The Political Context of Eu Accession in Hungary
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Fundamental Law of Hungary (As in Force on 29 June 2018) This Document Has Been Produced for Informational Purposes Only
The Fundamental Law of Hungary (as in force on 29 June 2018) This document has been produced for informational purposes only. THE FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF HUNGARY English translation of the consolidated version of the Fundamental Law of Hungary incorporating: - the First Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Second Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Third Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Fifth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Sixth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Seventh Amendment to the Fundamental Law, as in force on 29 June 2018 Ministry of Justice 2017 (contact: [email protected]) 1 The Fundamental Law of Hungary (as in force on 29 June 2018) This document has been produced for informational purposes only. The Fundamental Law of Hungary (25 April 2011) God bless the Hungarians NATIONAL AVOWAL WE, THE MEMBERS OF THE HUNGARIAN NATION, at the beginning of the new millennium, with a sense of responsibility for every Hungarian, hereby proclaim the following: We are proud that our king Saint Stephen built the Hungarian State on solid ground and made our country a part of Christian Europe one thousand years ago. We are proud of our forebears who fought for the survival, freedom and independence of our country. We are proud of the outstanding intellectual achievements of the Hungarian people. We are proud that our nation has over the centuries defended Europe in a series of struggles and enriched Europe’s common values with its talent and diligence. We recognise the role of Christianity in preserving nationhood. -
Hungary Since 1989
C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/578174/WORKINGFOLDER/RME/9780521888103C10.3D 204 [204–232] 10.10.2009 6:02PM 10 Hungary since 1989 ANDRÁS BOZÓKI AND ESZTER SIMON Located in East-Central Europe, Hungary has often found itself at a crossroads of political influences of greater powers as well as of different cultures. Although Hungary enjoyed independence for centuries in its early history, the experience of foreign domination over the last five centuries is one of the defining features of Hungarian public consciousness. Most notably, Hungary was under the control of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, the Habsburgs in the eighteenth, nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, and the Soviet Union from 1945 until the regime change in 1989. Therefore, Hungarians had to master the techniques of survival under foreign domination.1 They learned how to operate informally, under and within formal, rigid rules, which represented the interests of the dominant foreign power. Nonetheless, during its twentieth-century history, Hungary made some genuine albeit short-lived attempts to achieve democracy. First, there was the brief liberal-democratic government of Count Mihály Károlyi in late 1918. A second attempt was made during the semi-democratic coalition government between 1945 and 1947. Finally, Hungary operated as a democracy for twelve remarkable days during the anti-totalitarian revolution of October 1956. The Hungarian revolution was internally successful but was crushed by the inter- vention of the Soviet Red Army. These shining moments of recent Hungarian history cannot hide the fact that throughout the twentieth century Hungary enjoyed democracy for one decade only, the 1990s. -
The Future of European Education: a Political Strategy & Four Action Areas
Eur J Futures Res (2014) 2:49 DOI 10.1007/s40309-014-0049-2 ORIGINAL ARTICLE The future of European education: A political strategy & four action areas Alfonso Diestro Fernández Received: 15 October 2014 /Accepted: 17 November 2014 /Published online: 16 December 2014 # The Author(s) 2014. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract The European integration project is confronting Introduction one of the greatest challenges in its recent history. The pro- found current financial crisis is jeopardising both trust in the Nobody can now ignore that Europe is currently facing a huge process of integration and the support of European Union predicament; this obliges Europe to reinvent itself once again citizens. This paper aims to show the need to find transversal if the region wishes to realise the original aspirations that solutions to the immediate and future challenges that the motivated the current project of building and integrating Eu- European integration project faces. These solutions could rope, establishing a closer union between its peoples and its emerge from the retrieval of the idea of including a European regions. In the present context, characterised by the econom- Dimension in Education, as a joint political strategy of the ical crisis, the political programmes of only one way and the European Union and the Council of Europe, given that two political disaffection of the citizens with the European project, separate, but convergent, trends have been identified. Special it is a matter of urgency to find new proposals, also for importance will be placed on the four action points that the educational politics, across a new process of deliberation European dimension could adopt (curricular and teaching between institutions and Members States. -
