Eleanor Roosevelt College Research Journal ISSUE 9 WINTER 2019 Table of Contents

Letter from the Editors 1 Chezy, Ela The Early Modern and the Secularization of the 2 Lara Sanli Meet Lara Sanli 8 Allison Kifer The Bare Minimum: UC San Diego’s Housing and Food Insecure Population 9 Sara Hwang

Meet Sara Hwang 13 Yuchen Wu Miscellaneous: A Collection of Art 14 Caitlin King Meet Caitlin King 15 Samantha Mah A Collection of Art 16 Lucie Samarvoka 19 Meet the Staff Letter from the Editors 1 Circuit has always been a space for celebrating the diverse strengths of our academic ERC com- C munity. With its recent involvement in the cam- H pus-wide “Smells Like Zine Spirit” zine festival, the journal has been making greater progress E in terms of stressing the criticality of creativity to the academic experience. In a world where- Z in we are taught that solutions are guaranteed Y through the method of tradition, the process of approaching problems, inside and outside In this last quarter of the year, we must reflect of the classroom, has become an exercise of a on what has happened in 2018. At Circuit, it’s narrow nature. Our mental faculties often too our goal to gather research--our source of data, readily accept that there is only one solution to analyses, empirical studies, and writings--that one problem, and that there is only one way of is emblematic of such reflections. At the higher tackling one problem. This specifically, is why education scale, however, students’ voices and the innovation of art must be stressed. reflections are often shadowed by that of grad- uate students and faculty. Art teaches us to create. Having license to ex- press the world as one views his or her political, Thus, we work hard in Circuit to create a plat- social, and economic environments, allows us to form for undergraduate research. Our Fall 2018 take a stand against the injustice of seeing the issue is especially vocal about troubles during world and its issues through just one lens. We our time--our cover design, indeed, comes are encouraged by art to think about ourselves, from our first published photo series, which and our world, as well as its issues, creatively. discusses south Asian beauty standards. In becoming a more accessible platform for We must work together to amplify our peers’ artists and creators to share their works, Circuit insights. Yes, graduate and faculty research has become part of a greater movement to ad- holds immense value, but so do ours. Being vocate from the importance of a creative educa- that we are the next generation of profession- tion - and that, is something that I will always be als, it is us who have a say in the information that defines us, and of course ultimately our world. There’s many ways to pull off this ampli- fication--and our style is publishing real under- grads’ (maybe even yours!) papers and getting E to know the intelligent person behind them. L Thank you for taking the time to pick up our A journal, and thank you if you’re reading this. We truly hope you may find intriguing things in here. 2 The Early Modern Istanbul Coffeehouse and the Secularization of the Ottoman Empire by Lara Sanli The coffeehouse is an informal space in which people convene to drink , socialize, and exchange ideas (McKay 2007). While many believe that intellectual coffeehouse culture developed during the eighteenth century European Enlightenment, it actually originated in early modern Istanbul and inspired the Enlightenment thinkers who received recognition for coffeehouse culture (Karababa and Ger 2011). Due to sixteenth century Ottoman trade prosperity, Istanbul became a hub for merchants trading coffee and ideas (Ervin 014).2 This diversity, cultural exchange, and fusion of ideas brought about by trade allowed Istanbul to develop as an ideal place for . Within these coffeehouses, class hierarchies dissolved as the rich and poor interacted with each other (McKay 2007). Educated men shared their knowledge with poorer men, and new ideas—many of which threatened the security of the government—began to spread (McKay 2007). Additionally, the coffeehouse developed as a public space completely separate from the (Ervin 2014). It was not affiliated with Islam at all, and it thus contributed to the spread of non-religious ideas and behaviors. This is an anomaly because the Ottoman Empire was Muslim and the mosque was the center of religious, social, and governmental life. In this way, the secular coffeehouse conflicted with the religious government. This observation led me to ask the following question: How did the development of the early modern Istanbul coffeehouse shape society within the Ottoman Empire? Although scholars such as Alain Mikhail believe that the early modern Istanbul coffeehouse reinforced preexisting Ottoman values, it actually introduced new values that influenced the secularization and modernization of the Ottoman Empire. This is evidenced by the development of the coffeehouse as a non-religious space, the exchange of new ideas within the coffeehouse, and the multiple resistance efforts against government coffeehouse bans. Scholars such as Alain Mikhail claim that the coffeehouse actually reinforced Ottoman traditions and did not change culture or politics. For example, Mikhail believes that coffeehouses “offered their male clientele a substitute for a selamlik, the name given to the section of the house reserved for men of the family to greet and socialize with their guests” (Mikhail 2014). Within the private sphere of the Ottoman household, men and women were traditionally separated into two 3 different spaces. As the portion of the household uniquely reserved for men, the selamlik embodied Ottoman traditionalism by reinforcing these separate spheres according to gender distinctions. The layout of Ottoman houses, therefore, excluded women from participating in the worldly activities of men. The selamlik embodied this gender hierarchy, a hierarchy which was similarly repeated in the construction of the Ottoman coffeehouse. The coffeehouse was also a gendered space, and Mikhail argues that the men-only structure of these new coffeehouses was too similar to the structure of domestic sphere to be considered unorthodox. For example, women were excluded from the coffeehouse. They were barred from any attempts at the intellectual discussion that went on in the coffeehouse, but occasionally allowed to enter the space only for the purpose of entertainment and appearing as exotic dancers (Mikhail 2014). Mikhail argues that the lack of women in this space mirrored the traditional separation of men and women in the Ottoman