Hungarian Refugee Policy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Hungarian Refugee Policy THE INFLUENCE OF INTERNATIONAL NORMS AND INSTITUTIONS ON HUNGARIAN REFUGEE POLICY by NATALE ZEND, B.A. Hom. A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Norman Paterson School of International Mairs Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario June 2, 1997 O copyright i 997, Natalie Zend National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*I of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 OttawaON KIA ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la fome de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts kom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. automation. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the intemationalization of Hungarian refugee policy between 1987 and 1996. At the international levei, the United Nations-based refugee regime, which focuses on refbgee protection and assistance, is gradually being undermined by an ernerging European refbgee regime that treats refugees as a secunty threat. The analysis suggests that Hungary's policy has shifted in a similar direction. This development results from the changing convergences of international infiuences and domestic imperatives related to nationalism and Hungary's place in the world. The argument is supponed by discussion of the interplay of international and national objectives and institutions, and their effect on the state's choice of policy instruments. Drawing upon policy analysis Literature and regime theory, the audy takes an historical approach, relying heavily on pnmary sources. It concludes that the policy change signifies a shifking of the refugee burden to less capable States, with a- corresponding erosion of refbgee protection. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank my academic supervisor, NPSIA professor Bnan Tomlin, for his insightfiil critiques; Professor David Long, for his helpful suggestions; and my advisor, Professor Magda Opalski of the Centre for East European and Russian Area Studies, for her encouragement and inteiiectual companionship. Thanks also to the many Hungaiian officiais, NGO staffand academics who shared information and experiences and plied me with research matenals. In particular, 1 would iike to express my gratitude to the foilowing: Bo1dizsi.r Nagy, Professor of International Law, EOtv6s Lorind University, and Endre Sik, Research Feilow at the Innitute of Political Sciences of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, for their invaluable guidance and research assistance; Philippe Labreveux and his stafFat the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Branch Office for Hungary, for donating so generously of their time and views; and Gabriella Szikrhé-Véghseo, of the Hungarian Office for Refûgee and Migration Mairs, for facilitating my access to govemment sources. For financial assistance, 1am indebted to Carleton International, for financing my field trip to Hungary, and to University College (University of Toronto), Carleton University, and the Department of National Defense, for fûnding my graduate studies. Special thanks to Janine Zend, my mother, for her boundless concem and support, to Connne McDonald, for keeping me Company through it dl7 and to Mark Helsing, for seeing me to the finish line. 1am especially grateful to Craig Urquhart, who helped me through the entire process in every imaginable way. To the statfat COSTI Reception Centre in Toronto, especially Colette Murphy, Carolina Gajardo, and Gina Filippi, thanks for the inspiration. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page .. ACCEPTANCE SEET 11 ..* AB STRACT 111 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv TABLE OF CONTENTS v LIST OF TABLES vii LIST OF FIGURES vii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION CONTEXT -ANDANALYTTCAL FRAMEWORK Context Framework and Research Questions Hypothesis METHODOLOGY AND SOURCES CONCEPTS AND OBSERVATIONS The International Refbgee Regime The Emerging Western Euro pean Asylum Regime TKESIS STRUCTURE CaAPTER TWO: TEE INTERPLAY OF INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES AND DOMESTIC IMPERATIVES REGIME IDEAS AND STATE OBJECWS HUNGARIAN REFLJGEE POLICY, PHASE 1 (1987-1991) A Humanitarian Approach in the Spirit of the International Refugee Regime The Aspirations Which Led to the Adoption of this Approach 1) Hungary to 'Y&" West 2) Nationalim: Thc Politics of inclusion HUNGARIAN REFUGEE POLICY,PHASE II (1 99 1- 1996) A Changed Context for Policy 1) Nationaiism: Ihe Polilics o/ficiusio~n 2) Hzingq 20 Joirz European Union The Securitization of Refugees in the Spirit of the European Refugee Regime 1) Non-ethitic Hungarzan Refugees as a Threat IO the Host Country 's Crrlrural Identity 2) Reficges us a Sociol and Economic Burden 3) Refgees as CriminuIs 1) Refugees as a Source of I~bilzty CHAPTER THREE: