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Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia

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Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct. It builds critically on Donald Horowitz’s theory of irredentism (1985;1991) which, like many studies of ethno-nationalism, underperforms due to a bias towards rationalism, materialism and individualism. The present study improves explanatory value by identifying three further variables that tackle ethno-territorial retrieval on its own terms. It argues that irredentism is primarily determined by shared ethno-national identity and the political system factors that condition its politicisation domestically and internationally. The resulting combined model is applied in two, variable-centred parts. First, it is quantitatively tested on a dataset of irredentism which the thesis collates based on its novel definition of irredentism. Second, the theory is applied in a historic case study of so-called "inconsistent irredentism" (Saideman 1998), i.e. an instance where retrieval was abandoned in an outwardly identical setting and therefore must result from factor change over time. The chosen example is that of the Hungarian irredenta in the interwar period (1920-1940), contrasted with its absence in the post­ communist era (1989-2005). To enhance generalisability, the thesis adds a comparison across space by examining Hungary and not one, but two transborder Magyar minorities (in Southern Slovakia and Transylvania). By offering a comprehensive definition of irredentism this thesis unifies previously disjointed cases for analysis. It avoids a rationalist and materialist bias in favour of what genuinely matters: namely the ethno-national bond and the factors shaping its politicisation. Because this approach does greater justice to ethno-national movements it furnishes a more explicative, generalisable and, potentially, predictive model of irredentism. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis I have been the beneficiary of much kindness and help. Above all, I am indebted to my supervisor Vesselin Dimitrov for his superb intellectual guidance, encouragement and availability. My work benefited enormously from his attention to detail, which even extended to patiently editing indecipherable passages. Brendan O’Leary, who co-supervised my work in the initial years, provided mentoring and inspiration in many ways. Bill Kissane worked selflessly through overlong chapters as my advisor. His crisp, incisive comments were immensely helpful. I also want to acknowledge the help of various sponsors. The Ernest Gellner Memorial Fund enabled my field work in Hungary and Slovakia with a most generous award. A grant from the Financial Support Office at LSE helped lighten the load of tuition fees, as did two consecutive years of Research Studentships from the LSE’s Government Department. I am grateful to Attila Demko and Levente Benko of FIDESZ who provided me with sources, contacts and their own knowledgeable feedback about Hungarian kin state politics. My interviewees from Hungary and Transylvania were kind in giving me their time and important insights. Valentin Mandache has been an excellent collaborator in our project to organise a conference on Transylvania at LSE in March 2001. My friends have been nothing short of wonderful. Shelley Deane and David Raymond (who was ‘watching my back’) have together been my ‘thousandth man’ in Kipling’s sense. Lisa Jennings did something very special for me only she could do. Chico (Francisco) Gaetani and Sascha Steinbeisser have been close and special companions along the way. I still miss Channaugh “Channie” McPhearson-Grant who fed me her delicious meals and cheered me on. Miguel Rosa helped me in an impossibly difficult moment without ever mentioning it again. Years of gym sessions together with Ron Johnstone have helped keep things real. Special thanks go also to Max Wilson-Richmond for 4 working with me on a very different but rewarding, subject. Mary Balthrop, Clare Loughlin-Chow, Elaine Breckenridge and Jeanne Craig at Florida State University’s London Study Centre have made lecturing a pleasure in the very sense of the word. By helping me with all manner of things - small and not so small - they have also enabled me to combine my twin passions of teaching and research. I am grateful to my family for their support. My late father’s pride in me and my project took on a special meaning. My mother brought home the fundamental power of kinship. Annemarie, my sister, and her husband Aleksandar reminded me of the funny aspects of it all. Raphael, your belief in me has been staunch and unwavering. Thank you for your precious love, your sense of humour and wonderful loyalty. You have taught me so much. My greatest debt, however, is to Nora Galli de’ Paratesi and James Walston, for their love, reassurance, cheerful encouragement and - though they may not know it - for being inspiring examples. In order to support me with this project they have done everything imaginable, and sometimes even more. Their unconditional, calm and reliable backing has meant the world to me. I dedicate this thesis to my grandparents Gyorgy Matyas Fuzesi and Rebeka “Gabi” Fuzesi (nee Galambos). 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF MAPS 12 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES 13 ACRONYMS 14 INTRODUCTION 16 On the stuff World Wars are made of 16 Badly defined, badly explained: the lack of “irredentism theory” 18 Case study: the Hungarian irredenta 23 Concept formation and constructive theory-building: towards an explanation of irredentism 27 1. DEFINING IRREDENTISM 34 1.1 Introduction 34 1.2 Irredentism as a concept 35 1.2.1 Differentiation - “irredentism” has two faces 36 1.2.2 Conventional irredentism defined: actors and features 39 1.3 Filling in the gaps: the characteristics of ethno-territorial retrieval (based on Dataset 1) 48 1.3.1 The global incidence of irredentism over time and space 49 1.3.2 Success and failure: how did irredentism fare over two centuries? 54 1.3.3. Irredentist strategies and counter-strategies 57 1.4 What irredentism is consequently not and why 64 1.4.1 Irredentism versus state-expansion 64 1.4.2 Retrieval as mere diversionary war 65 1.4.3 Retrieval versus diaspora politics 66 1.4.4 Irredentism and other forms of self-determination 66 6 1.5 Conclusion: making sense of it all 67 1.5.1 Categorising retrieval 67 1.5.2 The dangers of irredentism 69 2. COMPARATIVE HYPOTHESIS TESTING OF IRREDENTIST VARIABLES 71 2.1 Introduction 71 2.2 How not to do it - earlier attempts to statistically test irredentist factors 72 2.3 Dataset 2: limitations and methodology 76 2.3.1 Problems of quantification and how they are dealt with 76 2.3.2 The methods employed 79 2.4 Which factors help explain irredentas? Comparative hypothesis testing (chi-square test for independence) 80 2.4.1 Breakdown of variables into component tenets 80 2.4.2 Relative statistical significance of Factors: outcomes 86 2.5 Conclusion: what explains irredentism so far? 90 3. MUCH PAIN, LITTLE GAIN: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF IRREDENTISM 92 3.1 Introduction: materialism, rationality and ethno-nationalism 92 3.1.1 Horowitz’s model and the political economy of irredentism 93 3.1.2 The (poor) economic rationale of irredentism 94 3.2 Hungary’s considerations then and now 95 3.2.1 Parent state irredentism between the wars: a discussion in general comparative terms 96 3.2.2 Ideology over figures: the comparative dis/advantages of interwar retrieval 98 3.2.3 Is retrieval really any less profitable today? 104 3.3 Economic considerations of minority Magyars 107 3.3.1 Interwar minority irredentism: a discussion in general terms 108 3.3.2 Comparative dis/advantages in the interwar period 110 7 3.3.3 Comparative
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