household. Therefore, according to Mikhail, the coffeehouse did not radically change the structure of Ottoman societal life. Instead of creating a revolutionary public sphere separate from the domestic sphere, the coffeehouse simply recreated the selamlik, or the male domestic sphere, in a different space. While Mikhail’s argument is plausible, it has several weaknesses. Even though women were excluded from the coffeehouse just as they were excluded from the selamlik, coffeehouses actually achieved substantial social progress in the area of class relationships. For this reason, the dissolution of class relationships was more significant than Mikhail’s observation about the unchangeability of Ottoman gender relations. Coffeehouses were not exclusive, as Mikhail argues, but they were actually socially inclusive. Whereas men typically invited other men of the same class into their private selamliks, the coffeehouse was a place for men of all social classes. People transcended class borders as they interacted with new and diverse people, and this fusion of different backgrounds deviated from traditional Ottoman attitudes frowning upon inter- class interactions. Indeed, the coffeehouse was not a private space— it was a public one: “It is certain that the first coffeehouses were public centers open to the all segments of society. In a short period of time, coffee as a substance and the coffeehouse as an institution acquired a recognition among the city inhabitants from different social strata in Istanbul” (Yasar 2003). General openness of the coffeehouse to men of all social levels led to different classes interacting with each other. The dissolution of class distinctions initiated the beginnings of a boundless society, which is relevant because class distinctions were a traditional component of the structure of Ottoman society. This introduction of new social values contributed to the secularization of the 4 Ottoman Empire by making people more willing to interact with others and share diverse ideas. The coffeehouse further contributed to the secularization of the Ottoman Empire by emerging as a non-religious space separate from the religious government. This is notable because the mosque had previously been at the center of traditional Ottoman society. As a result, it “[was] plagued by social obligations” everyone was expected to follow (Ervin 2014). Within the mosque, men were expected to conduct themselves with discipline and in accordance with traditional religious principles. For example, they were expected to follow formulaic prayer recitations, be present in silence, and dress in a particular way before God (Ervin 2014). Life revolved around the mosque, and religious values permeated into the social sphere so that all personal conduct was held to these religious standards. However, the religious nature of Ottoman society was gradually replaced with a more secular one as the coffeehouse developed as a space separate from the mosque. Free from the constraints of the mosque’s guidelines, men were free to engage in non-religious activities typically frowned upon by the mosque: “Within the coffeehouse strict rules were less applicable and many classes were able to freely gather and exchange ideas” (Ervin 2014). Their interactions were largely intellectual and relating to the exchange of ideas, many of which were controversial for challenging religious doctrine and the traditional religious authority of the government. Because the coffeehouse was not a religious space, it was not necessary to follow any religious rules when interacting with others in there. Men thus began to engage in leisurely activities, which included games such as backgammon and other forms of entertainment such as watching female dancers (Ervin 2014). Additionally, the increased time spent on leisurely activities contributed to the overall loosening up of Ottoman society as it started to move away from tradition. Therefore, the development of the coffeehouse as a non-religious social sphere created lasting social change that challenged the religious tradition embedded in Ottoman society. The exchange of new ideas similarly contributed to the modernization of the Ottoman Empire. The dissolution of social hierarchies within the coffeehouse caused people of different social backgrounds to interact and share their ideas with each other: “The coffeehouse performed as the only public space for bachelors and poorer inhabitants who lodged in very limited dwellings, while it served a principal location for the social, political, and cultural discourses of the Ottoman elite. It provided a zone of interactions between these two” (Ozkocak 2007). The coffeehouse therefore challenged the traditional class stratification of Ottoman society and gave men of all backgrounds opportunities to engage in thoughtful conversation. However, due 5 to their different backgrounds, the many men in the coffeehouse most likely possessed different opinions, worldviews, and levels of education. The highly educated probably guided the conversations and taught the less-educated about worldly matters such as politics and culture. Many of these new ideas were threatening to the established governmental order, which was predicated upon religion and traditionalism. Critical discussion therefore led poorer citizens to question the typicalities of Ottoman society and become more aware of the injustices of the government. In fact, the government actually attempted to control coffeehouse discourse because it threatened political authority: “The authorities feared that the general populace could be provoked, probably by the elite, into using their reason to make critical judgment against the state...” (Ozkocak 2007). Educated citizens possessed the willingness to challenge government traditionalism, and their constructive dialogue inspired others to deviate from traditional ways. This inter-class dialogue resulted in the spread of progressive ideas that the lower classes had never before been exposed to. However, these new ideas were also considered too radical by the Ottoman government, which resisted the spread of any ideas that challenged its authority. Yet all of this constructive dialogue came about because of coffeehouse culture. The coffeehouse, therefore, was responsible for causing the rise of public discontent with the government. It initiated the slow progress towards modernizing the government to be more secular and less involved with religious matters. The government’s increasing restrictions on coffeehouses caused a rise in civil dissatisfaction, which marked a drastic change from the typical passivity