6-7. 87. Helen Taylor, 'Report of a Meeting of the London National Society for Women's Suffrage,' held at the Hanover Square Rooms, 26 March 1870, pp. 23~4. 88. Women's Suffrage Journal, I February 1884, p. 33. 89. Women's Suffrage Journal, I August 1872, p. 110. 90. Bodichon, 'Reasons For and Against the Enfranchisement of Women,' p.4. 91. Bodichon, 'Reasons For and Against the Enfranchisement of Women,' p. II. 92. Lord Amberley, 'Report of a Meeting of the London National Society for Women's Suffrage: held at the Hanover Square Rooms, 26 March 1870, p. 20. 93. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, I May 1872, c. 4. 94. Bodichon, 'Reasons For and Against the Enfranchisement of Women,' p.5. 95. Professor Cairnes, 'Report of a Meeting of the London National Society for Women's Suffrage,' held at the Hanover Square Rooms, 26 March 1870, p. 10. 96. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, 'Home and Politics: an address delivered at Toynbee Hall and elsewhere,' c. 1888, p. 3. 97. Fawcett, 'Home and Politics,' p. 8. 98. Lord Amberley, 'Report of a Meeting of the London National Society for Women's Suffrage,' held at the Hanover Square Rooms, 26 March 1870, p. 19. 99. Mrs William (Maria) Grey, 'The Physical Force Objection to Women's Suffrage' (London: Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, 1877), pp. 3-4. 100. Women's Suffrage Journal, I April 1870, p. 13. 101. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, cc. 1226~7. 102. Charles C. Babington to Lydia Becker, 5 April 1867, LEB letters Autograph Collection, FL. 103. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, May 1872, c. 56. Notes 193

104. B.M. Bathurst, MP, 19 July 1910, vol. 2, Group. D, Acc. Z6078, Museum of London Fellowship Collection. 105. Women's Suffrage Journal, I April 1870, p. 13. 106. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, c.1235. 107. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 May 1870, c.613. 108. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 454. 109. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 26 April 1876,c. 1739. 110. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, c. 1238. Ill. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, I May 1872, c. 60. 112. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, cc. 1234-5. III Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, cc. 1234-5. 114. The Times (London). 7 June 1877, p. 3c. 115. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 474. 116. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 472. 117. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, c.1217. 118. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 May 1870, c.612. 119. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 30 April 1873, c.1219. 120. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 May 1870, c.609. 121. Women's Disabilities Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 May 1870, c.614. 122. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 26 April 1876, c. 1740. 123. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, I May 1872, c. 46. 124. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, 7 April 1875, c. 449 ff. 125. The Times (London), 21 May 1867, p. Ila. 126. The Times (London), 10 June 1870, p. 4f. 127. Women's Disabilities Removal Bill, House of Commons Debates, May 1872, cc. 46-7. 128. Women's Suffrage Joumal, 2 February 1880, p. 19. 129. Women's Suffrage Joumal, 2 February 1880, p. 19. 130. Blackburn, p. 152. 131. Women's SUffrage Joumal, 14 February 1880, p. 38. 132. Women's Suffrage Journal, 14 February 1880, p. 33. 194 Notes

133. Women's Suffrage Journal, 14 February 1880, p. 45. 134. Women's Suffrage Journal, 14 February 1880, p. 33. 135. Blackburn, p. 153. Blackburn helped to organize the London demon• stration and the third demonstration, held in Bristol. 136. With hindsight, it is questionable whether the suffragists had converted enough Liberals to make a women's suffrage amendment a realistic possibility. See Harrison, 'Women's Suffrage at Westminster.' 137. Women's Suffrage Journal, I January 1884, p. 3. 138. Blackburn, pp. 159-6\. 139. Women's Suffrage Journal, I January 1884, p. 3. 140. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, \0 June 1884, c. 1942. 141. Blackburn, p. 161. 142. Blackburn, pp. 162-3. 143. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, \0 June 1884, c. 1943. 144. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, \0 June 1884, c. 1957. 145. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, \0 June 1884, c. 1958. 146. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, \0 June 1884, c. 1958. 147. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 28. 148. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1883-84), FL. 149. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 June 1884, c. \08. 150. to W.E. Gladstone (copy), 17 June 1884, FLAC. lSI. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 June 1884, c. 202. 152. W.E. Gladstone to the Cabinet (copy), 13 June 1884, FLAC. 153. Representation of the People Bill, House of Commons Debates, 12 June 1884, c. 138. 154. Frances Power Cobbe, The Life of Frances Power Cobbe as Told by Herself(London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co. Ltd., 1904), p. 585. 155. Cobbe, 'Why Women Desire the Franchise,' p. I

3. THE 'DOLDRUMS' - WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE 1885 TO 1904

\. The Englishwoman's Review, 15 February 1889, p. 96. 2. Mason, p. 64. 3. This may not have been the wisest course of action. 'In retrospect we can now see that a strictly feminist approach to franchise reform was possi• ble for Liberals only during the brief first phase of suffragist success between 1866 and 1884; thereafter the party must in the end prefer democracy to equality. A change of suffragist strategy was therefore required after 1884: the acceptance of a Liberal connection and Notes 195

therefore of adult suffrage as the means to the suffragist end.' See Harrison, 'Women's Suffrage at Westminster,' p. 98. Still, most suffra• gists insisted that the non-party route was the best way to go. 4. Women's Suffrage Journal, 1 March 1889. 5. As the Women's Penny Paper put it, the Bill 'has been butchered to make an Easter holiday .... So much for the speeches and the pledges of the ever increasing majority of members who have declared themselves such staunch friends of a great measure of reform. It was a question of enfranchising 800,000 citizens, and the Great Council of the Nation behaves like a pack of school-boys panting to get off for the holidays, and because Easter is at hand will not stay in London a single twenty• four hours longer than it is absolutely compelled to.' Women's Penny Paper, 6 April 1889, p. 4. 6. Strachey, The Cause, p. 279. 7. Strachey, The Cause, p. 279. 8. Blackburn, p. 170. 9. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 32. 10. In 1888, the Women's Penny Paper, already noted here, was started. It was non-party and 'progressive; saying that 'home politics, that is, industrial, social, and educational questions, are of primary importance in our estimation; in treating of these our endeavour will be to speak with honesty and courage, and as befits women of education and refinement. General politics, when truly progressive, can accept neither the Conser• vative nor Liberal programme as final; they must reject much in both and will accept much in both' (27 October 1888). A typical issue would start readers off with an interview with an 'emancipated' woman, although not necessarily one of the leaders of the suffrage or other branches of the women's movement. Instead, the Women's Penny Paper featured women, now as then unknown, such as Miss Amy E. Bell, a lady stockbroker, or Mrs Isabel Cooper-Oakley, owner of a milliner's and dress-making shop, who were notable for having broken out of the mold. The paper also included current news about women, columns on English, American and other foreign news and, in particular, a good sprinkling of suffrage• related information. Its quirky side was reflected in the column 'Wise and witty sayings of women' and its reports of lesser known societies interested in women's issues, such as the Rational Dress Society. II. Women's Penny Paper, 27 October 1888, p. 4. 12. Women's Suffrage Journal, I May 1889, p. 64. 13. Women's Suffrage Journal, I January 1890. p.3. 14. See Blackburn, p. 172. IS. Women's Penny Paper (now Woman's Herald), 19 April 1890, p. 303. 16. In September 1903, a by-election candidate at Rochester, opposed to female suffrage, was denied WLF assistance; a month later, help was given to a Liberal candidate only after he agreed to vote for women's suffrage. In all, between May 1904 and November 1905, twenty by• elections took place. At five of these, the WFL refused to help because the candidates would not give a written pledge of their promise to vote for women's suffrage; at 13 of these, the Executive lent its assistance upon receipt of a pledge. For more on the party women, see Claire 196 Notes