RELATIONS BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS RELATIONS BETWEEN THE HIiNGARIAN STATE AND UNHCR Enforcernent Activities Implementation Activities Promotion Activities Impact of UMICR on Hungarian Refugee Policy RELATIONS BETWEEN THE STATE AND WESTERN EUROPE The "Carrot": The Prospect of Joining the European Union The "Stick": The Threat of Becoming Europe's "Dumping Ground" Increased Cooperation on Migration and RefÙgee Main RELATIONS BETWEEN THE STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY 1987- 1989: NGOs and Govemment in a Pluralist Policy Network 1990- 1996: NGOs and Govemment as ParaIlel Actors CHAPTER FOUR: IMPACT ON POLICY OUTCOMES CONVENTION REFUGEE STATUS The Legal Definition of the Term "Refugee" in Hungarian Law The Convention Refugee Status Determination Procedure TEMPORARY PROTECTION CONTROL OF ILLEGAL MIGRATION CHAPTER Fm:CONCLUSION APPENDIX 1: LIST OF PERSONAL INTERVIEWS LIST OF TABLES TABLE DESCRIPTION PAGE 1 1989 Public responses to the question: Which groups would you 35 prefer for reception? Registered illegai border crossings into and out of Hungary, IWO- 47 June 1996 Seleaed other registered illegal border activities, 1990-June 1996 47 Registered Illegal Border Crossings and Attempts of Foreign 48 Nationals by Citizenship, 1990-Apnl 1994 Government expenditures on refugees and ternporady protected 67 persons, 1988-1995 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE DESCRIPTION PAGE 1 The change of attitudes of Hungarian citizens toward ethnic 41 Hungarian refùgees from Transylvania 2 Change in the numbers of registered refugees and asylum-seekers 44 in Hungary, 1988-1994 3 Refugee amivals by ethnicity, 1991 - 1995 111 4 Temporarily Protected Persons by ethnicity, 1991 - 1995 111 5 Convention Refugees by ethnicity, 1991 - 1995 11 1 vii CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION CONTEXT AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK Con test The collapse of the Iron Curtain has brought profound and wide-ranging change to the countries of East-Central Europe. For Hungary and its neighbours, it has rneant a fundamental restmcturing of economic and political systems, shaped by a rupture with the Eastern-oriented Communist past and a rapid opening to international Western dorninated influences. Until 1989, Hungary had been largely isolated econornicaily, politically, and cuituraily from the Westem world. From that year 04 it was suddenly and extensively afFected by the forces of globalization. These have becorne increasingly pervasive in the last fifieen years in the non-Communist world: the accelerating international integration of markets, the opening of economic borders, faster and tighter global transportation and communications links, and greater interdependence among nations for handling a growing array of transnational issues. These changes in the overall conditions in which govemments function have led to the "internationdization" of the public policy process over that period in Westem countnes, and over the past seven or eight years in the former East Bloc. This intemationalization is the "process by which various aspects of policy or policy making are influenced by factors outside national territorial boundaries". ' Forces outside the borders of the individual state, such as intemationd financial institutions, transnational corporations, banks, and multilaterai institutions and fora and international non- govenimental networks, increasingly exert iduences on govemmental policy. This has been documented by the recentiy published Border Crossings: The InternationaIization of Cmadim Public Policy, in which a number of authors examine a range of Canadian policy fields fiom banking and investment to agiculture, foreign afFairs and welfare.* The present thesis proposes to extend this discussion to a post-Cornmunist country, Hungary, by examining the evolution of Hungarian policy-making in the area of migration and refùgees from 1988 to 1 996. Until 1987, Hungarian refugee policy had been largely unafTected by international noms or institutions. In faa, it would be an exaggeration to daim that Hungary even had a refugee policy, as understood in the international arena, at all. It had been essentially a source of emigrants fleeing the
Recommended publications
  • HUNGARIAN STUDIES 19. No. 1. Nemzetközi Magyar Filológiai