of traditional Ottoman citizens who had once blindly accepted their government and its traditional, religious rulings. As mentioned, the coffeehouse was a revolutionary public space that allowed for the exchange of ideas, many of which challenged this traditional religious authority. Because more citizens were becoming aware of the flaws with their hyper-religious government, various rulers of the Ottoman Empire repeatedly attempted to shut down coffeehouses in order to curtail the exchange of such threatening ideas (Karababa and Ger 2011). For example, one of the laws of the time explicitly states that “the city’s rakes, rogues and vagabond boys gather [at coffeehouses] to consume opium and hashish. On top of this, they drink coffee and, when they are high, engage in games and false sciences, and neglect the prescribed prayers” (Imber). The condescending wording of this particular law belittled the lower-class citizens who participated in coffeehouse culture. It focused directly on what the government perceived to be the negative effects of coffeehouses, such as secular “games” and “sciences” that challenged the religious tradition rooted in the government, and sought 6 to eradicate any threats to government authority. These anti-coffeehouse laws, and this one in particular, thus equated the coffeehouse with dishonor and declared it a plague to Ottoman society. Yet despite these legislative attempts by the government to eradicate the source of intellectual exchange, “the repetitions of the sixteenth-century bans on coffeehouses, the reissuance of the decree reordering the governor to abolish coffeehouses, the apparent inability of the kadıs [judge] to contain illicit coffeehouse activities, and the circumvention of sumptuary laws all reveal that the consumers did not obey the laws and regulations. Instead, they persevered in attending the coffeehouses and demanding its pleasures” (Karababa and Ger 2011). Even though the Ottoman government repeatedly implemented these coffeehouse bans, the people were so invested in coffeehouse culture that they blatantly ignored government rulings against them. The government’s inability to enforce its rulings demonstrates the effectiveness of citizen disobedience and also shows how the coffeehouse was important for encouraging the spread of ideas. If the coffeehouses hadn’t exposed Ottoman citizens to different perspectives that contributed to the spread of progressive ideas, citizens most likely would not have resisted government actions. Therefore, citizen disobedience of these anti-coffeehouse laws marked the first step in the modernization of the Ottoman Empire because people were inspired to move away from traditional state authority. The coffeehouse was a unique social space that ultimately changed the ways in which the Turks perceived their society and their government. Whereas most other thinking pertaining to this topic focuses on the significance of the coffeehouse as a social sphere, this paper takes this idea of the coffeehouse as a social space and goes more into depth by examining how the ideas spread through the coffeehouse modernized Ottoman society and government. However, further research on this topic could be done by examining primary sources in Arabic and Turkish. Research for this paper was limited to sources in English, but most of the significant information about coffeehouses during this period was actually not written in English. Therefore, my research is not as holistic as that of a scholar who might have consulted a more diverse array of sources. Despite this, my research demonstrates how the early modern Istanbul coffeehouse inspired a shift away from the traditional, religious values of the government towards the progressive values that would contribute to the secularization and modernization of the Ottoman Empire. First, the coffeehouse developed as a uniquely non-religious space. Because it was separate from the mosque, men partook in leisurely activities typically looked down upon by unwavering religious principles. This introduced secular values to Ottoman citizens living under religious rule. Second, the exchange of new ideas within the coffeehouse contributed to the decline of class barriers. Men both rich and poor convened to discuss political and cultural issues, and their exchange of 7 ideas created a more progressive culture which in turn influenced the third factor contributing to secularization: the multiple resistance efforts against government coffeehouse bans. The rise of civil society demonstrated citizen willingness to challenge traditional authority, and it thus created a more secular society. In this case, the cultural sphere of the coffeehouse had substantial influence over the social and political spheres as well. place, it is also important to ask: Which parts of the community are being contacted? The concept that “all history is local” (Castillo 2007) defines the truth that the largest generalizations of the past are based on interpretations of local events. But the surest way to alienate a traditionally disadvantaged neighborhood is to completely ignore its past. This regressive approach at policy can be best exemplified in San Diego, California. Despite the rich, ethnic Mexican heritage prevalent in this Southern Works Cited CalifornianErvin, Marita. region, “Coffee local and the U.S. Ottoman economic Social Sphere.” and Universitypolitical of Pugetleaders Sound, have 7 “consistently May 2014,ignored soundideas.pugetsound.edu/history_theses/10. the ways in which the region is connected to Mexico”Imber, (Castillo Colin, translator. 2007). Ebu’s-Su`Ud: Through the Islamica combination Legal Tradition. of Stanford military University personnel Press, 1997. Karababa, Emınegül, and Gülız Ger. “Early Modern Ottoman Coffeehouse Culture and the Formation of the Consumer Subject.” Journal of Consumer Research, vol. 37, no. 5, 1 Feb. 2011, pp. 737–760., doi:https://doi.org/10.1086/656422. McKay, John P. A History of World Societies. Houghton Mifflin, 2007. Mikhail, Alan. “Gender, Urban Space and the Ottoman Coffee House.” Ottoman Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the Eighteenth Century, edited by Dana Sajdi, I.B. Tauris, 2014, pp. 133–170. Ozkocak, Selma Akyazici. “Coffeehouses: Rethinking the Public and Private in Early Modern Istanbul.” Journal of Urban History, vol. 33, no. 6, Sept. 2007, pp. 965–986. EBSCO, Historical Abstracts, journals.sagepub.com/doi/ pdf/10.1177/0096144207304018. Yasar, Ahmet. “The Coffeehouses in Early Modern Istanbul: Public Space, Sociability and Surveillance.” Bogazici University, 2003. 8 Meet Lara Sanli