Hirschfield, 'Fractured Faith: Liberal Party Women and the Suffrage Issue in Britain, 1892-1914,' Gender & History, Vol. 2, no. 2 (1990), pp. 173-97. 17. Women's Suffrage Journal, I January 1889, p. 3. 18. Strachey, The Cause, pp. 281-2. 19. The breach was eventually healed in 1900 on the basis of the rule that only associations that had women's suffrage as their sole aim would be permitted to affiliate. 20. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Minutes, 19 December 1888, FL. 21. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Minutes, 19 December 1888, FL. 22. Women's Suffrage Journal, I January 1889, pp. 5-6. 23. The Englishwoman's Review, 15 January 1889, p. 32. 24. Strachey, The Cause, p. 282. 25. This Act gave women married after 1883 full control over their real and personal property, and women married before that time similar power over property acquired after 1882. 26. Women's Penny Paper, 23 March 1889, pp. 2-3; 30 March 1889, p. 5. 27. Mrs Humphry Ward was an unusual woman, although her ideas about the suffrage are not unrepresentative of a certain type of thinking about women shared by many who, like herself, devoted their lives to public service, significantly improving the lives of all sorts of underprivileged groups while simultaneously believing women were fundamentally domestic and should not vote in Parliamentary elections. Octavia Hill was another. Millicent Garrett Fawcett wrote in her memoirs of Mrs Humphry Ward that 'she was so constituted as to be able to believe at one and the same time that women were fundamentally incapable of taking a useful part in politics, but that she herself was an exception to the rule, for she took a deep interest in the whole political life of her country as it developed before her, and sought, both by speech and by writing, often with considerable effect, to influence its direction.' Faw• cett, What I Remember (London: T. Fisher Unwin Ltd, 1925), p. 123. 28. Quoted in Blackburn, p. 178. 29. Blackburn, p. 178. 30. Women's Penny Paper, 22 June 1889, p. 7. 31. Women's Suffrage Journal, I August 1889, p. 98. One winner was 'Denote when counted a very thin total, then 'tis too new,' submitted by Miss Blackburn. 32. Speech of the Countess of , Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage Annual Meeting, Annual Report (1889), p. 4. 33. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 45. 34. See DeSouza v. Cobden, I Q.B. 687 (April 1891). 35. See Hirschfield, 'Fractured Faith,' p. 173. 36. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Mr Thursfield, 13 June 1890, FL. 37. Holmes, p. 18. 38. Worcester Mail, 20 October 1890, Lydia Becker papers, IND/LEB Box 448, FL. Notes 197

39. Women's Suffrage Journal, August 1890. 40. Priscilla Bright M'Laren to Millicent Garrett Fawcett, 22 November 1895, FLAC. 41. Frances Balfour, Ne Obliviscaris: Dinna Forget (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1930), Vol. I, pp. 138-9. 42. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (31 May 1892), p. 4. 43. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (31 May 1892), p. 5. 44. Samuel Smith (1836--1906) was a Scotsman, philanthropist, and zealous Presbyterian active in temperance, poor relief, and the prevention of cruelty to children. He was an MP from 1882-1905, except for a short interval from 1885-86. From 1886, he represented the constituency in which Gladstone's residence was located, and Smith visited the leader often. His parliamentary career was notable chiefly for measures in the interest of children. 45. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, 'The Women's Suffrage Question,' The Con• temporary Review (1892), Vol. 61, p. 762. 46. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (31 May 1892), p. 5, FL. 47. Fawcett, The Contemporary Review, pp. 762-3. 48. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (31 May 1892), p. 6, FL. 49. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (31 May 1892), p. 6, FL. 50. Fawcett, The Contemporary Review, p. 763. 51. Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to Women) Bill, House of Com• mons Debates, 27 April 1892, c. 1471. 52. Fawcett, The Contemporary Review, p. 763. 53. Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to Women) Bill, House of Com• mons Debates, 27 April 1892, c. 1476. 54. Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to Women) Bill, House of Com• mons Debates, 27 April 1892, c. 1478. 55. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (31 May 1892), p. 3, FL. 56. Blackburn, p. 202. 57. Blackburn, p. 180. 58. Mason, p. 69. 59. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (II July 1893), FL. 60. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (6 July 1894), FL. 61. The Englishwoman's Review, 15 July 1896, p. 169. 62. Report of National Conference of Delegates of Women's Suffrage Societies in Great Britain and Ireland, (Birmingham Conference) 16 October 1896, FL. 63. Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (15 July 1898), FL. 198 Notes

4. 'DEEDS, NOT WORDS!' THE WOMEN'S SOCIAL AND POLITICAL UNION

I. George Bernard Shaw, quoted in Antonia Raeburn, The Militant Suffra• gettes (London: Michael Joseph, 1973), p. 16. 2. A fifth child, a son, had died in early childhood. 3. Drawing a line between the terms suffragist and suffragette can be difficult. Suffragist generally connotes the non-militant, or constitu• tionalist, activists. Suffragette is a term coined by the Daily Mail to refer to the militant suffragists, specifically those of the WSPU. While not all members of the WSPU engaged in militant action, and while the question of what exactly constitutes militant action remains open, I will use the term suffragette to describe the members of the WSPU or other societies that used militant tactics, and the term suffra• gist to refer to those in societies like the NUWSS that did not adopt such tactics. 4. Midge Mackenzie, Shoulder to Shoulder (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1975), p. 20. 5. , My Own Story (London: Virago, 1979), pp. 42-3. 6. Pankhurst, My Own Story, pp. 46-7. 7. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 47. 8. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 47. 9. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 48. 10. E. Pankhurst, The Suffragette (London: Gay & Hancock Ltd, 1911), pp. 28-9. II. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 49. 12. Israel Zangwill, 'The Militant Suffragists,' The English Review, p. 565. 13. , A Militant (London: Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1994) (reprint of 1924 edition), p. 42. 14. Rowland Kenney, 'Women's Suffrage: The Militant Movement in Ruins,' The English Review (c. 1912), pp. 99-100. 15. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 53. 16. Brian Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom: Stability and Change in Modern Britain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), pp. 40-1. 17. Votes/or Women, March 1908, p. 81. 18. Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, p. 42. 19. Mary R. Richardson, Laugh a Defiance (London: George Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1953), p. 50. 20. Adela Pankhurst had shown signs of 'outspoken socialism,' which dis• pleased her mother and sister Christabel. See David Mitchell, The Fight• ing Pankhursts (New York: Macmillan, 1967), pp. 46-7. 21. Andrew Rosen, Rise Up Women! (London: Routledge, 1975), p 57. 22. E. , The Suffragette Movement (London: Longmans, Green & Co, 1931), p. 197. 23. The Caxton Hall is south of St. James's Park near Victoria Street, less than half a mile from . 24. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 56. 25. The charges were later dropped. Notes 199

26. Teresa Billington-Greig was a teacher and an ILP organizer. In 1907, she went to London as a WSPU organizer, but shortly thereafter split with the Pankhursts and left to join the Women's Freedom League. 27. Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, Fate Has Been Kind (London: Hutchinson & Co., n.d.), p. 72. Holloway was facetiously defined in The Suffragist's 'What's What' by Cicely Hamilton as: 'A Sanatorium in North London where persons of advanced political opinions are received for periods varying (usually) from seven to thirty-one days. Board, lodging and medical attendance free. Those wishing to avail themselves of the advan• tages of the institution should apply to Mr Horace Smith or Mr Curtis Bennett, Westminster Police Court, S.W.' Women's Franchise, 19 December 1907, p. 288. 28. Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, whose wife Emmeline was among those in Holloway, made the mistake of poorly wording his vote of support. He made an appeal for funds, and '[b]y way of setting the ball rolling I promised to contribute £10 for every day of her imprisonment.' Fate Has Been Kind, p. 72. 29. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 188. 30. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 188. It seems Mrs Fawcett and others had toyed with the idea of holding a demonstration to protest against the imprisonments, but held back for fear of splitting the suffrage move• ment on the question of militancy. See Walter McLaren to Millicent Garrett Fawcett, 18 November 1906, FLAC. The practice of giving banquets for released prisoners was continued by the WSPU. 31. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report ( 1907). 32. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report ( 1907). 33. Leslie Parker Hume, The National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies 1897-1914 (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1982), pp. 28-9. 34. Pankhurst, The Suffragette, p. 133. 35. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1907; 1908). 36. Roger Fulford, Votes for Women (London: Faber and Faber, 1957), p. 156. 37. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 82. 38. 'The Woman Suffrage Movement: Riot and Arrests', The Times (Lon• don), 14 February 1907, p. IOc. 39. , Unshackled: the Story of How We Won the Vote (London: Hutchinson, 1959), p. 76. 40. 'The Police Courts: The Woman Suffrage Riot" The Times (London), 15 February 1907, p. 4e. The Sessional Orders made it easier for the police to arrest the women on charges of obstruction. These were directed at keeping the streets leading up to the House open and were effective when the House was in session. 41. 'The Police Courts: The Woman Suffrage Riot', The Times (London), 15 February 1907, p. 4e. 42. 'The Police Courts: The Woman Suffrage Riot', The Times (London), 15 February 1907, p. 4e. 200 Notes