    ET IN HUNGÁRIA EGO: TRIANON, REVISIONISM AND THE JOURNAL MAGYAR SZEMLE (1927-1944) MATTHEW CAPLES Indiana University, Bloomington, IN USA The journal Magyar Szemle (1927-1944), founded by Prime Minister István Bethlen and edited by the historian Gyula Szekfïï, was the primary forum for the dis­ cussion of the revision of the Treaty of Trianon and the situation of the Hungarian minorities in the neighboring states. Rejecting all proposals for border revision on an ethnic basis, the journal espoused integral revisionism, or the restoration of the his­ torical Kingdom of Hungary. The periodical's own position on revision is best illus­ trated by the "New Hungária" essays of the legal scholar László Ottlik, published between 1928 and 1940, which hoped to win back the former national minorities through promises of wide-ranging autonomy within a re-established Greater Hun­ gary. Keywords: Trianon, Revisionism, Irredentism, Magyar Szemle, Hungarian minori­ ties I. Introduction Magyar Szemle (Hungarian Review, 1927-1944) was the conservative journal par excellence and one of the outstanding periodicals of interwar Hungary. In­ spired by Prime Minister István Bethlen ( 1874-1946)l and for many years edited by the prominent historian Gyula Szekfïï (1883-1955), the journal represented the most significant gathering of conservative intellectuals to be found during the pe­ riod of Admiral Miklós Horthy's regency (1920-1944). In the wide variety of the topics it covered as well as the quality of its writing, Magyar Szemle far surpassed other conservative journals of the day. In addition to essays on history, literature, art, culture, education, politics, economics and social issues, the journal focused on the pressing questions of Hungarian foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia
    Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct.
    [Show full text]
  • The Extreme Right in Contemporary Romania
    INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Contemporary Romania RADU CINPOEª October 2012 n In contrast to the recent past of the country, there is a low presence of extreme right groups in the electoral competition of today’s Romania. A visible surge in the politi- cal success of such parties in the upcoming parliamentary elections of December 2012 seems to be unlikely. This signals a difference from the current trend in other European countries, but there is still potential for the growth of extremism in Roma- nia aligning it with the general direction in Europe. n Racist, discriminatory and intolerant attitudes are present within society. Casual intol- erance is widespread and racist or discriminatory statements often go unpunished. In the absence of a desire by politicians to lead by example, it is left to civil society organisations to pursue an educative agenda without much state-driven support. n Several prominent members of extreme right parties found refuge in other political forces in the last years. These cases of party migration make it hard to believe that the extreme views held by some of these ex-leaders of right-wing extremism have not found support in the political parties where they currently operate. The fact that some of these individuals manage to rally electoral support may in fact suggest that this happens precisely because of their original views and attitudes, rather than in spite of them. RADU CINPOEª | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN CONTEMPORARY ROMANIA Contents 1. Introduction. 3 2. Extreme Right Actors ...................................................4 2.1 The Greater Romania Party ..............................................4 2.2 The New Generation Party – Christian Democratic (PNG-CD) .....................6 2.3 The Party »Everything for the Country« (TPŢ) ................................7 2.4 The New Right (ND) Movement and the Nationalist Party .......................8 2.5 The Influence of the Romanian Orthodox Church on the Extreme Right Discourse .....8 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Balance
    CENTRE INTERNATIONAL DE FORMATION EUROPEENNE INSTITUT EUROPEEN DES HAUTES ETUDES INTERNATIONALES Academic Year 2005 – 2006 Politics of Balance The Conjuncture of Ethnic Party Formation and Development in Romania and Bulgaria Lilla Balázs M.A. Thesis in Advanced European and International Studies Academic Supervisor MATTHIAS WAECHTER Director of the DHEEI Nice, June 2006 1 Contents 1. Introduction 2. The Emergence of the Two Ethnic Parties 2.1. The Birth of New Nation States 2.2. Romania: Revolution and the “Morning After” 2.2.1. Timisoara and the Fall of Ceausescu 2.2.2. The “Morning After” and Formation of the DAHR 2.3. Bulgaria: Revolution and the “Morning After” 2.3.1. The Fall of Zhivkov 2.3.2. The “Morning After” and Formation of the MRF 3. Politics of Balance: the Two Parties at a Closer Look 3.1. The DAHR and the MRF: Two Ethnic Parties in Context 3.1.1. Ethnic Parties 3.1.2. The Context of Minority Ethnic Parties 3.2. The DAHR and its Context 3.2.1. The DAHR—Ethnic Organization in National Politics 3.2.2. The DAHR in Context 3.3. The MRF and its Context 2 3.3.1. The MRF—Ethnic Party of a National Type 3.3.2. The MRF in Context 3.4. Ethnic Party Politics: Politics of Balance 4. The Dynamic of Ethnic Party Politics in Romania and Bulgaria 4.1. The DAHR and Political Developments in Romania 4.1.1. Radicalism and Isolation: 1992-1996 4.1.2. Electoral Revolution and Participation: 1996-2000 4.1.3.