The smell of freshly roasted coffee. Soft jazz music playing in the background. The clink of spoons stir- ring everyone’s favorite addiction. These are mostly likely the images that come to mind when thinking of a coffeehouse. Coffeehouses have been apart of culture and societal movements for hundreds of years. However, many believe that the source of these coffeehouses lie in Europe’s Enlightenment. Second year Lara Sanli elabo- rates on why this Eurocentric assertion is misleading and fails to recognize coffeehouses’ roots in other cultures. If given the opportunity to select a geographic region for study, Lara always chooses Turkey. As her father is from Turkey and she has visited many times, Lara has found that Turkey “is often misunderstood” due to the conflicting perceptions that surround it. Some people believe Turkey is too much like Europe to be consid- ered Asian, while others disagree that Turkey is too different than Europe to be regarded as such. Lara chose to write “Coffeehouses and Culture” for her MMW 13 class as there is always something to say about our interna- tional view on Turkish history. The salons of the Enlightenment were highly inspired by the Turkish coffeehouse, which was “a unique social space that ultimately changed the ways in which the Turks perceived their society and their government.” As Istanbul was the center of trade, diverse thought was exchanged like commodities to all people of differing religious, political, and societal backgrounds. In today’s coffee shops, there still is misinformation about and culture. Lara explains that are mislabeled as Turkish for solely being “strong” while in actuality; Turkish coffee relies heavily on its importance in the household. Lara fondly remembers gathering in her home around an ornate Turkish coffee set. “Turkish coffee is the central piece in a household,” she says, “Making it was such an ordeal to my family.” The image of a coffeehouse, both in the past and in the present, is rooted in bias whether it stems from flaws in our education system or society’s misrepresentation. Lara’s essay stresses the importance of the Turkish per- spective and asks the reader to not only reimagine the coffeehouse, but also how Eurocentrism has affected our understanding of the world. The Bare Minimum: 9 UC San Diego’s Housing and Food Insecure Population by Sara Hwang The University of California system is often considered to be the pinnacle of public higher education, with a set of extensive resources to match its esteem throughout its nine subsidiaries. The University of California, San Diego ranks among the highest in the UC system and is connected to a network of economic and social assets claimed to be widely available to those who end up attending. The reality of the university’s supporting reach, however, is far less than what is touted. UC San Diego has a housing and food-insecure population, with a reported fourth of students “‘somewhat to very often’ [skipping] meals to save money,” despite the number of existing programs on campus created to reduce such instances (Hosch et al. 2016). Although this is not an uncommon phenomenon, with a reported “36% of university students [being] food insecure” nationally, UC San Diego is still a hub for similar student living conditions, even with the university’s purported efforts to provide for those in need (Romo 2018). The main aspects that have created the university’s housing and food insecure population include the high tuition and costs attributed to being a college student and the lack of helpful efficacy in the resources that are said to be readily available. Overall, these issues contributing to the problem are all connected, from the class structure and socio-economic statuses of those most affected, along with the chances of gaining social mobility and capital, to the pitfalls regarding a bureaucratic institution in how much it can and is willing to do with the resources it possesses. College students face many economic obstacles, and although public institutions are far cheaper than their private counterparts, the costs are often still out of bounds for many attendees and their families. Just last year, UC San Diego raised its tuition about 2.5%, an almost $300 increase per year, for in-state students, with their out- of-state peers facing a $1,668 increase (Stone 2017). Although the university stated that financial aid would pay for the majority of impending costs, not all students receive the same amount of help from the school, and the benefits to come out of increases such as this are not felt equally throughout the student body. According to the university’s UCUES 2016 Report, over half of sampled students are somewhat to very often “worried about [their] debt and financial circumstances,” along with around one in fourteen recorded students occasionally to constantly having “inconsistent access to housing... or [are experiencing] homelessness.” These are not insignificant numbers, bringing up legitimate questions about how tuition costs are used and distributed to resources across campus. Also, tuition alone does not encompass all of the expenses that it takes to go to UC San Diego, as there are other fees such as housing, food, textbooks, classroom materials, transportation, along with the 10 individual’s own financial wants and needs outside of school (UC San Diego 2018). For California residents, these can add up to range from $24,000 to $31,000, and for non-California students, these costs often rival those of a private school anywhere in the nation, creating harsh economic boundaries for students (UC San Diego 2018). In the aforementioned 2016 UCUES Report, over a third of UC San Diego students are from lower-to-working class families, and even with financial aid provided, 