43. Lucia Zedner, Women, Crime and Custody in Victorian England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 2. 44. Zedner, p. 28. 45. Zedner, p. 30. 46. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Interim Report (1907), 31 August 1907, p. 4. 47. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1907). 48. Rosen, Rise Up Women, p. 92. 49. Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 59. 50. A.E. Metcalfe, Woman's E.ffort: a Chronicle of British Women's Fifty Years' Struggle for Citizenship (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1917), p. 38. From The Times, 27 October 1906. 51. Creatively, the WSPU had hired two vans to bring 21 women to the public entrance; once there, the women jumped out and ran into the lobby, where they were kicked out. Apparently a number of these women, blinded by the daylight after being in the dark van, valiantly rushed instead. See Fulford, p. 175. 52. An Act Against Tumults and Disorders upon Pretence of Presenting or Preparing Public Petitions or Other Addresses to His Majesty or the Parliament, 1661, 13 Car. 2, ch. 5 (Eng.). The statute reads in the relevant part, , ... that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to His Majesty or both or either of the Houses of Parliament upon pretence of presenting or delivering any petition, complaint, remonstrance, or declaration or other addresses, accompanied with excessive number of people, nor at any time with above the number often persons, upon pain of incurring a penalty not exceeding the sum of £ I 00 in money, and three months' imprisonment without bailor mainprize for every offence .. .'. 53. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1907), 29 February 1908, p. 6. 54. 'Woman Suffrage: Renewed Disturbances', The Times (London), 14 February 1908, p. 14c. 55. Votes for Women (Supplement), 20 February 1908, p. 53. 56. 'The Police Courts: Woman Suffragists', The Times (London), 15 Feb• ruary 1908, p. 4e. 57. Horace Smith (1836-1922) was a metropolitan magistrate from 1888 to 1917. In addition to editing a number of legal treatises, he published nearly a dozen volumes of poetry. 58. 'The Police Courts: Woman Suffragists', The Times (London), 15 Feb• ruary 1908, p. 4e. 59. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1909), 28 February 1910, p. I. 60. Emmeline Pethick Lawrence, My Part in a Changing World (London: Gollancz, 1938), p. 183. 61. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1909), 28 February 1910, p. 6. 62. Metcalfe, p. 67. 63. 'The Suffragist Demonstration: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 2 July 1908, p. 4e. Notes 201

64. Pankhurst, The Suffragette, p. 253. 65. 'The Suffragist Demonstration: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 2 July 1908, p. 4e. 66. 'The Suffragist Demonstration: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 2 July 1908, p. 4e. 67. Quoted in Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 119. 68. Votes for Women, 8 October 1908, p. 24. 69. Votes for Women, 26 February 1909, p. 379. 70. 'The Suffrage Disturbances: Summonses Adjourned', The Times (Lon• don), I July 1909, p. 3d. 71. Ada Cecil Wright, biographical account, Vol. I, Group C, pp. 41-2, Acc. 57.70/1, Museum of London Suffragette Fellowship Collection. 72. 'The Suffrage Disturbances: Fines for Wilful Damage', The Times (Lon• don), 13 July 1909, p. 4e. 73. 'The Suffrage Disturbances: Fines for Wilful Damage', The Times (Lon• don), 13 July 1909, p. 4e. MP Haldane had referred to the suffragette tactics as 'pin-pricks' when addressing a meeting of women Liberals on 8 January 1908. Metcalfe, p. 55. Gladstone said in 1908 that 'the predominance of argument alone ... is not enough to win the political day.' Metcalfe, p. 59. 74. 'The Police Courts: The Woman Suffrage Riot', The Times (London), 15 February 1907, p. 4e. 75. 'The Suffrage Disturbances: Summonses Adjourned', The Times (Lon• don), I July 1909, p. 3d. 76. The statute reads in relevant part, 'Provided always that this Act, or anything therein contained, shall not be construed to extend, to debar or hinder any person or persons, not exceeding the number of ten aforesaid, to present any publick or private grievance or complaint to any member or members of Parliament .. :. 13 Car. 2. 77. Pankhurst and Another v. Jarvis, [1909] K.B. Div'l Court, reported in The Times (London), 2 December 1909, p. 3b. See also Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 145. 78. Quoted in Pankhurst, My Own Story, p. 145. 79. Pankhurst and Another v. Jan1is, [1909] K.B. Div'l Court, reported in The Times (London), 2 December 1909, p. 3c. 80. Leon Radzinowicz and Roger Hood, A History of English Criminal Law and its Administration from 1750, Vol. 5 (1986), pp. 401-4. 81. Although the sometimes succeeded in obtaining First Divi• sion privileges, perhaps in recognition of their special status, the political prisoner debate was not played out in the courts. Generally, convicted suffragettes would demand political prisoner status, the judge would deny it, and the suffragettes would then create disturbances in prison until their demands were met. 82. Votes for Women, March 1908, p. 84. 83. Radzinowicz, p. 441. 84. Radzinowicz, pp. 439-40. 85. The problem was partially solved several years later by Churchill's Rule 243a, granting special privileges to prisoners of good character without admitting the political nature of the women's protest. 202 Notes

86. Votes for Women, 9 July 1909, p. 905. 87. Votes for Women, 16 July 1909, p. 933. 88. Votes for Women, I October 1909, p. I. 89. Votes for Women, I October 1909, p. I. 90. Votes for Women, 15 October 1909, p. 34. 91. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1909),28 February 1910, p. 14. 92. The Common Cause, 28 April 1910, p. 37. 93. Leigh v. Gladstone et al., The Times (London), 10 December 1909, p. 3cdef. 94. Leigh v. Gladstone et ai., The Times (London), 10 December 1909, p. 3f. 95. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Lady Frances Balfour, 30 June 1909, FLAe. 96. Harrison, Peaceable Kingdom, p. 42. 97. Zangwill, 'The Militant Suffragists', p. 565. 98. Henry W. Nevinson, 'Women's Vote and Men', The English Review, n.d. 99. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1907),29 February 1908, p. 9. 100. Other suffragettes were rather creative in scraping together a few extra pounds. The Misses Mary, Constance and Winifred Auld, for example, donated three pounds, obtained by 'playing violin in street, cleaning windows, etc.' Some sold crocheted work or jams and jellies for the cause. Others collected on the street; one woman earned money by sweeping a street-crossing and yet another from singing. A Mrs M.e. Ruper earned a shilling at organ-grinding, and the Misses Coombs helped out a pavement artist to earn a few pence. \0 I. Votes for Women, 26 February 1909, p. 381. \02. Votes for Women, 7 January 1909, p. 242. 103. Votesfor Women, 7 January 1909, p. 242. 104. Votes for Women, 14 January 1909, p. 258.