    [Show full text]
  • Misperception and Ethnic Conflict: Transylvania's Societal Security Dilemma
    Review of International Studies (2002), 28, 57–74 Copyright © British International Studies Association Misperception and ethnic conflict: Transylvania’s societal security dilemma PAUL ROE Abstract. This article proposes that instances of ethnic violence can profitably be viewed through the concept of a societal security dilemma. It begins by arguing that the explanatory value of the security dilemma might be enhanced by shifting the focus of the concept away from its traditional concern with state sovereignty to an emphasis on ethnic identity instead. This is proposed through combining the security dilemma with the Copenhagen School’s notion of societal security. In this way, the article claims that the resultant societal security dilemma is able to capture certain dynamics between ethnic groups that its traditional variant necessarily misses. The article then goes on to show how ethnic violence between Hungarians and Romanians in the Transylvanian city of Tirgu Mures can be partly explained by the societal security dilemma concept. It argues that many Romanians were mobilized on the basis of the misperception that Hungarian societal security requirements necessarily threatened their own identity. The article concludes that misperceptions on both sides were enabled by the weakness of the Romanian State; that insufficient mechanisms existed for the clear, unambiguous signalling of intentions. Introduction On 19 March 1990 in the Transylvanian city of Tirgu Mures, ethnic violence broke out between Romanians and Hungarians. Clashes in the city between the two groups lasted for three days.1 What many Hungarians came to refer to as the ‘pogrom of Tirgu Mures’ was Romania’s worst outbreak of ethnic violence since the Second World War.
    [Show full text]
  • Dilemmas of Diversity After the Cold War: Analyses of “Cultural Difference” by U.S
    Kennan Institute DILEMMAS OF DIVERSITY AFTER THE COLD WAR: Analyses of “Cultural Difference” by U.S. and Russia-Based Scholars Edited by Michele Rivkin-Fish and Elena Trubina DILEMMAS OF DIVERSITY AFTER THE COLD WAR: Analyses of “Cultural Difference” by U.S. and Russia-Based Scholars By Michele Rivkin-Fish and Elena Trubina WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR ScHOLARS The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to com- memorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals con- cerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan in- stitution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establish- es and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly a nd home of Wood row Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television, and the monthly news- letter “Centerpoint.” For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae, 3
    THOMAS AMBROSIO North Dakota State University Department of Criminal Justice & Political Science NDSU Dept. 2315 Putnam 102D P.O. Box 6050 FarGo, ND 58108-6050 (701) 231-7097 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: https://WWW.ndsu.edu/faculty/ambrosio/ EDUCATION University of Virginia Ph.D. in ForeiGn Affairs, January 2000. Dissertation: “Irredentism: Ethnic Conflict and International Politics.” Major Fields: Comparative Politics and International Relations. M.A. in ForeiGn Affairs, May 1996. Thesis: “The Federation of Bosnia and HerceGovina.” Trenton State College (The College of New Jersey) B.A., Political Science (Public Administration) and Philosophy, May 1993. Magna Cum Laude ACADEMIC POSITIONS North Dakota State University Department Head, Criminal Justice and Political Science (F2019-Sm2020) Professor With Tenure (F2013-present) Director, International Studies Major (F2009-Sm 2014) Associate Professor With Tenure (F2006-Sp2013) Assistant Professor (F2000-Sp2006) Georgian Institute of Public Affairs (Tbilisi, Republic of GeorGia) Lecturer (Sm 2010) Western Kentucky University Assistant Professor (F1999-Sp2000) University of Virginia Instructor (Sm1997-Sm1998) AWARDS Faculty Lectureship, NDSU, 2018. (RecoGnizes sustained professional excellence in teachinG, scholarly achievement, and service amonG current faculty at NDSU.) Phi Kappa Phi Faculty Lectureship