43.1% of the overall surveyed students still find the cost of attending the university somewhat to strongly financially unreasonable. According to this same report, one population that also falls into the struggling percentage is the 40% of students at the university who come from a middle-class background, with many of them being at an economic bracket that prevents them from receiving financial aid, despite their families not being fully or even partially able to put them through school (Hosch et al. 2016). Overall, these statistics reveal stark inequalities that impact sections of the student body differently, with those of poorer economic statuses purportedly receiving the most financial help, yet responses in monetary insecurity spreading beyond than the ones recorded from the lower to working-class population found at the university. The sheer cost it takes to be a successful or even functioning student at UC San Diego inhibits a large population of undergraduates from having stability in their financial means, impacting the quality of experience for those who cannot go beyond what they are fiscally capable of. Another factor that hinders the university’s housing and food insecure population from receiving help is the general lack of publicity, awareness, and assistive reach for programs that have been established to provide resources for students. According to a report on student food and housing statistics done by the university’s Basic Needs Insecurity Committee, there are at least a dozen programs on campus that can provide students with food and housing, ranging from the Triton Food Pantry, which helps “an average of 230 students” with securing some food weekly, to the Emergency Loan Program which can help provide financial aid to students needing immediate money for “food and housing needs” (Hosch et al. 2016). Although these programs do exist and are helpful to an extent of the student body, even the UC San Diego’s report acknowledges that “increased campus awareness and marketing” is necessary for both better student utilization and also the preservation of these resources (Hosch et al. 2016). As a result of a lack of the general student body’s familiarity with these programs, the 2016 UCUES report states that 39% of students sometimes to often are “worried whether [their] food would run out before [they] got money to buy more,” while 28.3% of students bought food that “just didn’t last... and... didn’t have money to get more.” With around a third of the student population facing these problems on a regular basis, it brings into question the effectiveness and reach of the programsUC San Diego has 11 created, along with whether enough support is given from the university, both in funds and promotion. One large aspect in looking at how effective these programs are is through analyzing who actually benefits from their utilization, which involves how social mobility is diminished for those who are housing and food insecure. Overall, it is heavily acknowledged that spikes in tuition and general costs “cater to the often... affluent [population] that [universities] can successfully attract,” creating a “growing mismatch between what many four-year institutions provide and what most Americans seeking higher education need” (Armstrong and Hamilton 2013). This indicates that, overall, public universities such as UC San Diego are built with the intentions to provide the best pathways to success for the majority of students who can front the bill in the first place, while those who come in with less often are left without both the economic and social capital to have futures that are just as bright as their richer counterparts. UC San Diego, with its diverse demographic regarding both race and economic strata, hosts a problem for students who come in with every intention to do well, but struggle financially to equip themselves with what they need for success both in and outside the classroom. For many UC San Diego students facing housing and food insecurity, or simply trying to pay for their expenses, around a third end up increasing their student loans or working jobs that can cut into class time, along with a fifth taking up “debt... on [their] credit card,” making it harder for them during college and after graduation (UCUES 2016). This affects the food and housing insecure population in the amount of rigor it takes to complete university, along with impeding the quality of education received due to the impact of stress from not having the resources to get through college with the assurance and security of one’s basic needs (Hosch et al. 2016). Overall, the housing and food insecurity problem that UC San Diego faces is not an isolated instance, but is still one of high impact for a significant number of students. People choose to go to university because it offers the promise of a better future, but when one’s living situation hangs in the balance, it is hard to reap much benefit simply because the preservation of oneself is extremely difficult without proper shelter or nutrition. UC San Diego can attribute a lot of its housing and food insecure issues to the expenses needed to get through an undergraduate career, whether one is a California resident or not, along with the limited publicity and credible impact of programs upon the student body. Within these two facets lie several roots of inequality, ranging from the socioeconomic situations of students to the infrastructure of UC San Diego’s policies, all which need to be addressed in the solutions that the university comes up with to better the situations of its students. pattern and reconstruction of the ballroom contributed to the Enlightenment’s destruction of classical British social order. 