5. 'SUFFRAGE LADIES' AND THE 'SHRIEKING SISTERHOOD'

I. Strachey, The Cause, p. 291. 2. Strachey, The Cause, p. 303. 3. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Lady Frances Balfour, 7 November 1908, FLAC. She added, 'More shame for the country.' 4. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 184. 5. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 182. 6. Emmeline Pankhurst, 'Why We are Militant', 21 October 1915 (The Woman's Press). 7. E.R., The Critical Attitude: Militants Here in Earth', The English Review, p. 137. 8. Ada Cecil Wright, typed biographical account, Vol. I, Group C, p. 35, Acc. 57.70/1, Museum of London Suffragette Fellowship Collection. 9. Pankhurst, The Suffragette Movement, p. 182. 10. E.R., 'The Critical Attitude', p. 137. Notes 203

II. Mrs Chapman Catt to Millicant Garrett Fawcett, March 1909, FLA. 12. See Hume, p. 32. 13. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 190. 14. Strachey, The Cause, p. 306. 15. Helen B. Taylor to Mrs Sterling, 15 January 1906, FLAC. 16. Jane Helen Eccles to Philippa Strachey, I January 1907, FLAC. 17. Edith Kerwood to Miss Stirling, 26 October 1906, FLAC. 18. Edith Zangwill to the NUWSS, 7 November 1909, FLAC. 19. As late as 1913, the Annual Report of the WSPU recorded a donation of the significant sum of £25 from a 'Constitutional Suffragist against vindictive sentences.' 20. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 192. 21. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 192. 22. The Common Cause, 23 June 1910, p. 162. 23. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Lady Frances Balfour, 30 June 1909, FLAC. 24. Dr Elizabeth Garrett Anderson left the WSPU in 1911; her daughter Louisa stayed with them and was imprisoned in 1912. 25. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 62. 26. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Lady Frances Balfour, 7 November 1908, FLAC. 27. 'A Protest Against "Militant" Methods', The Times (London), 12 November 1908, p. 8a. 28. Women's Franchise, 19 December 1907, p. 288. 29. Jus Suffragii, I May 1914, p. 112. 30. Fawcett, Women's Suffrage, p. 66. 31. Women's Penny Paper, 16 March 1889, p. 5. 32. Votesfor Women, 6 March 1914. 33. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (19\3), 28 , pp. 19-20. 34. Votes for Women, 7 January 1909, p. 244. 35. Votes for Women, 7 January 1909, p. 244. 36. Votes for Women, 14 January 1909, p. 262. 37. Votesfor Women, 21 January 1909, p. 280. 38. Rosamund Billington, 'Ideology and Feminism: Why the Suffragettes were Wild Women', Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 5, No.6 (1982), p. 666. 39. Billington, p. 667. 40. 'A Woman, on Women', The Times (London), 10 June 1870, p. 4f. 41. Quoted in Church League for Women's Suffrage, February 1913, p. 172. 42. Billington, pp. 668-9. 43. Balfour, p. 137. 44. Quoted in Stephen Siklos, and the (1990), p. 32, FLA. 45. Women's Suffrage Journal, 2 June 1879, pp. 106-7. 46. Minutes, NUWSS Special Executive Committee, 29 March 1912, FLA. 47. See Billington, p. 668. 48. The Common Cause, 23 June 1910, p. 169. 49. Women's Franchise, 26 March 1908, p. 456. 50. Church League for Women's Suffrage, July 1912, p. 60. 204 Notes

6. QUAKERS, ACTRESSES, GYMNASTS AND OTHER SUFFRAGISTS

I. Suffrage Annual and Women's Who's Who 1913, p. 106. 2. Suffrage Annual and Women's Who's Who /913, p. 10. 3. Claire Hirschfield, The Suffrage Play in England 1907-1913', Cahiers Victoriens & Edouardiens, No. 33 (April 1991), p. 79. 4. Constitution of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, Article II (June 1904), FL. 5. 'Tyrannous Taxation', Women's Tax Resistance League, FLA. 6. 'No Vote. No Tax!', Women's Tax Resistance League, FLA. 7. 'No Vote. No Tax!'. 8. Mrs E. Ayres Purdie to Helena Auerbach, 12 November 1913, FLA. 9. For some it appears the cause and effect may have been reversed. The Free Church Suffrage Times in January 1914 printed a letter from a minister's daughter who had been 'for many years entirely agnostic, and without any conscious religion.' Eight years ago, she became involved with the suffrage movement which 'possessed me heart and soul.' Early antagonism to the Bible vanished, after she discovered that religion need not be opposed to women's suffrage and 'with the growth of the Cause light has dawned on me. It is like a miracle that a handful of women should be able to convert (sufficiently) a whole nation, form so many and such powerful societies, and stand up against the Government itself. I feel now there must be a living spirit in the Universe, and that it is making for good.' Free Church Suffrage Times, January 1914, p. 10. 10. Church League for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1910), p. 3. II. Apparently some members even took to boycotting anti-suffragist churches. The Church League for Women's Suffrage wrote to disavow this practice: 'We wish to say explicitly that the CLW has nothing to do with a policy of boycott inaugurated some months ago by certain Churchwomen. The League has neither promoted that policy nor approved it. We seek to convert rather than to constrain.' Church League for Women's Suffrage, November 1912, p. 115. 12. Church League for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1912), p. 35. 13. Church League for Women's Suffrage, November 1912, p. 115. 14. Church League for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1910), p. 8. 15. Church League for Women's Suffrage, Annual Report (1911), p. 24. 16. Church League for Women's Suffrage, June 1912, p. 37. 17. Church League for Women's Suffrage, August 1912, p. 74. 18. Church League for Women's Suffrage, September 1912, p. 88. 19. Suffrage Annual and Women's Who's Who, 1913, p. 37. 20. Suffrage Annual and Women's Who's Who, 1913, p. 38. 21. Free Church Suffrage Times, March 1914, p. 35. 22. Free Church Suffrage Times, March 1914, p. 35. 23. Free Church Suffrage Times, November 1913, p. 72. 24. Free Church Suffrage Times, November 1913, p. 72. 25. Nancy Stewart Parnell, 'A Venture in Faith: a History of St. Joan's Social and Political Alliance', n.d., p. 5. Notes 205

26. Jewish League for Woman Suffrage leaflet. 27. Jewish League for Woman Suffrage, 'Some Reasons Why You Should Join the JLWS.' 28. Jewish League for Woman Suffrage leaflet, p. 9. 29. Jewish League for Woman Suffrage leaflet. 30. The Times (London), 3 May 1867, p. lOa. 31. From the Anti-Suffrage League's Manifesto, printed in The Women's Anti-Suffrage Movement', by Mary A. Ward (Mrs Humphry Ward), The Nineteenth Century, August 1908, pp. 345-6. 32. One argument well worth writing off without more comes from a letter from a Miss E.D. Bradby to the Women's Freedom League, asking them to stop sending her information. 'She is not in favour of women's franchise, as she would be sorry to see birds and fur producing animals exterminated. The only thing in which English women of all ranks and opinions agree seems to be in a desire to wear as many feathers and heads and tails of slaughtered animals as possible; and she is convinced that if they gain political power their first act would be to repeal all protecting acts for birds and animals.' Miss E.D. Bradby to the Women's Freedom League, 6 February 1908, FLAC. 33. The Common Cause, 10 November 1910, p. 498. 34. The Common Cause, 16 June 1910, p. 152. 35. Ward, The Women's Anti-Suffrage Movement', p. 347. 36. Fawcett, What I Remember, pp. 122-3. 37. Women's Franchise. 19 December 1907, p. 288. 38. Strachey, The Cause. p. 319. 39. The Anti-Suffrage Review. February 1909, p. I. This statement was made in a report on a pro-suffrage speech. The first circular sent out by the Anti-Suffrage League was on paper headed 'National Women's Anti• Suffrage Association.' 40. The Common Cause. 21 July 1910, p. 234. 41. Strachey, The Cause, p. 319. 42. Fawcett, What I Remember. pp. 195-6. 43. The Common Cause. 22 June 1911, p. 187.