Finalist, NDSU, 2017. (Nominated for research activities.) OutstandinG Service AWard, ColleGe of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, NDSU, 2017. (AWarded for service activities.) Apple Polisher AWard, Bison Ambassadors, 2017. (Student orGanization award for teachinG.) OutstandinG Educator, ColleGe of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, NDSU, 2011. (AWarded in recoGnition for all three areas of the University’s mission: teachinG, research, and service.) OutstandinG Research AWard, ColleGe of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, NDSU, 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • Hungarian-Romanian Relations: Assessing Prospects for Cooperation and Conflict
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1994-12 Hungarian-Romanian relations: assessing prospects for cooperation and conflict Rodgers, Joel E. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42858 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA f)FrfiC ELECTEt MAY 0 2 1995 F THESIS HUNGARIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS: ASSESSING PROSPECTS FOR COOPERATION AND CONFLICT By Joel E. Rodgers December 1994 Thesis Advisor: DavidS. Yost Approv.ed for public release; distribution is unlimited. 19950501 022 - ----------------------------------- Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE OMB No. 0704.0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, inducting the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, inducting suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washingon headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Sutte 1204, Ar1ington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704 0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave ,2.REPORT DATE ,3.REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED blank) December 1994 Master's Thesis 4.TITLE AND SUBTITLE HUNGARIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS: ASSESSING S.FUNDING NUMBERS PROSPECTS FOR COOPERATION AND CONFLICT 6.AUTHOR(S) Joel E. Rodgers ?.PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) &.PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey CA 93943-5000 9.SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 1 O.SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11.SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • CENTRAL EURASIAN STUDIES REVIEW (CESR) Is a Publication of the Central Eurasian Studies Society (CESS)
    The CENTRAL EURASIAN STUDIES REVIEW (CESR) is a publication of the Central Eurasian Studies Society (CESS). CESR is a scholarly review of research, resources, events, publications and developments in scholarship and teaching on Central Eurasia. The Review appears two times annually (Winter and Summer) beginning with Volume 4 (2005) and is distributed free of charge to dues paying members of CESS. It is available by subscription at a rate of $50 per year to institutions within North America and $65 outside North America. The Review is also available to all interested readers via the web. Guidelines for Contributors are available via the web at http://www.cesr-cess.org/CESR_contribution.html. As of issue 6-1, CESS will move to an all on-line format. For more information, see the above-mentioned website. CENTRAL EURASIAN STUDIES REVIEW Editorial Board Chief Editor: Marianne Kamp (Laramie, WY, USA) Section Editors: Perspectives: Robert M. Cutler (Ottawa/Montreal, Canada) Research Reports: Jamilya Ukudeeva (Aptos, CA, USA) Reviews: Shoshana Keller (Clinton, NY, USA) Conferences and Lecture Series: Payam Foroughi (Salt Lake City, UT, USA) Editors-at-Large: Ali İğmen (Long Beach, CA, USA), Morgan Liu (Columbus, OH, USA), Sébastien Peyrouse (Washington, DC, USA) Production Editor: Sada Aksartova (Tokyo, Japan) Web Editor: Paola Raffetta (Buenos Aires, Argentina) Editorial and Production Consultant: John Schoeberlein (Cambridge, MA, USA) Manuscripts and other editorial correspondence (letters to the editors, formal responses to CESR articles, etc.) and inquiries about advertising in CESR should be addressed to: Dr. Virginia Martin, [email protected]. Please consult our new website at http://www.cesr-cess.org for other information, including new contact addresses and guidelines for contributors.