Preventing the Spread of Violent Nationalism
ODUMUNC 2019 Issue Brief UN Security Council Addressing the Spread of Violent Nationalism ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction on international cooperation but differentiation, deliberately choosing conflict over consensus. The rising global appeal of nationalism is a The difficulty comes because of the great public challenge to the ability of the United Nations to appeal of nationalism. Emphasizing the solve problems. When Member States choose uniqueness and superiority of each nation, polices based on national superiority instead of nationalism often is the easiest way to unite the global cooperation, the UN loses the consensus largest number of people in a country’s borders. it requires to act effectively. Yet a growing It has enormous appeal to rising leaders in number of leaders find the political rewards of democracies especially, but also can be useful enhancing nationalism hard to resist. With for leaders of authoritarian governments, stronger nationalism comes a not just less ability seeking a way to enhance the legitimacy of their to solve international problems, but greater risk power. In every case, nationalism often is the of conflict and war. For the UN Security easiest way to strengthen a government, to win Council, coping with the rise of nationalism may elections and unify an electoral majority of the be essential to remaining relevant and effective. people. But it is possible? Nationalism has the advantage of unifying most The nationalism problem raises s fundamental or many of the people in a territory, making difficulties for the UN. The United Nations is them willing to sacrifice together on behalf of based on conflicting principles. -
2021 Year Ahead
2021 YEAR AHEAD Claudio Brocado Anthony Brocado January 29, 2021 1 2020 turned out to be quite unusual. What may the year ahead and beyond bring? As the year got started, the consensus was that a strong 2019 for equities would be followed by a positive first half, after which meaningful volatility would kick in due to the US presidential election. In the spirit of our prefer- ence for a contrarian stance, we had expected somewhat the opposite: some profit-taking in the first half of 2020, followed by a rally that would result in a positive balance at year-end. But in the way of the markets – which always tend to catch the largest number of participants off guard – we had what some would argue was one of the strangest years in recent memory. 2 2020 turned out to be a very eventful year. The global virus crisis (GVC) brought about by the coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic was something no serious market observer had anticipated as 2020 got started. Volatility had been all but nonexistent early in what we call ‘the new 20s’, which had led us to expect the few remaining volatile asset classes, such as cryptocurrencies, to benefit from the search for more extreme price swings. We had expected volatilities across asset classes to show some convergence. The markets delivered, but not in the direction we had expected. Volatilities surged higher across many assets, with the CBOE volatility index (VIX) reaching some of the highest readings in many years. As it became clear that what was commonly called the novel coronavirus would bring about a pandemic as it spread to the remotest corners of the world at record speeds, the markets feared the worst. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia
Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct. -
January 23, 1980 Report on the Talks of Gyula Horn, Representative of the HSWP CC Foreign Department in the United States and Canada
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 23, 1980 Report on the talks of Gyula Horn, representative of the HSWP CC Foreign Department in The United States and Canada Citation: “Report on the talks of Gyula Horn, representative of the HSWP CC Foreign Department in The United States and Canada,” January 23, 1980, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, National Archives of Hungary (MOL) M-KS 288 f. 5./791.o.e. Translated for CWIHP by Attila Kolontari and Zsofia Zelnik. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113171 Summary: This document provides a summary of the main points covered in a meeting of Hungary, the United States, and Canada. The US expresses concern about the Soviet's offensive in Afghanistan, how it may lead to a preponderance of Soviet power in the region. The US contends it needs to maintain its influence in the Middle East-despite additional Soviet influence-as it is important for raw materials. Original Language: Hungarian Contents: English Translation HUNGARIAN SOCIALIST WORKERS' PARTY TOP SECRET! CENTRAL COMMITTEE Written in 44 copies FOREIGN DEPARTMENT Seen by Comrade András Gyenes Inf/ 1363 BULLETIN /2/ for the members of the Political Committee and the Secretariat CONTENTS: The meetings of the deputy head of the Foreign Department in the United States and Canada. /The record of the Foreign Department/ The meetings of the representative of the Foreign Department in the United States and Canada The record of the Foreign Department Organized by the HSWP Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Comrade Gyula Horn visited Washington, New York and Ottawa as a courier between 7 and 20 January. -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