7. CONCILIA nON

I. Hume, p. 64. 2. Pankhurst, Unshackled p. 153. 3. See Hume, pp. 67-9. 4. The Common Cause, 2 June 1910, p. 115. 5. The Common Cause, 26 May 1910, pp. 101-2. 6. The Common Cause, 2 June 1910, p. 115. 7. The Common Cause, 26 May 1910, pp. 101-2. 8. Hume, p. 72. 9. The Commol! Cause, 9 June 1910, p. 129. 10. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1909) 28 February 1910, p. 14. 206 Notes

II. The ten-minute procedure was an alternative to winning time in the ballot to introduce a private member's bill. The problem is that often no time can be found for the further stages, even if the bill is successfully introduced. 12. The Common Cause, 30 June 1910, pp. 179-80. 13. The Common Cause, 23 June 1910, p. 169. 14. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Mrs Badley, 29 June 1910, FLAC. 15. The Common Cause, 30 June 1910, p. 166. 16. The Common Cause, 30 June 1910, p. 166. 17. The Common Cause, 7 July 1910, p. 205. 18. The Common Cause, 7 July 1910, p. 205. 19. The Common Cause, 7 July 1910, p. 198. 20. Blewett, pp. 54-6. 21. See Hume, pp. 82-3. 22. The Common Cause, 21 July 1910, p. 212. 23. The Common Cause, 21 July 1910, p. 244. 24. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (\910) 28 February 1911, p. 12. 25. The Common Cause, 21 July 1910, p. 245. 26. The Common Cause, 4 August 1910, p. 272. 27. See Hume, pp. 85-6. 28. Hume, p. 86. 29. Mrs Pankhurst to WSPU, 27 October 1910, Group D, Acc. Z6068/1, Museum of London Suffragette Fellowship Collection. 30. 'Woman Suffrage: Miss Pankhurst and Militant Methods', The Times (London), 15 November 1910, p. 12c. 31. 'Suffrage Raiders: Disorderly Scenes and Arrests at Westminster', The Times (London), 19 November 1910, p. IOc. 32. The Common Cause, 24 November 1910, p. 534. 33. Ada Cecil Wright, personal recollections (1931), Group C, Vol. I, pp. 63-8, Acc. 50.82/1135, Museum of London Suffragette Fellowship Col• lection. 34. 'The Suffrage "Raid": Release of All the Defendants,' The Times (Lon• don), 21 November 1910, p. 7c. 35. See 'Sentences on Suffragist "Raiders": Imprisonment Without the Option of a Fine,' The Times (London), 26 November 1910, p. 5b, 'The defendant complained that on Saturday when she was before the Court she was discharged without being allowed to answer the charge. The Clerk - Do you mean you would rather have been tried than discharged? The defendant - I would have given evidence of a frightful assault upon myself which perhaps would have told against the Home Secretary.' See also Caroline Morrell, and Violence Against Women in the Suffrage Campaign (London: Women's Research and Resources Centre, 1981). 36. A.E. Metcalfe, Woman's Effort: a Chronicle of British Women's Fifty Years' Struggle for Citizenship (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1977), pp. 165- 6. On the following Monday and Tuesday further WSPU deputations to the House of Commons resulted in more arrests. 37. See Hume, p. 99. Notes 207

38. The Common Cause, 16 March 1911, p. 793. 39. The Common Cause, 8 June 1911, p. 150. 40. The Common Cause, 8 June 1911, p. 150. 41. The Common Cause, 8 June 1911, p. 150. 42. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (\911) 29 February 1912, p. II. 43. Minutes, NUWSS Special Executive Committee, 13 April 1911, p. 2, FLA. 44. Hume, p. 110. 45. The Women's Coronation Procession, Order of March and Descriptive Programme, 17 June 1911 (The Woman's Press), Fawcett Collection, Internationaal Archief voor de Vrouwenbeweging, Amsterdam. 46. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1911) 29 February 1912, p. 8. 47. The Women's Coronation Procession, Order of March and Descriptive Programme, p. 2. 48. The Women's Coronation Procession, Order of March and Descriptive Programme, p. 3. 49. The Women's Coronation Procession, Order of March and Descriptive Programme, p. 4. 50. The Women's Coronation Procession, Order of March and Descriptive Programme, p. 8. 51. The Women's Coronation Procession, Order of March and Descriptive Programme, p. 2. 52. The Common Cause, 29 June 1911, p. 187. 53. The Common Cause, 29 June 1911, p. 191. 54. Minutes, NUWSS Executive Committee, 29 June 1911, p. 2. (uncon- firmed), FLA. 55. The Common Cause, 13 July 1911, p. 245. 56. The Common Cause, 13 July 1911, p. 244. 57. Minutes, NUWSS Special Executive Committee, 9 November 1911, p. I, FLA. 58. The Common Cause, 16 November 1911, p. 553. 59. The Common Cause, 16 November 1911, p. 549. 60. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 202. 61. The National Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (\911) 29 February 1912, p. II. 62. Christa bel Pankhurst to David Lloyd George, 20 February 1912, FLAC. 63. Letter to the Editor, The Times (London), 21 November 1911, p. 7c. 64. 'The Suffragist Disturbances: Police-Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 23 November 1911, p. 7c. 65. 'The Suffragist Disturbances: Police-Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 23 November 1911, p. 7c. 66. 'The Police and the Suffragist "Raid" " The Times (London), 6 Decem• ber 1911, p. 4d. 67. Pankhurst, Unshackled, p. 153. 68. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Helena Auerbach, 17 January 1912, Box 95, Folder A, Fawcett Collection, Internationaal Archiefvoor de Vrou• wenbeweging, Amsterdam. 208 Notes

69. NUWSS Leaflet, 30 November 1911, Box OS/8, FLA. 70. Millicent Garrett Fawcett to Helena Auerbach, 29 March 1912, Box 95, Folder A, Fawcett Collection, Internationaal Archiefvoor de Vrouwen• beweging, Amsterdam. 71. Hume, p. 139. 72. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 206. This policy was in effect only for by• elections. A general election policy had not been decided on, and, because of the intervention of the war, would never be needed. 73. Fawcett, What I Remember, p. 206. 74. Hume, pp. 145-6. 75. On the development of the EFF, see Jo Vellacott, From Liberal to Labour with Women's Suffrage: the Story of Catherine Marshall (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), ch. 8. 76. The Labour Party did not unequivocally welcome the shift in NUWSS policy. Despite Labour's official pro-suffrage stance, feelings within the party itself were divided over women's suffrage, ranging from those such as , who would give women's suffrage priority over all other issues, to the less enthusiastic Ramsey MacDonald, a 'tepid suf• fragist.' Adult suffragists within Labour did not like women's suffrage because it would enfranchise propertied women only. Another problem was that the EFF meant that electoral struggles between Liberal and Labour would increase, potentially damaging the political partnership between the two parties as embodied in the Gladstone-MacDonald pact of 1903. See Hume, pp. 149-52. 77. Hume, p. 180. 78. The suffragist Evelyn Sharp, ex-WSPU, persuaded Mrs Pankhurst to call a truce; Mrs Pankhurst said they did so so there might be 'no excuse' for blaming the amendment's defeat on militancy. Pankhurst, The Suf• fragette Movement, p. 428. 79. Minutes, NUWSS Special Executive Committee, 24 January 1913, FLA. 80. Minutes, NUWSS Special Executive Committee, 12 noon, 27 January 1913, FLA. 8!. Minutes, NUWSS Special Executive Committee, 6 o'clock, 27 January 1913, FLA. 82. Fawcett, What I Remember, pp. 205-6. 83. Englishwoman's Yearbook (London: A. & C. Black, 1916), p. 165. 84. Hume, pp. 190-\.