12 Breakdown of social order can also Worksbe seen Cited in how the masses viewed the waltz. Armstrong, Elizabeth A. and Laura T. Hamilton. Paying for the Party: How College Enlightenment Maintains Inequality.ideologies Harvard mixed University with drasticPress. 2013. social and economic changes to allow“Costs people of Attendance of the for middle Undergraduates class to 2018-2019.” participate University in leisure of California, activity San and aim to morally Diego. improve August themselves. 2018. This social phenomenon can be seen in various Hosch, Katie et al. “Report on Food and Housing Insecurity at UC San Diego.” UC San arenas ofDiego middle Basic Needsclass Insecurity English Committee. life, such July as 2016.in changing family values. For example,Romo, Vanessa. there “Hunger was a and new Homelessness emphasis Are on Widespread woman’s Among responsibility College to maintain her family’s Students, appearance Study Finds.”of good National breeding. Public Radio, In a Inc.similar April 2018. vein, members of middle Stone, Ken. “UCSD Tuition Rising 1st Time in 6 Years—to $11,502.” Times of San class foundDiego. that January they 2017. could also afford the time to attempt learning the waltz (McKay“UCUES 2015). 2016 UC The San Diegorising Campus middle Report.” class University saw dancing of California, as their San Diego. ticket into the world of politeNovember society. 2016. The waltz created a metaphorical bridge across the impossibly wide chasm of class distinction. By learning the waltz well, a “nobody” could climb the social ladder. Buckland quotes Earl of Chesterfield’s 1783 etiquette instruction as evidence: “‘Next to good breeding is genteel manners and carriage Meet Sara Hwang 13 by Yuchen Wu Sara Hwang is a third-year Global Health and Sociology double major. This unique combination gives her the tools to study how teams of people can work together efficiently to look for solutions to certain issues and understand how people’s beliefs change as the society keeps moving forward. She finds it interesting to apply the methods of re- search to global health, where she focuses on creating and implement- ing programs for certain populations to better address their specific health happenings. This paper, The Bare Minimum: UC San Diego’s Housing and Food Insecure Population is her work for SOCI 139, Social Inequality: Class, Race and Gender. For her, it was an opportunity to think deeper and in a more nuanced way about how a lot of universities are by nature catered towards students with higher socioeconomic status while creating a disadvantage for those with lower socioeconomic background in many different ways as soon as they come in. According to the only survey Hwang could find in a report writ- ten two years ago, about one-fourth of the students at UCSD face some degree of food or housing insecurity. Even though there aren’t much substantial evidences, especially quantitative ones about the population, she can sense the realness of this issue when she sees the long line outside of the Food Co-op and witnesses some of her friends only able to afford cheap and basic subsistence lacking proper nutrition, such as instant noodles from time to time. The high standards of living and consumption in La Jolla and the lack of affordable choices on campus both contribute to this problem, but UCSD is not an isolated instance. “College students in America definitely face this problem on a higher level.” Hwang Said. Given the lack of formal research on this topic, Hwang would like to work with a team and take a closer look into this issue sometime in the future, gathering data and using formal quantitative analysis. This could be an important step forward to shedding light on what measures the school can take to provide those students with the resources they need. Hwang has also been involved in outreach and volunteer work to address this issue. She is part of a pre-health fraternity on campus that has done community-based projects and volunteered at local food banks. She also encourages students with such concerns to reach out and ask for help, because UCSD has much resources to offer, but they can sometimes go unnoticed because of the nature of the administrative system. There is also another side of this picture, which involves campus management and development. According to the expansion plans of UCSD, we are going to have seventh and eighth college in six or seven years and with that will come another round of increase in enrollment. However, Hwang believes it is more important to focus on serv- ing the current student body. “We don’t necessarily have a housing crisis now where students can’t live on campus during their first year, but we may have come to a point where we are expanding too much.” It is also worth noticing that UCSD is among the public schools with a higher level of social mobility, which means that it accepts more students with lower socio-economic status. “It would be great if we keep accepting more students form marginalized communities, but the school also needs to focus on getting them the resources they need to succeed. Currently, there are many resource centers, such as the psychological services, that are un- derstaffed and overworked, so they can be hard to reach, which is frustrating.” Hwang also has a part-time job working as an administrative assistant for one of the offices on campus. She finds it exciting to learn about the workings of this campus and hopefully ways to improve them as well. “That’s something we shall all hinking about. Even though we are only here for four years, it would be great to keep striving for change to make sure that the students coming in are going to have a better time than we did here and get more prepared for their future endeavors.” Miscellaneous: 14 A Collection of Art by Caitlin King