    [Show full text]
  • Hungarian Boy Scouts and the Performance of Trauma in Interwar Hungary
    Steven Jobbitt Playing the Part: Hungarian Boy Scouts and the Performance of Trauma in Interwar Hungary Abstract: In 1920, the historic Kingdom of Hungary was dismembered according to the dictates of the Treaty of Trianon. Resulting in the loss of two-thirds of the nation’s pre- World War I territory, and one-third of its prewar population, Trianon has long stood as a symbol for Hungarian suffering and trauma in the twentieth century. Historians of modern Hungary have given much consideration to Trianon, with serious attention being paid to what some have called the Trianon syndrome, or the Trianon trauma. Arguing that interwar Hungarian culture and politics need to be understood in light of the menacing psychological shadow cast by Trianon, a number of historians have suggested that the people of Hungary were traumatized spontaneously and universally by the dismemberment of the nation and the suffering that followed. This paper argues that, though this may indeed have been the case on a raw emotional level, careful consideration needs to be given to the overlapping political and pedagogical functions of the Trianon trauma, especially as this trauma found expression in repeated public “performances” of the Trianon tragedy. Focusing on the revisionist performances of Hungarian boy scouts between the wars, and in particular on the personal papers of the Hungarian geographer and boy scout leader Ferenc Fodor, this paper draws a direct link between trauma and performance in the interwar period, and argues that, though trauma was indeed central to Hungarian cultural politics, it functioned as much as a pedagogical strategy as it did a psychological reality.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ups and Downs of Lrredentism: the Case of Turkey JACOB M
    CHAPTER6 The Ups and Downs of lrredentism: The Case of Turkey JACOB M. LANDAU According to a document I discovered in Istanbul 1 (to be published elsewhere), the Ottoman Sultan Mahmut I issued an important imperial order on December 20, 1745, commanding cavalry officers to ready their troops to proceed to Kars for a war against Persia. The reasons given for the decision to fight Persia were as follows: (1) to defend the true faith from heresy; (2) to protect the Ottoman Empire from the evil designs of Persia's ruler, Nadir Shah; and (3) to redeem Azerbayjan. Although the redeeming of Azerbayjan was only third on the list, following the religious and military arguments, it is noteworthy. Not surprisingly, Azerbayjan had been part of the Ottoman Empire, and the majority of its inhabitants spoke Turkish (as they stili do). Although Mahmut I could hardly have reasoned in irredentist te rm s 240 years ago (if he had, he would probably have argued that the Azerbayjanis were Turks !), one m ay perceive the seeds of future irredentist thinking in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey insofar as redeeming territories was concemed. I would tentatively define irredentism as "an ideological or organi­ zational expressian ofpassionate interest in the well-being of an ethnic or cultural minority living outside the boundaries of the states inhab­ ited by the same group." However, moderate expressions of interest or defending a group from discrimination or assimHation may not be irredentist phenomena at all; bence a more adequate definition of irredentism may be "extreme expressions, ideological or organizational, aiming atjoining oruniting (i.e., annexing) territories that the ethnic or cultural minority group inhabits or has inhabited at some histoncal date." Nevertheless, one ought also to accord brief attention to the moderate expressions (for example, in the cultural domain), as they m ay well le ad to the extreme one s.
    [Show full text]
  • Romanian Banat, 1918–1935
    SCHWABEN, BANATER, DEUTSCHE: FORMULATING GERMANNESS IN THE GREATER ROMANIAN BANAT, 1918–1935 By Christopher Wendt Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Balázs Trencsényi Second Reader: Jan Hennings CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 Abstract In this thesis I examine the process by which leaders of an ethnic German minority community, the Banat Swabians, came to promote different conceptions of “Germanness” during the interwar period in the state of Greater Romania. I ask how Swabian leaders conceived of and transmitted conceptions of belonging and affiliation to the wider German-speaking community from the last days of the First World War, when the Banat became dislodged from Austria-Hungary, until 1935, when the local German-Swabian political leadership was incorporated into the newly transformed National Socialist umbrella organization of ethnic Germans in Romania. Using a source base primarily composed of local press and contemporary publications, I examine the fluctuation between consensus and disagreement over what “being German” in the Banat meant, and how different components—a connection to a wider German cultural community, Catholic faith, regional rootedness, and ethnicity—were often emphasized to different degrees, at different times, by different groups. The argument that I ultimately advance regarding the form of “Germanness promoted by Swabian leaders in the Banat rests on a perceived link between “the political” and “the cultural.” Driven by political necessity, Swabian leaders—many of whom before the war had bought into the Hungarian nation-state project—quickly came to espouse a Germanness rooted in an ethno-cultural sense.
    [Show full text]