8. DESCENT INTO CHAOS

I. 'Friday's Demonstration: The Work of Repairing Property', The Times (London), 4 March 1912, p. 8b. 2. The Outrages by Suffragists: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 4 March 1912, p. 4a. 3. 'The Outrages by Suffragists: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 4 March 1912, p. 4a. Notes 209

4. Rex v. Emily Wilding Davison, [1912] (Crim. App.)(den'd), in The Times (London), 6 February 1912, p. 3b. 5. 'Suffragist Attempt on the Post Office: Nurse Sent to Prison', The Times (London), 21 March 1912, p. 3f. 6. A fourth arrestee and WSPU organizer, Mrs Tuke, was released on grounds of ill health. 7. 'Trial of Suffragist Leaders: The Defence Opened', The Times (London), 21 May 1912, p. 4a. 8. The Trial of Suffragist Leaders: Speeches for the Defence', The Times (London), 22 May 1912, p. 4a. 9. 'Suffragist Leaders Convicted: Sentence of Nine Months' Imprison• ment', The Times (London), 23 May 1912, p. 8c. 10. 'Suffragist Leaders Convicted: Sentence of Nine Months' Imprison• ment', The Times (London), 23 May 1912, p. 8c. II. 'The Outrages by Suffragists: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 4 March 1912, p. 4a. 12. Metcalfe, p. 194. 13. The Outrages by Suffragists: Police Court Proceedings', The Times (London), 4 March 1912, p. 4a. 14. 'Suffragists Sentenced: Five Years' Penal Servitude', The Times (Lon- don), 8 August 1912, p. 6c. 15. Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, p. 98. 16. Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, p. 277. 17. Quoted in Strachey, The Cause, p. 326. 18. 'Militant Threats: Secret Plans of Suffrage Societies', The Times (Lon• don), 28 January 1913, p. 6c. 19. 'Militant Threats: Secret Plans of Suffrage Societies', The Times (Lon• don), 28 January 1913, p. 6c. 20. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1912), 28 February 1913, p. 16. 21. 'Suffragette Defiance', The Times (London), 26 February 1913, p. lOb. 22. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, p. 8. 23. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, p. 8. 24. 'A New Form of Annoyance', The Times (London), 21 February 1913, p. 6c. 25. 'Fires on Golf Links: Another Insurance Scheme', The Times (London), 21 February 1913, p. 6c. 26. The Kew Gardens Outrage: One of the Defendants Committed for Trial', The Times (London), 28 February 1913, p. 8d. 27. Metcalfe, pp. 288-9. 28. See, generally, Mary Jane Capozzoli, '''Hysterical Fanatics": Sexual Ideology and the Passage of the Cat and Mouse Act in Great Britain', The Maryland Historian, Vol. 18, No. I (1987), pp. 31-44. 29. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, p. 20. 30. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, p. II. 210 Notes

31. Strachey, The Cause, p. 334. 32. Hume, p. 192. 33. Strachey, The Cause, p. 334. 34. Sandra Holton, Feminism and Democracy: Women's Suffrage and Reform Politics in Britain 1900-1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 97. 35. See Hume, pp. 196-7. 36. Minutes, N UWSS Executive Committee, 31 July 1913, p. 5. 37. Hume, p. 198. 38. David Rubinstein, A Different World for Women: the Life of Millicent Garrett Fawcett (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991), p.192. 39. Les Garner, Stepping Stones to Women's Liberty (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1984), p. 18. 40. Garner, Stepping Stones, p. 19. 41. Garner, Stepping Stones, p. 19. 42. Holton, pp. 95-6. 43. Minutes, NUWSS Executive Committee, 3 July 1913, p. 7, FLA. 44. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, The Women's Victory and After (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1920), p. 56. 45. Fawcett, The Women's Victory, p. 56. 46. Fawcett, The Women's Victory, p. 57. 47. Fawcett, The Women's Victory, p. 57. 48. Fawcett, The Women's Victory, p. 61. 49. Pankhurst, The Suffragette Movement, pp. 516-17. 50. Pankhurst, The Suffragette Moveme1lt, p. 517. 51. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, pp. 4-5. 52. 'Cathedral Disfigured: Suffragist Outrage at Birmingham', The Times (London), 16 March 1914, p. 8c. 53. 'Woman In a Lounge Suit: Sentence on Suffragist Visitor to the Com• mons', The Times (London), 18 March 1914, p. 5b. 54. 'Disturbances in Brompton Oratory: Two Women in Custody', The Times (London), 8 June 1914, p. 48a. 55. Metcalfe, pp. 318-19. 56. 'Attack on Mr. McKenna's House', The Times (London), 16 March 1914, p. 8c. 57. The Damaged Venus: Maximum Sentence on a Suffragist', The Times (London), 13 March 1914, p. 12e. The WSPU Annual Report says Mary Richardson's act gave 'to this picture a human and historic interest, which have given it new value as a national treasure.' The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, p.22. 58. 'A Fluent Prisoner: Suffragist Sentenced for Attempted Arson', The Times (London), 9 May 1914, p. 4f. 59. 'A Fluent Prisoner: Suffragist Sentenced for Attempted Arson', The Times (London), 9 May 1914, p. 4f. 60. The Women's Social and Political Union, Annual Report (1913), 28 February 1914, pp. 21-2. Notes 211

61. 'Court Cleared At Bow-Street: Magistrate Assailed With Missiles', The Times (London), 23 May 1914, p. 8b. 62. The Damaged Venus: Maximum Sentence on a Suffragist', The Times (London), 13 March 1914, p. 12e.

9. PATRIOTS AND FEMINISTS

I. Helena Swanwick, 'The Roots of Peace', in Cambridge Women's Peace Collective (eds.) My Country is the Whole World (London & Boston: Pandora Press, 1984) p. 126. 2. Anne Wiltsher, Most Dangerous Women: Feminist Peace Campaigners of the Great War (London: Pandora Press, 1985) pp. 22-3. 3. Richardson, p. 187. 4. Vera Brittain, Testament of Youth (London: Gollancz, 1933), p. 195. 5. Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, pp. 305-6. 6. Strachey, The Cause, p. 337. 7. The Suffragette, 7 August 1914, p. 301. 8. JusSuffragii, September 1914, p. 159. 9. The Englishwoman's Review, September 1914, p. 241. 10. The Common Cause, 14 August 1914, p. 386. II. Wiltsher, p. 38. 12. Swanwick, p. 83. 13. The Woman's Dreadnought, 8 August 1914, p. 82. 14. The Woman's Dreadnought, 12 September 1914, p. 103. 15. The Woman's Dreadnought, 15 August 1914, p. 85. 16. Sybil Oldfield, Spinsters of this Parish (London: Virago Press, 1984), p.189. 17. The Common Cause, 18 September 1914, p. 437. 18. Votes for Women, 7 August 1914, p. 680. 19. Votesfor Women. 7 August 1914, p. 680. 20. Jus Suffragii, I April 1915, p. 264. 21. Votesfor Women, 31 july 1914, p. 670. 22. Wiltsher, p. 70. 23. The Englishwoman, November 1914, p. 89. 24. The Comman Cause, 27 November 1914, p. 564. 25. The Common Cause, 2 July 1915, p. 175. 26. The Hague Congress of April 1915 became the founding conference of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, although this name was not adopted until 1919. Initially, 180 British women wanted to attend, but the Government restricted the number to 25. The Government then said the North Sea was closed to shipping. In the end, only three British women, who were already out of the country, managed to reach The Hague. 27. Jus Suffragii, 1 May 1915, p. 289. 28. The Common Cause, 23 April 1915, p. 32. 29. Strachey, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, p. 292. 30. The Suffragette, 16 April 1915, p. 6. 212 Notes

31. The Suffragette, 27 August 1915. 32. The Suffragette, 21 May 1915. 33. Not all in the WSPU saw this response to the war as the only option. At least two groups broke with the WSPU over their attitude towards the war and left to form the Independent WSPU and the Suffragettes of the WSPU. 34. The Woman's Dreadnought, 15 August 1914, p. 86. 35. Votes for Women, 7 May 1915, p. 260. 36. Votes for Women, 4 June 1915, p. 292. 37. Votes for Women, 4 June 1915, p. 292. 38. David Mitchell, Queen Christabel (London: MacDonald and Jane's, 1977), p. 249. 39. The Common Cause, 10 March 1916, p. 638. 40. The Common Cause, 17 December 1915, p. 487. 41. The Common Cause, 17 December 1915, pp. 486-7. 42. NUWSS Report, Jus Suffragii, September 1916, p. 175. 43. The Common Cause, 19 May 1916, p. 84. 44. 'Features of the Month', Jus Suffragii, October 1916, p. I. 45. Fawcett, What I Remember, pp. 227-9: 'The wave of appreciation of women's work and place in the world rose higher and higher and had permanent results; the value of it is felt in many directions; we see evidence of it in the greater courtesy extended to women every• where; in the greater appreciation of the value of infant life; in the greater willingness of men to share in and help women in their domestic work.' 46. The Englishwoman, July 1916, p. 42. 47. Jus Suffragii, March 1917, p. 82. 48. The Englishwoman, March 1917, p. 197. 49. The Britannia, 18 August 1916, p. 235. 50. The Britannia, 29 June 1917, p. 31.