ClouD Koi Fish

Flower head (as seen on cover) Meet Caitlin King 15 Interview by Samantha Mah

Without a doubt, it is clear that Caitlin King is a talented artist. While already an extremely skilled designer for the ERC Circuit, Caitlin has made it clear that she was already an enviable artist long before she made her im- pact at UCSD. A second-year International Business major,she was very humble about her beautiful artwork. While I had initially assumed that they were created electronically through Photoshop—as tends to be the norm for many artists due to ease of resources, Caitlin surprised me by informing me that they were all created using her favorite mediums—pen, ink, paints, and prismacolor colored pencils, a lifelong staple for many traditional artists. Art—and drawing especially—have been a skill that Caitlin has nurtured almost her entire life, and the three drawings previously displayed are an ample display of that. While the colorful, joyful koi fish was a cre- ation made for her own fun, the other two were ones that she stated she made for her high school studio art class. “I had to do a concentration,” she told me, “which is where you choose a theme where you have to do twelve different art pieces.” In it, she would have to mix different mediums, colors, and themes to meet the quota that her teacher had given her. With this in mind, Caitlin decided to forge her own path with each one and choose to give them all a unique flair that is instantly recognizable and appreciable in each one that she created. For the girl with her head dreamily in the clouds, her head inked with pen but her hair and thoughts delicately painted with acrylic paints to great effect, she stated that she wanted to go for an eccentric air. At the same time, she went to great effort to ensure that the woman depicted wouldn’t be recognizable, but instead be an average, regular-looking girl that would fit in with any crowd. For the girl with flowery hair, Caitlin stated that this piece was inspired by the elegant aesthetics of Pinterest, though in the art that she drew inspiration from, the girls were illustrated with variously different color schemes and glasses. As for the koi fish that was made for fun, she stated that it was more of a focus on the bright colors as contrasted with warm and cool tones. When I asked her which one was her favorite, she admitted that while everyone likes the girl with flowers in her hair the most, her personal favorite is the koi fish primarily because of the effort that she went to make the gradient of colors work with the ideas that she had intended for it. After that, her second favorite was the girl with her head in the clouds, followed by the girl with flowers in her hair. When I asked Caitlin whether or not she was interested in using art in her post-college career, she stated thatshe had an interest in marketing that she felt her artistic capabilities could definitely find some application with. Besides that, she stated that she finds her skills therapeutic, and intends to continue to hone and perfect her craft throughout and after college—something which is as admirable as the incredible talent that she al- ready has. A Photography collection by Lucie 16 Samarkova Lucie Samarvoka takes viewers through an array of unique art styles with her showcase. Everything included in her showcase was handmade, drawn, sewn, or photographed by Samarvoka herself. She attended City College and Mesa College in San Diego where she created all of the highlighted artwork before transferring. At UCSD, she hopes to experiment in studio arts while still working with hands-on material. HANDMADE SCULPTURES

Samarvoka created both of these sculptures herself out of materials around her home. When she finds an intriguing object that is peculiar or otherwise overlooked, she collects them to use in future art projects.