56 Stories Desire for Freedom and the Uncommon Courage with Which They Tried to Attain It in 56 Stories 1956
For those who bore witness to the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, it had a significant and lasting influence on their lives. The stories in this book tell of their universal 56 Stories desire for freedom and the uncommon courage with which they tried to attain it in 56 Stories 1956. Fifty years after the Revolution, the Hungar- ian American Coalition and Lauer Learning 56 Stories collected these inspiring memoirs from 1956 participants through the Freedom- Fighter56.com oral history website. The eyewitness accounts of this amazing mod- Edith K. Lauer ern-day David vs. Goliath struggle provide Edith Lauer serves as Chair Emerita of the Hun- a special Hungarian-American perspective garian American Coalition, the organization she and pass on the very spirit of the Revolu- helped found in 1991. She led the Coalition’s “56 Stories” is a fascinating collection of testimonies of heroism, efforts to promote NATO expansion, and has incredible courage and sacrifice made by Hungarians who later tion of 1956 to future generations. been a strong advocate for maintaining Hun- became Americans. On the 50th anniversary we must remem- “56 Stories” contains 56 personal testimo- garian education and culture as well as the hu- ber the historical significance of the 1956 Revolution that ex- nials from ’56-ers, nine stories from rela- man rights of 2.5 million Hungarians who live posed the brutality and inhumanity of the Soviets, and led, in due tives of ’56-ers, and a collection of archival in historic national communities in countries course, to freedom for Hungary and an untold number of others. -
On Great Hungary and the Importance of Minor Geopolitical Traditions
On Great Hungary and the importance of minor geopolitical traditions Marco Antonsich Department of Geography Loughborough University Loughborough, Leicestershire LE11 3TU United Kingdom EMAIL: [email protected] Kinga Szalkai Corvinus University of Budapest Doctoral School of International Relations 8 F ővám tér Budapest, 1093 Hungary EMAIL: [email protected] It’s a Monday morning of a hot summer day in Budapest. A well-dressed, old lady climbs the stairs of the Trolley Bus 75, in the centre of Pest. She sits besides another woman, also well-dressed, in her early forties. A polite conversation starts about the hot weather and the catastrophes that it causes. When the younger lady observes that Hungary, in general, has very favourable climate conditions, her interlocutor abruptly replies: “Yes, this is why so many nations envy us!” 1 “Why, is it because we recovered from so many tragedies and catastrophes?” “No, I mean Hungary has always been attacked because our forefather Árpád had a perfect choice with this country. This is why Hungary fought through so many centuries, and this is why many people died and Hungary got divided. This beautiful huge country, just imagine how beautiful it was! [and then] Trianon came” “Mmmmm, mmmm” “And this country is a total disaster since then! They took away what they could […]” More than ninety years have passed since the Treaty of Trianon (1920), which left Hungary with less than a third of its original territory and about 3.3 million ethnic Hungarians living in the neighbouring countries of then Romania, Czechoslovakia, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. -
The Open Society and Its Enemies: an Attack Against CEU, Academic Freedom and the Rule of Law Petra Bárd
No 2017/14, April 2017 The Open Society and Its Enemies: An attack against CEU, academic freedom and the rule of law Petra Bárd Abstract On 4 April 2017, the Hungarian Parliament adopted amendments to the country’s Act CCIV of 2011 on National Higher Education, in an attempt to force the Central European University (CEU) out of the country. The attack on CEU, based in Budapest and accredited by the Middle States Commission on Higher Education, fits into a broader picture of violated academic freedoms and an even broader one of a state in constitutional capture, in which fundamental rights in general are in jeopardy. This paper explores the controversial law, explains its biased nature targeting CEU only, provides possible reasons why the government wishes to shut down Hungary’s most prestigious university, describes how political support for the crusade against CEU was generated by the government, draws lessons to be learned and suggests desirable European responses. The paper argues that the EU’s approach of ‘keeping problem children in the family’ has proved to be dysfunctional in recent years. The argument that EU action to sanction a member state – e.g. by triggering Article 7 TEU – might have the opposite effect or be exploited by those wishing to arouse anti-EU sentiments is not convincing either. Brussels has already been blamed for a plethora of ills, and stepping out of the EU will be on Hungary’s agenda in any event once the country ceases to be a net beneficiary. The government is already paving the way for this move by fostering pro-secession sentiments.