10. AFTER THE VOTE WAS WON

I. The Englishwoman's Review, September 1916, p. 195. 2. The Common Cause, 15 February 1918, p. 573. 3. The Britannia, 29 June 1917, p. 32. 4. The Britannia, 22 March 1918, p. 395. 5. The Britannia, 13 September 1918, p. 124. 6. The Britannia, 22 March 1918, p. 395. 7. The Britannia, 30 August 1918, p. 107. 8. The Woman's Dreadnought, 18 December 1915. 9. The Woman's Dreadnought, 17 February 1917. 10. The Woman's Dreadnought, 16 February 1918. II. Pankhurst, Unshackled, p. 297. 12. Pankhurst, Unshackled, p. 299. 13. Rubinstein, p. 269. Notes 213

14. Christine Bolt, The Women's Movements in the Ullited States alld Britain from the 179005 to the 192005 (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf 1993), p. 271. 15. Quoted in Bolt, p. 272. 16. Jane Lewis, 'In Search ofa Real Equality: Women Between the Wars', in F. Gloversmith (ed.), Class, Culture and Social Change: A New View of the 1930s (Brighton: The Harvester Press, 1980). p. 208. 17. Billie Melman, Women and the Popular lmagillation in the Twenties (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1988), p. 6. 18. Noreen Branson, Britain in the Nineteen Twenties (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975), p. 213. 19. Quoted in Johanna Alberti, Beyond Suffrage: Feminists ill War and Peace, 1914-28 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1989), p. 124. 20. Harold L. Smith, 'British Feminism in the 1920s', in British Feminism in the Twentieth Century, ed. Harold L. Smith (London: Edward Elgar, 1990), p. 48. 21. Calling All Women, 12 May 1977 (Suffragette Fellowship Newsletter), Museum of London Suffragette Fellowship Collection. Bibliography

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

Autograph Collection, Fawcett Library Lydia Becker papers. Fawcett Library Museum of London Suffragette Fellowship Collection International Archief voor de Vrouwenbeweging (International Archive of the Women's Movement), Amsterdam

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS

Church League for Women's Suffrage The Common Cause Englishwoman's Review Englishwoman's Yearbook Free Church Suffrage Times Jus Suffragii The Anti-Suffrage Review The Suffragette/The Britannia The Times The Vote Votes for Women Women's Dreadnought Women's Franchise Women's Herald Women's Penny Paper Women's Signal Women's Suffrage Journal

PUBLISHED WORKS

A.J.R. (ed.), Suffrage Annual alld Women's Who's Who (London: Stanley Paul & Co., 1913) Alberti, Johanna, 'Inside Out: Elizabeth Haldane as a Women's Suffrage Survivor in the 1920s and I 930s' , Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 13, Nos. 1-2, 1990, pp. 117-25 Alberti, Johanna, 'The Turn of the Tide: Sexuality and Politics, 1928-31', Women's History Review, Vol. 3, No.2, 1994, pp. 169-90 Alberti, Johanna, Beyond Suffrage: Feminists ill War and Peace 1914-1928 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1989)

214 Bibliography 215

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Butler, Melissa A., and Jacqueline Templeton, 'The and the First Votes for Women', Women & Politics, Vol. 4, No.2, 1984, pp. 33-47 Caine, Barbara, ' and the Woman Question', History Workshop Journal, Vol. 14, 1982, pp. 23-43 Caine, Barbara, 'Feminism, Suffrage and the Nineteenth Century English Women's Movement', Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 5, No.6, 1982, pp. 537-50 Caine, Barbara, 'Feminist Biography and Feminist History', Women's History Review, Vol. 3, No.4, 1994, pp. 247-61 Capozzoli, Mary Jane, 'Hysterical Fanatics: Sexual Ideology and the Passage of the Cat and Mouse Act in Great Britain', Maryland Historian, Vol. 18, No. 1,1987, pp. 31-44 Castle, Barbara, Sylvia and Christabel Pankhurst (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1987) Chapman, A.B.W. and M.W., The Status of Women under the English Law (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1909) Chew, Ada Nield, Ada Nield Chew: the Life and Writings of a Working Woman (London: Virago, 1982) Close, David, 'The ColI apse of Resistance to Democracy: Conservatives, Adult Suffrage and Second Chamber Reform 1911-1918', Historical Journal, Vol. 20, No.4, 1977, pp. 893-918 Cobbe, Frances Power, The Life of Frances Power Cobbe as Told by Herself (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co. Ltd., 1904) Colmore, Gertrude, The Life of : An Outline (London: The Woman's Press, 1913) Cook, Chris and Brendan Keith, British Historical Facts 1830-1900 (London: Macmillan, 1975) Costin, Lela B., 'Feminism, , Internationalism and the 1915 Interna• tional Congress of Women', Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 5, Nos. 3-4, 1982, pp. 30 H 5 Cromwell, Valerie, 'Votes for Women in Britain: a Social or Political Problem?', Parliaments, Estates and Representation, Vol. 3, No. I, 1983, pp. 47-56 Davis, J., 'Slums and the Vote 1867-1890', Historical Research, Vol. 64, No. 155, 1991,pp. 375-88 Dicey, A.V., Letters to a Friend on Votes for Women (London: John Murray, 1909) Dodd, Kathryn, 'Cultural Politics and Women's Historical Writing: the Case of Ray Strachey's The Cause', Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 13, Nos. 1-2,1990, pp. 127-37 DuBois, Ellen Carol, 'Women's Suffrage and the Left" New Left Review, Vol. 186, 1991, pp. 20-45 DuBois, Ellen, The Radicalism of the Woman Suffrage Movement: Notes toward the Reconstruction of Nineteenth-Century Feminism', Feminist Stud• ies, Vol. 3,1975, pp. 63-71 Dyhouse, Carol, Feminism and the Family in England (Oxford: Basil BlackwelI, 1989) Emy, H.V., Liberals, Radicals, and Social Politics, /892-/914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973) Bibliography 217