ABSTRACT PHOTOGRAPHY As she is a self-taught photographer, Samarvoka ex- periments with light and color to add emphasis to her abstract layouts. A mess of broken chalks and crayons on the backdrop of gray pavement caught her eye in the parking lot of the San Diego Zoo. Generally Samarvoka doesn’t name her work, but she believed it was appropri- ate to title this piece: “My Life is a Mess”. In the second photo, the sun umbrella’s color that was faded by the sun caught her eye. Art does not have to have a solid meaning or theme, Samarvoka argues, but can simply have intriguing features that should be captured. Lucie’s Collection Continued 17 MORE ABSTRACT PHOTOGRAPHY DRAWN AND SEWN

Samarvoka was born in the Czech Republic before she moved to New York and eventually San Diego. The three cranes that she sewed, she explains, are homage to older times in her home country. In the past, buildings would be labeled with signs not described by words, but by images based on aesthetic or the occupation of the inhabitant. LINOCUTS AND ZINC PLATE ETCHING

Linocuts and zinc plate etching were both new art styles Samarvoka was introduced to in college. The image of a cold winter’s night in the Czech Republic is juxtaposed with the warm and inviting colors of yellow, orange, and pink. By engraving the snow and buildings on top of the background of black night, Samarvoka is able to catch the eye with this unique form of printmaking. 18 MORE LINOCUTS AND ZINC PLATE ETCHING MeetMEET the THE staff STAFF19

Ela Barreno EDITOR IN CHIEF Major: Literatures in English Minor: History 4th Year Mikaela Barreno is passionate about good Chezy David food and stimulating questions over cups EDITOR IN CHIEF of matcha. She believes firmly in the value Double Major in Lit/Writing and of the diversity of the human experience English Literature and is a firm advocate of women and 4th Year children’s rights. She is extremely proud Chezy loves drowning in coffee and of Circuit’s growth as a publication, and writing. She’s currently completing could not be happier to participate in a capstone senior project in creative an organization that consciously fosters writing while trying to balance work, greater academic discourse among school, and the turbulent storm that students. is full time job searching. As the edi- tor-in-chief along with Ela, she’s excit- ed to see how Circuit grows this year and is pushing to find new ways to garner the much-needed attention for our peers’ research. 20 Meet the staff

Allison Kifer HEAD WRITER Major: Molecular Biology Minor: Writing 2nd Year Allison spends her time either in a coffee shop writing or outside rock climbing. She is hoping to publish one day and wishes to expand to her writing skill through Circuit.

(Jasmine) Yuchen Wu WRITER Double Major: Environmental Systems (Environmental Policy) & Management Science 4th Year Yuchen enjoys reading, writing, photography and music in her spare time. Being a writer on the Circuit enables her to meet new people who share similar passion. She finds getting to know and share other people’s

Brianna Lehane HEAD DESIGNER Cognitive Science, B.S. 3rd Year Brianna is pleased to be expanding her graphic design skills on the design/layout team for the ERC Circuit. Brianna can also be found trying different workout classes in SD, working for UCSD’s Graduate Division as a social media coordinator, and getting experimental in the kitchen with her apartmentmates on the weekends. Meet the staff21

Cora Becker HEAD COPY EDITOR Double major: Global Health & Sociocultural Anthropology 3rd Year Cora is glad to be on the Circuit staff to fur- ther develop her editing skills in an academ- ic environment. In her free time, she enjoys reading historical fiction, playing guitar, and exploring San Diego.

Lily Venturino COPY EDITOR/CoO REP Major: Writing Minor: French 2nd Year Lily loves writing, art, wearing eclectic earrings, and creating music; especially playing the bass. Most of the time, she can be found curled up in a quirky coffee shop with a good book, or going on an adventure with her friends. She would like to be an editor after graduating, and is excited to see how she can manifest her creative spirit into CIRCUIT over the next few years.

Caitlin King MARKETING AND PUBLICITY Major: International Business Minor: Accounting 2nd Year Caitlin enjoys art, photography, and hiking. She is able to implement her creativity into CIRCUIT, as one of their marketing leads. As a first year, she is ecstatic to see how CIRCUIT grows in the next couple of years. 22 Meet the staff

Samantha Mah WRITER 3rd Year International Studies, Emphasis in Literature Sam is an avid writer and artist, and is excited to be writing with her fellow talented staff members on the ERC Circuit. On the weekends, you can find her writing comic books, researching random historical facts, and watching sci-fi movies on the weekend.

Lara Sanli COPY EDITOR Major: International Studies-Political Science Minor: Dance 2nd Year Lara is excited to be on the Circuit staff to further develop her copy editing skills. She enjoys reading, writing, and dancing in her spare time. 42

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