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Actresses' Franchise League, 109 Coronation Procession, 127-8 Anderson, Elizabeth Garrett 2, 3, 5, Corrupt Practices Act, 57 32,101 Courtney, Leonard, 30-1, 53, 56 Anti-suffragists, 61-2 coverture, 5-6, 35, 63 Anti-Suffrage League, 114-16, 122 Custody of Infants Acts, 7, 38 in Parliament, 30-1, 65 Suffragists' attitudes toward, Davies, Emily, I, 2, 3, II 116-17, 122 Davison, Emily Wilding, 70, 145 see also, Mrs Humphry Ward Artists' Suffrage League, 108 East London Federation of Suffragettes (ELFS), 149-50 Becker, Lydia 10, 23, 35-6, 50, 63--4 postwar agenda of, 175 Birmingham Conference of 1896, and Representation of the People 67-8 Bill, 175-6 'Black Friday', 123--4 and World War 1,155,156-7, Bodichon, Barbara Leigh Smith, I, 163-4,176 3--4, 9-10, II East London Federation of the Bright, Jacob, 11,22,28,29,30--1,36, WSPU, 149 61 Education Act of 1870, 38 Election Fighting Fund (EFF), Cat and Mouse Act, see Prisoners' 133--4, 146, 147 Temporary Discharge for III• Election Fighting Policy, 132--4 Health Act Catholic Women's Suffrage Society, Fawcett, Henry, 10, 11,53-4 113 Fawcett, Millicent Garrett, 4, 10-11, Central Committee of the National 57, 181 Society for Women's Suffrage, and 1884 Reform Bill, 52 34,59,67 and International Woman Suffrage Chorlton v. Lings, 18-21 Alliance (lWSA), 109 Church League for Women's and militancy, 76, 81, 96,100-1, Suffrage, 110-11 102 Cobbe, Frances Power, 10-11, 23, 54 and Mrs Humphry Ward, 98, 115 Conciliation Bill as president of NUWSS, 97 of 1910, 118-22 retirement of, 176, 178 of 1911,125-6 and separate spheres, 43 of 1912,129-30,132 and suffrage during World War I, Conciliation Committee, 118, 132 167-8 Conference on Electoral Reform (the as suffrage leader, 64, 67, 97 Speaker's Conference), 167 and votes for married women, 61 constitutionalist suffragists Fawcett, Philippa, 63 attitude toward militants, 99-101 forcible-feeding, see hunger strikes see also, National Union of Forsyth, William, 29, 34-5 Women's Suffrage Societies Free Church League for Women Contagious Diseases Acts, 32-34 Suffrage, 112

224 Index 225

Friend's League for Women's political prisoner status of, 89 Suffrage, 112-13 and the public, 142-4 and 13 Charles II, 81-3, 87-8 Gladstone, W.E., 27,52-4 and truce of 1910, 118, 123 Guardianship of Infants Act, 179 and truce of 1911, 125, 130-1 and truce of 1913, 134 hunger strikes, 89-92, 144 and truce of 1914,152,156 see also, Women's Social and International Congress of Women at Political Union The Hague, 161 Mill, John Stuart, 2, 9,11-15 International Woman Suffrage municipal franchise, 37 Alliance (lWSA), 109, 155, 161 National Society for Women's Jewish League for Woman Suffrage, Suffrage, 34 113 National Union of Societies for Equal Citizenship (NUSEC), Kenney, Annie, 71-3, 75, 76, 82-3 172, 176, 178-9, 180 Kensington Ladies' Discussion National Union of Women's Suffrage Society, 4, 9 Societies (NUWSS) and Conciliation Bill of 1910, 119, Ladies' Petition, 2, 9-10 120,122 Langham Place Circle, 3-4 and Conciliation Bill of 1911, Leigh v. Gladstone et al., 91-2 125 Local Government Acts, 62-3 and Conciliation Bill of 1912, London Graduates' Union for 129-30, 132 Women's Suffrage, 108 cooperation with the WSPU by, London National Society for 120, 126-8 Women's Suffrage, 34 demonstrations by, 97-8, 120, 127-8,148 Married Women's Property Acts, 38 election policy of, 98, 133-4, 146-7 see also, women's suffrage and formation of, 68 married women growth of, 96, 99 Matrimonial Causes Acts, 39, 179 and Labour, 133, 146-7 Maxwell, Lily, 16-17 and militancy, 76, 99-101,132 militants pacifist faction of, 158-60 attempts to curb, 138, 144-5, 152 and party politics, 132-3 deputations to Parliament by, 75, postwar agenda of, 172-3 77-8, 81, 83, 84-5, 86 and Reform Bill of 1913, 134-5 and development of militancy, 71, and Representation of the People 73,85,92-3, 131-2 Bill, 169-70 early years of, 74, 76-7 and 'Special Effort Week', 98-9 hunger strikes by, see hunger tactics of, 97, 105-7 strikes and World WarI, 155, 156, 158-161 and incident at the Manchester non-militants, see constitutionalist Hall, 71-3 suffragists intensification of militancy by, 83-4,85-6,92, 136-7, 141, Pankhurst, Christabel, 142-4,150-1 in court, 84-5 and non-militants, 96-7 exile in , 138 226 Index

Pankhurst, Christabel (cont'd.) women Manchester Free Trade Hall advances by in nineteenth century, incident and, 71-3 37-9 Moral Crusade of, 145 advances by in 1920s, 179 post-suffrage career of, 177 appearance in public by, 25-6 and Sylvia Pankhurst, 149 and divorce, 6--7, 179 and World War 1,155,156,161-3, nineteenth-century ideas about, 170-1 8-9 as WSPU leader, 74, 81 ownership of property by, 5-6, 60 Pankhurst, Emmeline, rights of, 4-9, 179 arrest and trials of, 82, 84-5, 87-8, and work, 4, 5 138-9,144 Women Writers' Suffrage League, death of, 181 108 founding of WSPU and, 70-1 Women's Franchise League, 61 as leader of WSPU, 74, 81, 94 Women's Freedom League, 81 post-suffrage career of, 176-7 Women's Liberal Federation, 57, and votes for married women, 61 58-9 Pankhurst, Richard, 18, 36, 61, 70-1 Women's Party, 173-5, 177 Pankhurst, Sylvia, 74, 75 Women's Social and Political Union and ELFS, 149-50 (WSPU) post-suffrage career of, 177-8 attitude toward non-militants, 96--7 Pethick-Lawrence, Frederick and commitment of members to, 92-6 Emmeline, 77, 81,141-2,178 and Conciliation Bill of 1910, Primrose Dames, 57, 58 119-20, 122 Prisoners' Temporary Discharge for and Conciliation Bill of 1911, 126 III-Health Act, 144 and Conciliation Bill of 1912, Public meetings, 24,49-51 130-1 cooperation with the NUWSS, 126, Reform Act 127-8 of 1832, 7-8 and the courts, 78-80, 81-5, 87-8, of 1867, 8, 11-14, 17-21 91-2,124,131,137-41,150-2 of 1884, 51-4 deputation to Buckingham Palace, Reform Bill of 1913, 134-5 151 Representation of the People Act of formation of, 70 1917,167-9 militancy of, see militants peaceful demonstrations by, 83, 'separate spheres', 8-9, 14,42-3 122, 127-8 suffrage, see women's suffrage postwar agenda of, 173-5 Suffrage Atelier, 108-9 and Representation of the People suffragettes, see militants Bill, 170-1 'Self-Denial Week', 93-4 Tax Resistance League, 109-10 split with Pethick-Lawrences, Taylor, Helen 3, 9, II 141-2 split with Women's Freedom votes for women, see women's suffrage League, 81 tactics of, 71, 73, 76-7, 80-1, 95, Ward, Mrs Humphry, 61, 98,115 105-7 Wolstenholme-Elmy, Elizabeth, II, and World War 1,155,156,161-163 26, 36, 61 see also militants Index 227 women's suffrage 31; in 1883,31; in 1884,56; in accidental enfranchisement, 17~21 1885,56; in 1886,56; in 1887, arguments against, 13~14, 44~9, 66, 56; in 1888, 56; in 1889, 56; in 114 1890, 56; in 1891, 56; in 1892, arguments for, 12~13, 40--44, 168~9 65~6; in 1893,66; in 1894,66; beginnings of organized campaign, in 1895, 66; in 1896, 66; in 9~11 1897,69; in 1905, 71; in 1906, during World War I, 164~70 99; in 1907,99; in 1908,81,99 and married women, 29, 34~7, 60~1 and party politics, 15~16, 27, 28, in 1920s, 180-1 57~9, 132~3 in Parliament, see also Conciliation Women's Suffrage Joumal, 23--4, 64 Bill, Reform Act and Reform Woodall, William, 51~2, 60~1 Bills; in 1867, 9~14; in 1870, World War I 27; in 1871, 28~9; in 1872,29; outbreak of, 154 in 1873, 29; in 1874, 35; in and pacifist suffragists, 158~61 1877,30-1; in 1878,31; in suffragists' responses to, 154~ 7 1879,31; in 1881,31; in 1882, women's suffrage during, 164~70